Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Danish service law“

The article discusses police oversight systems. In the Nordic countries, the primary focus of external oversight is on individual accountability, and the article reports on results from an evaluation of the Danish Independent Police Complaints Authority (IPCA), established in 2011. Results show that the vast majority of complaints are not upheld, and that most complainants are dissatisfied with their experience with the system. They find the case processing time too long, they think the Authority is prejudiced in favour of the police, and they do not understand the reasoning behind the decisions. The article argues that disappointment is related to the fact that the IPCA focuses almost exclusively on individual wrongdoing (rarely finding sufficient evidence to take action), whereas complainants seek recognition and wish to hold the police organization accountable. It is suggested that the complaints system should be redirected towards mediation between officers and citizens and include a focus on organizational accountability.

This article explores how international ideals and practices of law enforcement come into conflict with national bureaucracies. Drawing on original interviews, the investigation demonstrates how the competition to define the role of international prosecution impacted career strategies as well as the actual administration of criminal law within the Danish Prosecution Service (DPS). The analysis shows that this competition is embodied in two competing groups of prosecutors situated in a wider national bureaucracy—itself subject to transformations that affect the very stakes of the contest to define the international. While the institutionalists build careers closely attuned to the systemic and increasingly lean-management-inspired requirements of the DPS, the dissident and consequently unsettled position of the activists leads them to craft alternative career strategies closely related to the emergence of new international fields of criminal law.

Abstract The Bill for a Faroese Constitution [StjórnarskipanFøroya] submitted to Parliament [Løgtingið] on 6 March 2010, proposes a comprehensive Constitution for the Faroe Islands, for the first in history. This seems left somewhat on the late side, since the Faroes are an ancient polity with similar historic developments to Norway and Iceland, both of which got their full-bodied constitutions as sub-sovereign entities, in 1814 and 1874 respectively. Furthermore, few metropolitan powers should prima facie be more accommodating to sub-sovereign constitutions as Denmark, to whose Crown the Faroes have been associated, as she has historically recognised both an Icelandic constitution ‘besides’ and both a Common Constitution1 and EU quasifederal2 structure ‘above’ the Danish one. However, the same proud civil service that produced a beautiful construction of federation with the ‘Basic-Law on the Rights of Nationality’ of 1756 with its elaborate hierarchy of ‘Realms and Lands’ and ‘equivalents’ has perplexingly advised rather strongly against the proposed expression of popular sovereignty of the equivalent Nation of one of these Lands and the intended invitation to continue a long-standing peaceful plurality. In a Note of 2 June 2010, and a supplementary Note of 20 June 2011, the Danish Justice Ministry expressed the disgust of the Danish administrative establishment. The critique mostly focused on the supposed collision course with the Basic Law of the Danish Realm [groundless] and claimed that the Faroese Constitution would create considerable ‘doubt of a constitutional character.’ We argue that the issues raised do not follow from any convincing constitutional doctrine but are more ideological and based on an anti-pragmatic, a-historic and fundamentalist view of constitutional law, best categorised as late-late statutory positivism. As an alternative, we suggest the tradition of the Home Rule compact as a pragmatic and constructive disagreement that the Justice Ministry is about to abandon at its peril. Blocking the development of a living constitutional culture on the Faroe Islands will create tension that will be released somehow. The Ministry’s preoccupation with the proclamation that all power stems from the People of the Faroe Islands is at odds with the classic and almost trivial democratic notion of popular sovereignty. However, this is but the latest skirmish in a larger tragic and unnecessary campaign against realism and, indeed, reality that creates all sorts of problems for a small polity that needs to focus on principled solutions and gradual developments of the particulars of law in all fields.

ABSTRACTIn the early 1990s the Danish Ministry of Finance initiated an experiment where a few ministerial departments negotiated performance agreements with their agencies. Since then internal contracting has spread and is now nearly universally used in central government. However, a close study demonstrates that in this process contract content has changed dramatically. The early contracts were quid-pro-quo agreements. Agencies committed themselves to improve efficiency but contracts at the same time admitted them increased managerial discretion. The mature contracts are quite different. Departmental ministries have exploited their considerable autonomy to set demands that are related to policy and service levels rather than internal management. Here ministries have adapted to the characteristics of their policy tasks and to the presumed concerns of the target groups dominating their political environment. Building on an analysis of all contracts in force in 1995, 2000, and 2005 the paper sees this change as a transformation of an ideal type NPM-instrument into a managerial tool adapted to a system where highly autonomous ministers act as unquestioned political executives.

Product-service systems (PSS) enable product-oriented manufacturing companies to differentiate their offerings and become more competitive, while creating more value for customers along with improved economic performance and, in some cases, reduced environmental impact. However, PSS development remains difficult for manufacturing companies due to limited prior knowledge about PSS and the strategic characteristics it entails. To guide the PSS development process, this paper presents a prescriptive approach composed of a tool and a method based on the use of PSS archetypes in the initial development stages of new PSS business models (BM). The proposed tool builds upon three PSS archetypes, combined with 10 factors for assessment of the best suiting archetype. The proposed method and supporting tool guide companies in five steps, from the beginning of a servitisation process to the initial PSS development. Based on an evaluation with a Danish manufacturing company, an improved version of the method and tool was developed and applied with 60 students specialised in PSS development. Results from the evaluation indicate that the method and tool support scoping new PSS BM through the selection and modification of a PSS archetype, encouraging servitisation and PSS development in companies with different levels of PSS experience.

Obituary of Regin PrenterRegin Prenter’s name is chiefly connected with his textbook of dogmatics, which is the most important Danish textbook in that field, and which has been translated into several languages. Beyond that, Prenter’s name is associated with his achievement as a Luther scholar.It is, however, worth maintaining that also Grundtvig’s ’View of the Church’ occupied a prominent position in Prenter’s interpretation of Christianity. Grundtvig’s importance for Prenter did not clash with the fact that in his maturing years as a scholar in the 1930s he was internationally and ecumenically oriented. On the contrary, the inspiration that Prenter received from Karl Barth in Bonn and from Anglican theology (particularly from Michael Ramsey) in Lincoln in 1935 was closely linked to his understanding of Grundtvig.Over a period of 10 years from 1935, Prenter was a clergyman until he became a professor at the newly founded Faculty of Theology of Aarhus University. He abandoned his chair in 1972 when he returned to a clerical office which he held until his retirement.Prenter became increasingly antagonistic towards the leading circles in the Danish national church. In particular, the law about ordination of women roused his indignation; on the whole, his opposition to this law and his own High-Church standpoint in ecclesiastical politics caused him to confront the way of thinking which is traditionally regarded as the church policy inspired by Grundtvig.To Prenter it was entirely unacceptable that the majority in the national church, who claimed to continue the Grundtvig heritage of latitude and spiritual freedom, neglected at the same time what was inextricably associated with Grundtvig as an .old-church. theologian.Prenter’s understanding of the theology of the church service and his understanding of the sacraments may be seen in the light of this conflict, and it should be considered on this background whether Prenter’s theology does not present significant questions for us today.Thus, Prenter’s theology does not deserve to be looked upon as marginal, but should be included in a re-consideration of Danish ecclesiastical and theological tradition as a provocative, but fruitful viewpoint.J.H. Schjørring

This study focused on the complex process of adjustment and adaptation experienced by refugee parents from Eritrea who have settled in Aalborg, Denmark. Migration is a challenge to the sustainability of Nordic gender equality policies, in the face of cultural differences between refugees and host countries. This narrative study undertaken in the Eritrean community in Aalborg, Denmark took place against the background of cultural differences between the refugees and their host country, and Nordic gender equality policies. The study was done through the lens of parenting, to provide Eritrean refugee parents in Aalborg with the opportunity to share their lived experiences of settling in Denmark. The overarching aim of this study was to explore with Eritrean parents how they raise their children in a new country, as well as identifying both the challenges they face and the strengths which they bring to that role through their narratives. It aims to improve the understanding of what is significant to these parents during the process of their adaptation to a new environment. The role of refugees is well-established in their country of origin, but exposure to the Nordic Welfare Model which embraces women as being equal to men, is often problematic for Eritrean female refugees. Increasing cross-cultural knowledge in Denmark, through becoming aware of the lived experiences of the refugees as parents is important, particularly for those involved in social services that engage with this community. The study focused on the nature of challenges faced by Eritrean mothers experienced whilst integrating into Danish society. A semi-structured approach was used to obtain and analyze the data that was collected through interpersonal, qualitative methods in a narrative paradigm. The methodology was informed by initial focus groups meetings. Face-to-face engagement with the parents, utilizing an Eritrean interpreter as an integral part of the research team, was used. This study has highlighted the importance of engaging directly with refugee communities within their existing structures with a willingness to understand their culture. This approach may sit outside traditional research settings and service provision norms, but it informs more targeted, culturally appropriate, and acceptable interventions, which will assist the refugee community to effectively integrate into Danish society. The questions raised indicate an urgent need to recognize the cultural differences between refugees and host countries, and for this purpose to obtain more in-depth studies addressing this poorly examined area.

In 2014, the Danish government launched a plan for health entitled: “Healthier lives for everyone – national goals for the health of Danes within the next 10 years”. The overall objective is to prolong healthy years of life and to reduce inequality in health. In Denmark, the responsibility for health and social care is shared between the central government, the regions and the municipalities. National and local strategies seek to enhance public health through national and local initiatives initiated by different stakeholders. The Danish community pharmacies also contribute to promoting public health through distribution of and counselling on medication in the entire country and through offering several pharmacy services, six of which are fully or partly remunerated on a national level. Because of greater demands from patients, health care professionals and society and a lack of general practitioners, the Danish community pharmacies now have the opportunity to suggest several new functions and services or to extend existing services. The Danish pharmacy law changed in 2015 with the objective to maintain and develop community pharmacies and to achieve increased patient accessibility. The change in the law made it possible for every community pharmacy owner to open a maximum of seven pharmacy branches (apart from the main pharmacy) in a range of 75 km. This change also increased the competition between community pharmacies and consequently the pharmacies are now under financial pressure. On the other hand, each pharmacy may have been given an incentive to develop their specific pharmacy and become the best pharmacy for the patients. Community pharmacies are working to be seen as partners in the health care system. This role is in Denmark increasingly being supported by the government through the remunerated pharmacy services and through contract with municipalities. Concurrent with the extended tasks for the Danish community pharmacies and utilisation of their excellent competencies in medication the community pharmacies need to focus on their main tasks of supplying medicines and implementing services. This requires efficient management, an increased use of technology for distribution and communication and continuing education and training.

AbstractThe Danish Patients’ Rights Act from 1998 was the first comprehensive piece of legislation addressing the basic legal values and principles governing the relation between patient and the health care services. Since the adoption of the Act there has been continuous legislative activity in the field, and the objective of the article is to discuss how recent developments in Danish patients’ rights legislation shall be interpreted in terms of balancing interests of patients towards interests of society and the health care professions.

According to the Strategy for the Development of National Societies in the Eighties, adopted at the International Conference of the Red Cross in Manila in 1981, development is “the process of strengthening the capacity of National Societies to provide Red Cross services based on national resources. It is thus concerned with both the development of National Societies' operational structures and with the development of the services they provide.”

Internationally, clinical forensic medicine (CFM) is diverse in content and conduct, and forensic medical methods are not always evidence based. The first step towards evidence-based practice is to achieve a thorough knowledge of international diversity, which necessitates that CFM practitioners provide information about their national practice. This paper’s aim is to describe the organisation of CFM in Denmark, exemplified by the set-up in Eastern Denmark, and the types of assessments performed. In Denmark, forensic medicine is a board-certified specialty under the health authorities, with mandatory qualifications. The Danish Accreditation Fund accredits the Departments of Forensic Medicine as inspection bodies, according to an international European standard that is approved by Danish Standards. Mainly at police request, forensic doctors perform examinations of both victims and suspected perpetrators of perilous crimes. The examinations’ purposes are documentation and assessment of the findings and collection of biological evidence. The clinical forensic examinations do not include any treatment or medical follow-up. Thus, the forensic doctors must be neutral, objective and impartial. The clinical forensic examinations provide documentation of findings and conclusions not otherwise available for the police investigation and legal aftermath. Moreover, the accredited, standardised protocols ensure that the Departments of Forensic Medicine meet their obligations as inspection bodies, thus ensuring public confidence in the departments’ services.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to improve the understanding of the evolution of marketization in the public sector as a process of institutional change. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on a study of marketization and gradual changes in the involvement of private contractors (as providers of maintenance services) in the municipal road and park sectors in Denmark over the past 30 years. The study draws theoretically on historical institutionalism as an interpretive framework and empirically on findings from earlier research, register data from municipal accounts as well as new survey data. Findings – Marketization within the road and park sectors has historically taken place through gradual changes, in particular by processes of layering and displacement, which has added up to substantial transformations in both sectors. Transformations relate to the levels of private sector involvement, the purpose of using private contractors, the extent of competition and the design of contractual arrangements. The road sector has been a frontrunner in this marketization process, while the park sector increasingly has been “catching up.” Originality/value – The paper contributes to the understanding of the historical development and differential pathways of marketization within the public sector. In particular, the study highlights how pathways of gradual change, spurred by the influx of long-term policy pressures, over time can lead to substantial institutional transformations.

Waqf is an Islamic institution that has its foundations in Islamic legal sources: the Qur'an and the Sunnah. The norms on which waqf rests are established through the process of creation and interpretation of Islamic law by relevant Muslim jurists who set the waqf standards. Waqf played an invaluable role in the development of Muslim society and economy in the territory of the Republic of North Macedonia. In many historical periods, when different state systems in this region were in crisis, the Waqfis took the initiative and supplemented the weaknesses and weakness of the state. This was evident in the fields of religion, education, culture, health, social, economic affairs, etc. It is well known that, under repressive measures in past sociopolitical systems, the Waqf property was confiscated, nationalized and destroyed in various ways. During the reign of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, the Kingdom of the SKS, the Yugoslav Kingdom and the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, over 95% of vacant property was confiscated, nationalized and destroyed in various ways. Throughout history, the waqf has been in the service of Muslims, always maintaining their basic charity and human purpose, their return, on the one hand, will strengthen the context of the rule of law, while on the other, it will promote the positive development of the religious educational and cultural processes of the Islamic community, and will at the service of the population and society. The maximum commitment of the Islamsle community administration in the context of reclaiming waqf property is a good example of both legal and social commitment to alleviate the injustice done to this institution in the previous system.

But : Evaluer l’évolution de la fonction rénale des patientes hospitalisées dans le service de Néphrologie pour insuffisance rénale obstétricale. Patientes et Méthodes : il s’agit d’une étude rétrospective s’étendant du 1er janvier 2010 au 31 décembre 2012 dans le service de Néphrologie du CHU du PG, Mali. L’insuffisance rénale obstétricale était retenue devant toute augmentation de la créatininémie au-delà de 146 μmol/l survenant dans les 3 premiers mois suivant le post partum ou abortum. Résultats : Durant la période d’étude, 28 cas ont été colligés. Les étiologies retrouvées étaient les hémorragies, 14 cas (13 post partum et 1 post abortum), les pré éclampsies/éclampsies, 8 cas, les avortements septiques, 5 cas, la mort in utéro septique et l’insuffisance cardiaque, respectivement 1 cas. L’indication de prise en épuration extra-rénale a été posée chez 19 (67,85%) patientes dont 15 (53,57%) avaient été prises en hémodialyse. L’évolution avait été marquée par 11 cas de récupération totale de la fonction rénale, 6 décès, 5 cas d’abandon de traitement (3 dialysées), Cinq cas d’hémodialyse chronique et un cas de récupération partielle de la fonction rénale. Conclusion : l’insuffisance rénale obstétricale reste une pathologie grave, pouvant entrainer la mort ou une insuffisance rénale d’emblée terminale, d’où l’intérêt des consultations prénatales, des accouchements médicalement assistés voire la légalisation des avortements

The DEFF project, E-learning, Information literacy and Library services, supports the education policy ambition of enhancing links between education and employment. The project consortium includes libraries from all Danish universities, university colleges and one business academy. Timeframe for the project is 2014-16.The project understands employability as:In close cooperation with study programmes libraries will strengthen students’ abilityto perform independently and critically in a professional context by being able to identify, collect, evaluate, organize and present information via digital platforms.A partnership is made between the digital library (partner libraries involved) and the virtual learning environment (educational institutions), based on the above definition of employability. This is done within the framework of Learning Management Systems (LMS) and Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs). The libraries and academic programmes will collaborate to create e-learning objects based on the relevant digital library systems and information resources.Departments from three Danish universities will contribute by strengthening the project participants’ skills in e-didactics and the development of e-learning objects (SDUUP, University of Southern Denmark), developing a range of flexible concepts for the integration of the virtual library into learning environments (IVA, Copenhagen University) and evaluating the project’s activities (E-Learning Lab, Aalborg University).Sustainable results include the training of library staff to work together with academic programmes via the virtual learning environments, the development of flexible concepts for integrating the virtual library with study environments and knowledge on how inputs, created by the project for each study programme, should function.

The Ombudsman as a state institution has the duty to oversee the administration of the state, particularly in public services in order to realize good governance. Therefore the institution is demanded to be independent and impartial to other state institutions. In addition, the presence of the Ombudsman becomes a manifestation of legal protection for the community in the event of maladmnistration conducted by the apparatus/state officials in using their authority. The birth of the Ombudsman is inseparable from history in Scandinavian countries, including in Denmark. The Danish Ombudsman, known as the Folketingets Ombudsmand, has become one of the most important institutions in the state system there. While in Indonesia, its position has received less attention. This difference makes the writer interested to compare it. The approach used in this paper uses a micro-type body of norm approach, which is a legal comparison that uses the Act as the basis for comparison, which is used is Act Number 37 of 2008 concerning the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia compared to the Danish Ombudsman Act. Whereas the legal comparison method uses analytical method. The result of this research is to reconstruct the law in Law Number 37 Year 2008 concerning the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia by adopting from what is in the Danish Ombudsman Act. the hope is that the existence of ORI is so respected and recommendations from ORI are not merely morally binding but are legally binding.Ombudsman sebagai lembaga negara yang memiliki tugas untuk mengawasi dari penyelenggaraan negara, khususnya pada pelayanan publik agar terwujudnya good governence. Oleh karena itu lembaga tersebut dituntut untuk bersifat independen dan tidak memihak kepada lembaga negara lainnya. Selain itu hadirnya Ombudsman menjadi suatu perwujudan perlindungan hukum bagi masyarakat apabila terjadi maladmnistrasi yang dilakukan oleh aparatur/pejabat negara dalam menggunakan kewenangannya. Lahirnya Ombudsman tidak lepas dari sejarah di negara Skandinavia, termasuk di Denmark. Kedudukan Ombudsman Denmark atau dikenal sebagai Folketingets Ombudsmand, lembaga tersebut menjadi salah satu lembaga penting dalam sistem ketatanegaraan disana. Sedangkan di Indonesia keududukannya kurang mendapat perhatian. Perbedaan inilah yang membuat penulis tertarik untuk membandingkannya. Pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan mikro jenis bodies of norm, yaitu perbandingan hukum yang menggunakan Undang-Undang sebagai dasar untuk melakukan perbandingan, yang dipakai adalah Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 2008 tentang Ombudsman Republik Indonesia dibandingkan dengan The Ombudsman Act Denmark. Sedangkan untuk metode perbandingan hukum menggunakan analytical method. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah untuk dilakukan rekonstruksi hukum pada Undang-Undang Nomor 37 Tahun 2008 tentang Ombudsman Republik Indonesia dengan mengadopsi dari apa yang ada di The Ombudsman Act Denmark. harapannya adalah eksistensi ORI begitu disegani dan rekomendasi dari ORI tidak sekadar mengikat secara moral melainkan mengikat secara hukum.

Kirke og menighed i Grundtvigs teologi og kirkepolitik 1806-61[Church and Congregation in Grundtvig’s Theology and Church Politics 1806-61]By Bent ChristensenFrom his 1806 work “Om Religion og Liturgie” (On Religion and Liturgy) and forthe rest of his life, N. F. S. Grundtvig was preoccupied with the substance andthe conditions of the church. In this paper, however, the latest text consideredis the final chapter of his book Den christelige Børnelærdom (Christian Childhood Teachings) (1861).The paper presents and analyses a number of statements showing whatGrundtvig understood by the terms “church” and “congregation” through threemain periods: 1. 1806-25 when Grundtvig by criticizing tried to clear the StateChurch of the Danish absolute monarchy of the current heterodox teachings andpractices. - 2. 1825-32 when Grundtvig had to admit that the battle was lost and that he himself was close to ending up as a separatist - 3. The years after 1832 when Grundtvig developed a freedom strategy based on the right of eachparishioner to choose another vicar or minister than the official incumbent ofthe parish (the so-called “sognebåndsløsning”).“On Religion and Liturgy” (written 1806 and printed 1807) was conceivedunder the State Church of the Danish absolute monarchy, a situation in whichit was not feasible to distinguish between the state and the church, nor betweenpeople and congregation. Grundtvig in his harsh criticism of contemporary clergy, however, was moving in the specific Christian dimension. He strove to change the state of things by criticizing them. In a poem dated 1811 he described in a strongly pentecostal and Apostolic perspective how he experienced his recent ordination and his future clerical calling.In his treatise “Om Kirke, Stat og Skole” (On Church, State and School)(1818-19), Grundtvig endeavoured to define the word and the conception of“church” and to examine the relationship between the church and the state. Heused the word “church” in a very broad sense, whereas he defined the Christian“kirkesamfund” (i.e. the community of Christians within the church) quiteprecisely.In his great poem Nyaars-Morgen (New Year’s Morn) (1824), Grundtvigfor the last time expressed his daring dream of a joint Christian and popular revival in Denmark, and in 1825 in the pamphlet Kirkens Gienmæle (The Church’s Retort) he used his “mageløse opdagelse” (i.e. his “matchless discovery”, as he termed it, that the confession of the Apostles’ Creed at the baptism is the only true basis for the authentic Church) for an attack on a heterodox professor of divinity. Grundtvig’s experiment to enforce true Christianity in this way was a failure. He lost the ensuing libel action brought against him by his victim, thus automatically, according to the Freedom of the Press Act of 1799, incurring life-long censorship.“Skal den Lutherske Reformation virkelig fortsættes?” (Should the LutheranReformation Really Continue?) (1830-31) represents Grundtvig’s last attemptto preserve the state church as a Christian community. From the autumn of 1831 until February 1832 he and his revivalist friends approached a separatist solution. However, the outcome was that on 1 March 1832 Grundtvig was granted permission to officiate in a Copenhagen church as a free preacher.From then on Grundtvig took on a radical freedom strategy. The state churchwas to be preserved as an institution embracing heterodox as well as orthodoxbelievers. This would be possible if the parish-defined obligations were abolished(the possibility of “sognebåndsløsning”) so that those Christians who did not feelconfident with the incumbent of their parish might choose to avail themselvesof the services of another vicar. This model was presented in two papers: OmDaabs-Pagten (On the Baptismal Covenant) (1832) and Den Danske Stats-Kirke upartisk betragtet (An Impartial View of the Danish State Church) (1834).Grundtvig could now, at one and the same time, be an orthodox Christianamong his co-orthodox supporters and engage in realizing the cultural programme presented in the comprehensive Introduction to his Nordens Mythologi (Norse Mythology) (1832). From around 1835 he was seized by strong optimism.In 1861 the final part of Den christelige Børnelærdom was published, subtitled“The Eternal Word of Life from the very Mouth of our Lord to his Congregation”.In it, Grundtvig took as a supposition the most radical version of a freechurch, i.e. one with a congregation of perhaps only a few thousand members.Above all, however, this was meant to legitimate that Grundtvig and his friendsremained in what was now, pursuant to the new Danish democratic constitutionfrom 1849, labeled the Danish People’s Church. With the possibility of secessionfrom the People’s Church, and after the passing in 1855 of the law legalizing“sognebåndsløsning”, there actually might be several good reasons to stay.Grundtvig now viewed the People’s Church as a state institution withroom for anything which could in any way be defined as Christianity, and indeedfor the true congregation of orthodox believers. Things never went so far,however. The 1849 Constitution states that the Evangelical-Lutheran Church is the Danish People’s Church. In practice, however—and to a high degree thanks to Grundtvig—there is a great liberality in the People’s Church, and those who desire so may break their ties to their parish and attach themselves to a minister they trust or even form their own elective congregation within the People’s Church.

roduction. Undernutrition is a major public health problem and has many consequences for the elderly health. Objectives. The purpose of this study was to determine the prevalence of malnutrition in an elderly population hospitalized in the Internal Medicine Service of the University Hospital of Sidi Bel Abbes (western Algeria). Population and methods. This was a cross-sectional study, including patients aged 65 years and older. The evaluation was based on the anthropometric parameters (body weight, height, body mass index (BMI)), serum albumin level, and the score of Mini Nutritional Assessment (MNA) screening. Results. The study included 129 patients, who 49.61% were females. The average age was 75.1±7.5 years. The most common disease was diabetes (51%) followed by hypertension (49%). The average stay length in the hospital was 7.3±3.4 days, and a mean drugs intake of 4.1±1.9 drugs per patient. The average BMI was 23.7±4.8 kg/m2 with an average albumin rate of 34.1±6.7 g/L. The screening tools such as BMI and serum albumin revealed respectively 26.2% and 58.9% of malnourished elderly. The score of MNA screening showed that 51.2% of patients were at risk of malnutrition and 37.2% were malnourished. Conclusion. The nutritional risk and the prevalence of malnutrition for this elderly population are significant and constitute a real public health problem.

Purpose This study aims to (1) examine the mediating effect of strategic orientation on the effect of environmental uncertainties on business performance, and (2) examine the mediating effect of innovations on the effect of environmental uncertainties on performance of the business in the aviation industry in Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach The research design was conducted through a survey, and the testing form was carried out using “Relationship Causal Studies” or a study to analyze the causality among environmental uncertainties, strategic orientation, innovations and performance of branches/stations of airlines in the Indonesian aviation industry. The sample was selected by determining the number of branches/stations of the Indonesian airlines to be selected into the sample, then more than one unit managers were selected as respondents representing their respective branches/stations. The number of the target sample in this study was 250 branches. Techniques used to address the hypotheses of the present study were Descriptive Analysis and Structural Model Analysis. The inferential statistical analysis focuses on the subject of the analysis and data interpretation to draw conclusions. Findings These research findings provide a contextual overview of the aviation industry in Indonesia that activities to make innovations in airline branches play a vital role in encouraging business performance. Moreover, the analysis shows that the more innovative a branch the better its business performance. This corroborates the finding (Spacapan and Bastic, 2007; Talke, 2007) that being highly innovative can ensure sustainable and long-term business performance. Research limitations/implications The findings of this research suggest that innovations mediate the effect of environmental uncertainties on business performance. These findings corroborate the results of previous studies that suitability between strategic orientation and innovations of a company in response to environmental uncertainties will affect performance of the company (Li and Gima, 2001; Manu, 1992). These findings also strengthen the view that companies with a higher level of innovations (innovative) have better business performance and competitive advantages (Kessler and Chakrabarty, 1996; Salavou et al., 2004; Spacapan and Bastic, 2007). Furthermore, based on findings, it can be interpreted that management that is able to overcome barriers to innovations, maximize innovation resources and achieve the target of innovations in the form of creation of better products/services will have better performance. The ability of the management to identify and overcome barriers to innovations and maximize the sources of innovation will generate products or services that can be accepted by the customers and eventually these products and services will be able to compete with better business performance (Blumentritt and Danis, 2006). Practical implications Findings of this research indicate the positive and significant mediating effect between environmental uncertainties on business performance, through the mediation of innovations, competitive conditions of the industrial environment which can encourage organizations to evolutionarily be more innovative in managing business to compete in the long term (Franke, 2007). This is also consistent with the theory of evolutionary economics (Nelson and Winter, 2000) that the old strategy may not suit the changes in the environment, and therefore companies should continue to seek new breakthroughs with persistent improvement and innovations. Social implications Dynamic and competitive conditions of the industrial environment require organizations to more intensively explore sources (capabilities) of innovations and accelerate generation of the innovations (Franke, 2007; Berry et al., 2006; Dobni, 2006; Davila et al., 2006; Spacapan and Bastic, 2007). Contextually, it appears that the competitive conditions of the aviation industry in either the short term or in the long term require business actors to be more innovative and to survive (Franke, 2007). Originality/value Innovations in business models as a new effort in improvisation specific to the business stage of the basic model (not very valuable) become more advanced business processes to produce products that are more valuable for consumers, at a more efficient cost with better profitability (Chesbrough, 2007b). So far, research on the role of innovations in response to environmental uncertainties and implementation of strategies to improve the performance of the environment-strategy-performance (ESP) model is still done partially so that there is no comprehensive model to describe the role of innovations in this ESP model, or let us say that a gap between theories and opportunities to do further research on the role of innovations in the ESP model exists.

Purpose This research aims to examine the moderating effect of strategic orientation on the effect of environmental uncertainties on business performance and the moderating effect of innovations on the effect of environmental uncertainties on performance of the business in the aviation industry in Indonesia. Design/methodology/approach Research data were collected in stages by means of interviews with corporate leaders of Indonesian airlines and branch managers of several airports, as well as with the Directorate of Civil Aviation as the regulator. A pre-test and focus group discussion (FGD) were conducted to directly determine the questionnaire aspects of the research object, following which an immediate revision was made to the questionnaire. The data from the survey used in each variable were obtained from the mail questionnaire survey. The data collected using the survey are the main data used in the present study. Findings The model of environment–strategy–performance (ESP) can work well in improving performance if supported by innovations. These findings deepen the ESP paradigm in the aviation industry (Miles and Snow, 1978; Segev 1987; Covin and Slevin, 1989; Miller and Shamsie, 1996) that during conditions of high environmental uncertainties, strategic orientation, rather than a single response, will be effective if supported by innovations that provide the strategy with flexibility. The initial implications of these modeling results generate the findings that the effect of environmental uncertainties in the aviation industry (classified as strictly regulated) on performance of a company is largely determined by the direction of the strategic orientation and the innovation level. Research limitations/implications Interactions between innovations and environmental uncertainties have a significant negative effect on the achievement of business performance of the branches with a coefficient of 0.02 and a t-value of 2.00, meaning that the innovation level of a branch has an increasingly stronger influence on the business performance of the branch in the uncertain environment with limitations or underestimated by the branch manager or the innovation level of the branch is not supported with airport facilities and services, which means that the provision of airport facilities and services is inversely proportional to the needs of the airline branches. In other words, the variable “innovations” is a moderating variable for the effect of environmental uncertainties on business performance. Practical implications The results of the modeling performed in this research also show that innovations play a major role in the implementation of the ESP model (Blumentritt and Danis, 2006). The empirical phenomena and descriptive analysis results suggest that the Indonesian airlines which have been quite successful and have demonstrated an above-average performance possess higher levels of innovations. This finding corroborates that of previous studies that environmental uncertainties and direction of strategic orientation will determine the ability of a company to overcome the barriers to innovations, by maximizing innovative resources in achieving the target of innovations (Manu, 1992; O’Regan and Ghobadian, 2005; Hult et al., 2003), and more specifically, it indicates that strategic orientation that is prospective in nature leads to a high level of innovations (Salavou et al., 2004). Social implications The research findings indicate that innovations have a central role in the ESP models and are able to offer a new concept as a modification of the ESP model which in the study is called ESIP. The role of innovations in the ESIP model puts innovations as a variable moderating the effect of environmental uncertainties on performance and the effect of strategic orientation on performance. Moreover, based on the summary of the results for the analysis of the ESIP model, the following can be explained: first, environmental uncertainties have a significant and positive effect on the innovation level or the higher the level of environmental uncertainties, the more is the number of the innovations that an Indonesian airline branch creates. External environmental conditions that are likely to be complex and dynamic found in the area of operations make the branch management more able to identify barriers to innovations and manage resources to be more creative and productive for the attainment of the targets of innovations. Originality/value Innovations in business models as a new effort in improvisation specific to the business stage of the basic model (not very valuable) become more advanced business processes to produce products that are more valuable for consumers, at a more efficient cost with better profitability (Chesbrough, 2007b). So far, research on the role of innovations in response to environmental uncertainties and implementation of strategies to improve the performance of the ESP model is still done partially, so that there is no comprehensive model to describe the role of innovations in this ESP model, or let us say that a gap exists between theories and opportunities to conduct further research on the role of innovations in the ESP model.

This article aims at presenting trends in the state-local budget-cooperation system in Denmark, following the local government reform in 2007 and the fiscal rules in the budget law from 2012. The article investigates some of the characteristics of the development from 1980 until 2016. Evidence gives support to the hypothesis that the possibility for the municipalities’ organization to negotiate increasing expenditures has been narrowed, however accompanied by more liberal grant financing. The local government reform seems to have opened a window of opportunity for an elaborated system of collective and especially individual central government sanctions to strengthen the macroeconomic management of service expenditures of local governments. The identified trends in the Danish state-local relations may indicate that the decentralized model of local governments in Denmark is increasingly under pressure. However, the Danish municipal sector is still growing with respect to economic significance.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to report from a qualitative Scandinavian study with the aim of shedding some light on how investigators in the Scandinavian police services perceive the use of information from social media in investigative police work. Based on 12 group interviews and 49 informants from Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish police services, we present three overarching themes mirroring the general perception amongst the interviewed investigators that: (1) information from social media is valuable in almost all types of crime investigation; (2) the use of social media information is fraught with technical pitfalls resulting in a general fear of making mistakes; (3) the legal frameworks governing digital investigative action are vague, leading to a feeling amongst the investigators of working in a grey zone. Overall, the informants express the view that this seemingly unregulated part of investigative work requires a major overhaul.

This paper is included in the First Monday Special Issue #3: Internet banking, e-money, and Internet gift economies, published in December 2005. Special Issue editor Mark A. Fox asked authors to submit additional comments regarding their articles. E-money four years later In the late 1990s, there was a lively debate about the implications of the newly emerging e-money on the ability of central banks to control monetary aggregates.[1] What caught the imagination of many observers was not so much the fact that new types of money were electronic. Rather, it was the potential that new forms of money were capable to be transferred via the internet without the intervention of a traditional credit institution. More than anything else, the trial of DigiCash in 1994 with its ‘Cyberbucks’ rang the alarm bells of monetary authorities. It had everything they feared: it was issued by a non-bank, it could be used via the internet, it was P2P capable and it was anonymous. Against this background, a debate ensued about the merits of the new type of money and its potential to limit the power of central banks. Central banks and international bodies such as the Bank for International Settlements published a large number of reports [2] and academics scrutinised the issues involved. Finally, law makers took to the issue and e-money became subject of regulation in a number of countries. Thus, after long debates, the E-Money Directive of the European Union was passed in 2001 (it is currently reviewed). By 2001, however, many of the early pioneers such as DigiCash, Cybercash or First Virtual had gone out of business. The whole discussion began losing steam. Moreover, the very concept of ‘e-money’ was slowly changing. Initially, e-money was meant to be a close electronic substitute for cash: a bearer instrument, capable to circulate, anonymous, etc. To some degree, this was achieved by e-purses. However, only to a degree because e-purses do not allow balances to circulate. The recipient has to return balances to financial institutions and the corresponding value will be credited to a bank account. Thus, from the point of view of the payor, e-purses have a lot in common with cash, but not from the point of view of the payee. On the internet, nothing like the envisioned digital bearer certificates has emerged. Rather, today, what is called ‘e-money’ consists of limited purpose accounts with non-banks. In the EU these non-banks have to obtain an e-money licence. In the U.S. they may be required to hold state money transmitter licences. These accounts have much more in common with bank accounts than with cash. What drives the demand for these products is convenience of use. Thus, in the end, the internet e-money that exists is not a new type of money at all. And the card based e-money is struggling in many parts of the world. Only recently, one of the first e-purse schemes, the Danish Danmont has been discontinued. What are the lessons? 1. I think the approach by Alan Greenspan to take a ‘wait and see’ attitude was vindicated. Strict ex ante regulation of new concepts and products make life difficult for small start-ups and thus slows down innovation. Moreover, early regulation may be misguided because it is not known well what to regulate. Thus, the type of e-money regulators had in mind in the late 1990s (digital bearer instruments) never took off. 2. Payments exhibit strong network effects. Therefore, any new instrument that is meant to be more than just a niche product has be firmly connected with the payment backbone: the bank-based retail and wholesale payment system. Therefore, the emergence of a parallel circulation of alternative monies should not worry central bankers. Such schemes are unlikely to grow beyond the already existing scale (in form of barter schemes etc.). Technological innovations are unlikely to change this. This is the point made in my paper and I think it is still valid. 3. The early discussion was very much about technical issues. Innovators that entered the market were technology companies. However, the payment industry also is, to a considerable extent, a service industry. The early newcomers ignored this and paid the price. They all vanished from the market. Today’s successful internet payment providers are much more focussed on service than their predecessors. 4. It seems wise to let non-banks have a share of the payment market. Internet payments, for example, require a mix of technological skills and quality of service that banks may often be unable to provide. Notes to Special Issue Update 1. Strictly speaking, the term e-money was a misnomer. It implied that traditional monies were non-electronic. But as a matter of fact, bank deposits had been electronic for many years already. 2. Between 1996 and 2001 the BIS published 5 reports on e-money. The ECB (and its predecessor the EMI) published 2 reports (1994 and 1998) and a security framework for e-money issuers (2002). The European Commission passed an E-Money Directive that came into force in 2002. In some countries law makers were much faster. Thus, the German government amended the German banking law in 1997 requiring e-money issuers to become banks. Technically, it is conceivable that banks (or even non-banks) that are based in offshore centres can issue e-money and distribute it via the Internet all over the world. Therefore, many economists see offshore e-money issuers as a severe threat to the ability of central banks to conduct monetary policy. In this paper, it is argued that offshore issuers will denominate their e-money products in terms of existing currencies. Therefore they will be affected by monetary policy measures in the same way as onshore banks.

This article applies the notion of affordance to analyse affective, intersectional emergence of differentiated whiteness in the context of East to West migration after the enlargement of the European Union in 2004. I draw on autoethnography and memory work, juxtaposing encounters with two elderly, white, single and physically impaired Danish men in their homes in 2004 and 2014. Cleaning Ole’s apartment in 2004, I was invited to provide sexual services, passing as a sexualized, too young, unemployable female Eastern European love migrant of limited social value. In contrast, interviewing Carsten for my PhD in 2014, I came across as able-bodied, middle-class researcher, progressively feminine and fluent in, perhaps even, Danish. I heard no sexual undertones in Carsten’s invitation to ‘visit again’, instead perceiving it as a suggestion to become a voluntary visitor. Analyzing the affective flows in these encounters, I trace how markers of difference intersect to afford different whitenesses. I discuss how whiteness functions as an affordance, accumulated over time, emerging in situated, affective encounters and constraining bodies’ possibilities for interactions, movement and becoming. The article contributes to research on whiteness and intersectionality and to scholarship that explores emergence of ‘Europe’ by examining relations between centre/periphery and racial formations.

Abstract Welfare conditionality, and the underlying understanding of unemployment because of lack of motivation, has been widely criticized. This article analyses if and how more co-created services can be a pathway to address some of these challenges. As Denmark currently is moving towards a softening of welfare conditionality for the vulnerable unemployed, and local authorities try to develop models ‘in between’ welfare conditionality and genuine user involvement, this constitute a good case for analysing this question. The analysis build on comprehensive ethnographic data from a four-year research- and innovation project in six Danish municipalities. The employment services in the project have tried to design new strategies involving clients in the development and implementation of services. Among other things, this includes developing integrated services, qualifying the meeting and the talk between front-line workers and clients, engaging the employer side and NGO’s outside the public services and promoting other measures to ensure real involvement of the citizens in the processes. The analysis lists some of the potentials and pitfalls in these innovative processes and reflects upon the feasibility of such new type of co-created services.

Introduction : La prévalence élevée de l’hypovitaminose D au cours du diabète de type 2 fondée sur les données de la littérature nous a conduit à engager une enquête transversale pour apprécier l’ampleur de cette relation. Matériel et méthodes : Il s’agit d’une étude prospective, intéressant 290 patients diabétiques de type 2 âgés de 40 à 80 ans, recrutés au niveau du service de diabétologie de notre hôpital entre le mois de septembre et mars. Nous avons étudié et comparé les paramètres cliniques et biologiques de l’hypovitaminose D dans cette population de diabétiques type 2. Non nous sommes également intéressés aux caractéristiques de l’exposition solaire et de la consommation d’aliment riche en vitamine D. Résultats : Notre travail nous a permis de constater une forte prévalence de l’hypovitaminose D à 87,2 % de nos diabétiques, en considérant le seuil de 25OHD3 < 30ng/ml, plus élevée chez les femmes à 90,7%, que chez les hommes à 85,2%. La concentration moyenne de la vitamine D chez les 290 patients diabétiques type 2 est de 13,93 ng/ml. Nous avons retenu comme facteurs de risque de l’hypovitaminose D (<30ng/ml) : le sexe féminin, l’âge avancé supérieur à 60 ans, l’indice de masse corporel (IMC) supérieur à 25 kg/m2, l’absence d’une exposition adéquate au soleil d’une surface corporelle suffisante entre 10 H et 15H de la journée et le port d’un vêtement couvrant. La pratique d’une activité physique en plein air, le bronzage, la consommation du poisson et d’oeufs plusieurs fois dans la semaine sont des facteurs protecteurs contre l’hypovitaminose D. Conclusion : L’hypovitaminose D est très fréquente dans la population des diabétiques de type 2, particulièrement chez les femmes âgées de plus de 60 ans et en surpoids ou obèses, d’où l’intérêt de la prévention des carences nutritionnelles chez les patients diabétiques type 2.

Introduction In 2017, 250 Indigenous delegates from across the country convened at the National Constitution Convention at Uluru to discuss a strategy towards the implementation of constitutional reform and recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Referendum Council). Informed by community consultations arising out of 12 regional dialogues conducted by the government appointed Referendum Council, the resulting Uluru Statement from the Heart was unlike any constitutional reform previously proposed (Appleby & Synot). Within the Statement, the delegation outlined that to build a more equitable and reconciled nation, an enshrined Voice to Parliament was needed. Such a voice would embed Indigenous participation in parliamentary dialogues and debates while facilitating further discussion pertaining to truth telling and negotiating a Treaty between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. The reforms proposed are based on the collective input of Indigenous communities that were expressed in good faith during the consultation process. Arising out of a government appointed and funded initiative that directly sought Indigenous perspectives on constitutional reform, the trust and good faith invested by Indigenous people was quickly shut down when the Prime Minster, Malcolm Turnbull, rejected the reforms without parliamentary debate or taking them to the people via a referendum (Wahlquist Indigenous Voice Proposal; Appleby and McKinnon). In this article, we argue that through its dismissal the government treated the Uluru Statement from the Heart as a passing phase or mere “thought bubble” that was envisioned to disappear as quickly as it emerged. The Uluru Statement is a gift to the nation. One that genuinely offers new ways of envisioning and enacting reconciliation through equitable relationships between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations. Indigenous voices lie at the heart of reconciliation but require constitutional enshrinement to ensure that Indigenous peoples and cultures are represented across all levels of government. Filter Bubbles of Distortion Constitutional change is often spoken of by politicians, its critics, and within the media as something unachievable. For example, in 2017, before even reading the accompanying report, MP Barnaby Joyce (in Fergus) publicly denounced the Uluru Statement as “unwinnable” and not “saleable”. He stated that “if you overreach in politics and ask for something that will not be supported by the Australian people such as another chamber in politics or something that sort of sits above or beside the Senate, that idea just won't fly”. Criticisms such as these are laced with paternalistic rhetoric that suggests its potential defeat at a referendum would be counterproductive and “self-defeating”, meaning that the proposed changes should be rejected for a more digestible version, ultimately saving the movement from itself. While efforts to communicate the necessity of the proposed reforms continues, presumptions that it does not have public support is simply unfounded. The Centre for Governance and Public Policy shows that 71 per cent of the public support constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians. Furthermore, an online survey conducted by Cox Inall Ridgeway found that the majority of those surveyed supported constitutional reform to curb racism; remove section 25 and references to race; establish an Indigenous Voice to Parliament; and formally recognise Indigenous peoples through a statement of acknowledgment (Referendum Council). In fact, public support for constitutional reform is growing, with Reconciliation Australia’s reconciliation barometer survey showing an increase from 77 per cent in 2018 to 88 per cent in 2020 (Reconciliation Australia). Media – whether news, social, databases, or search engines – undoubtedly shape the lens through which people come to encounter and understand the world. The information a person receives can be the result of what Eli Pariser has described as “filter bubbles”, in which digital algorithms determine what perspectives, outlooks, and sources of information are considered important, and those that are readily accessible. Misinformation towards constitutional reform, such as that commonly circulated within mainstream and social media and propelled by high profile voices, further creates what neuroscientist Don Vaughn calls “reinforcement bubbles” (Rose Gould). This propagates particular views and stunts informed debate. Despite public support, the reforms proposed in the Uluru Statement continue to be distorted within public and political discourses, with the media used as a means to spread misinformation that equates an Indigenous Voice to Parliament to the establishment of a new “third chamber” (Wahlquist ‘Barnaby’; Karp). In a 2018 interview, PM Scott Morrison suggested that advocates and commentators in favour of constitutional reform were engaging in spin by claiming that a Voice did not function as a third chamber (Prime Minister of Australia). Morrison claimed, “people can dress it up any way they like but I think two chambers is enough”. After a decade of consultative work, eight government reports and inquiries, and countless publications and commentaries, the Uluru Statement continues to be played down as if it were a mere thought bubble, a convoluted work in progress that is in need of refinement. In the same interview, Morrison went on to say that the proposal as it stands now is “unworkable”. Throughout the ongoing movement towards constitutional reform, extensive effort has been invested into ensuring that the reforms proposed are achievable and practical. The Uluru Statement from the Heart represents the culmination of decades of work and proposes clear, concise, and relatively minimal constitutional changes that would translate to potentially significant outcomes for Indigenous Australians (Fredericks & Bradfield). International examples demonstrate how such reforms can translate into parliamentary and governing structures. The Treaty of Waitangi (Palmer) for example seeks to inform Māori and Pākehā (non-Maori) relationships in New Zealand/Aotearoa, whilst designated “Māori Seats” ensure Indigenous representation in parliament (Webster & Cheyne). More recently, 17 of 155 seats were reserved for Indigenous delegates as Chile re-writes its own constitution (Bartlett; Reuters). Indigenous communities and its leaders are more than aware of the necessity of working within the realms of possibility and the need to exhibit caution when presenting such reforms to the public. An expert panel on constitutional reform (Dodson 73), before the conception of the Uluru Statement, acknowledged this, stating “any proposal relating to constitutional recognition of the sovereign status of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples would be highly contested by many Australians, and likely to jeopardise broad public support for the Panel’s recommendations”. As outlined in the Joint Select Committee’s final report on Constitutional Recognition relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples (Referendum Council), the Voice to parliament would have no veto powers over parliamentary votes or decisions. It operates as a non-binding advisory body that remains external to parliamentary processes. Peak organisations such as the Law Council of Australia (Dolar) reiterate the fact that the proposed reforms are for a voice to Parliament rather than a voice in Parliament. Although not binding, the Voice should not be dismissed as symbolic or something that may be easily circumvented. Its effectiveness lies in its ability to place parliament in a position where they are forced to confront and address Indigenous questions, concerns, opinions, and suggestions within debates before decisions are made. Bursting the ‘Self-Referential Bubble’ Indigenous affairs continue to be one of the few areas where a rhetoric of bipartisan agreement is continuously referenced by both major parties. Disagreement, debate, and conflict is often avoided as governments seek to portray an image of unity, and in doing so, circumvent accusations of turning Indigenous peoples into the subjects of political point scoring. Within parliamentary debates, there is an understandable reservation and discomfort associated with discussions about what is often seen as an Indigenous “other” (Moreton-Robinson) and the policies that a predominantly white government enact over their lives. Yet, it is through rigorous, open, and informed debate that policies may be developed, challenged, and reformed. Although bipartisanship can portray an image of a united front in addressing a so-called “Indigenous problem”, it also stunts the conception of effective and culturally responsive policy. In other words, it often overlooks Indigenous voices. Whilst education and cultural competency plays a significant role within the reconciliation process, the most pressing obstacle is not necessarily non-Indigenous people’s inability to fully comprehend Indigenous lives and socio-cultural understandings. Even within an ideal world where non-Indigenous peoples attain a thorough understanding of Indigenous cultures, they will never truly comprehend what it means to be Indigenous (Fanon; de Sousa Santos). For non-Indigenous peoples, accepting one’s own limitations in fully comprehending Indigenous ontologies – and avoiding filling such gaps with one’s own interpretations and preconceptions – is a necessary component of decolonisation and the movement towards reconciliation (Grosfoguel; Mignolo). As parliament continues to be dominated by non-Indigenous representatives, structural changes are necessary to ensure that Indigenous voices are adequality represented. The structural reforms not only empower Indigenous voices through their inclusion within the parliamentary process but alleviates some of the pressures that arise out of non-Indigenous people having to make decisions in attempts to solve so-called Indigenous “problems”. Government response to constitutional reform, however, is ridden with symbolic piecemeal offerings that equate recognition to a form of acknowledgment without the structural changes necessary to protect and enshrine Indigenous Voices and parliamentary participation. Davis and her colleagues (Davis et al. “The Uluru Statement”) note how the Referendum Council’s recommendations were rejected by the then minister of Indigenous affairs Nigel Scullion on account that it privileged Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander voices. They note that, until the Referendum Council's report, the nation had no real assessment of what communities wanted. Yet by all accounts, the government had spent too much time talking to elites who have regular access to them and purport to speak on the mob's behalf. If he [Scullion] got the sense constitutional symbolism and minimalism was going to fly, then it says a lot about the self-referential bubble in which the Canberra elites live. The Uluru Statement from the Heart stands as testament to Indigenous people’s refusal to be the passive recipients of the decisions of the non-Indigenous political elite. As suggested, “symbolism and minimalism was not going to fly”. Ken Wyatt, Scullion’s replacement, reiterated the importance of co-design, the limitations of government bureaucracy, and the necessity of moving beyond the “Canberra bubble”. Wyatt stated that the Voice is saying clearly that government and the bureaucracy does not know best. It can not be a Canberra-designed approach in the bubble of Canberra. We have to co-design with Aboriginal communities in the same way that we do with state and territory governments and the corporate sector. The Voice would be the mechanism through which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander interests and perspectives may be strategically placed within parliamentary dialogues. Despite accusations of it operating as a “third chamber”, Indigenous representatives have no interest in functioning in a similar manner to a political party. The language associated with our current parliamentary system demonstrates the constrictive nature of political debate. Ministers are expected to “toe the party line”, “crossing the floor” is presented as an act of defiance, and members must be granted permission to enter a “conscience vote”. An Indigenous Voice to Parliament would be an advisory body that works alongside, but remains external to political ideologies. Their priority is to seek and implement the best outcome for their communities. Negotiations would be fluid, with no floor to cross, whilst a conscience vote would be reflected in every perspective gifted to the parliament. In the 2020 Australia and the World Annual Lecture, Pat Turner described the Voice’s co-design process as convoluted and a continuing example of the government’s neglect to hear and respond to Indigenous peoples’ interests. In the address, Turner points to the Coalition of the Peaks as an exemplar of how co-design negotiations may be facilitated by and through organisations entirely formed and run by Indigenous peoples. The Coalition of the Peaks comprises of fifty Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-controlled peak organisations and was established to address concerns relating to closing the gap targets. As Indigenous peak organisations are accountable to their membership and reliant on government funding, some have questioned whether they are appropriate representative bodies; cautioning that they could potentially compromise the Voice as a community-centric body free from political interference. While there is some debate over which Indigenous representatives should facilitate the co-design of a treaty and Makarrata (truth-telling), there remains a unanimous call for a constitutionally enshrined Voice to Parliament that may lead negotiations and secure its place within decision-making processes. Makarrata, Garma, and the Bubbling of New Possibilities An Indigenous Voice to Parliament can be seen as the bubbling spring that provides the source for greater growth and further reform. The Uluru Statement from the Heart calls for a three-staged approach comprising of establishing an Indigenous Voice, followed by Treaty, and then Truth-Telling. This sequence has been criticised by some who prioritise Truth and Treaty as the foundation for reform and reconciliation. Their argument is based on the notion that Indigenous Sovereignty must first be acknowledged in Parliament through an agreement-making process and signing of a Treaty. While the Uluru Statement has never lost sight of treaty, the agreement-making process must begin with the acknowledgment of Indigenous people’s inherent right to participate in the conversation. This very basic and foundational right is yet to be acknowledged within Australia’s constitution. The Uluru Statement sets the Voice as its first priority as the Voice establishes the structural foundation on which the conversation pertaining to treaty may take place. It is through the Voice that a Makarrata Commission can be formed and Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples may “come together after a struggle” – the translation of the word’s Yolngu origins (Gaykamangu; Pearson). Only then may we engage in truth telling and forge new paths towards agreement-making and treaty. This however raises the question as to how a Voice to Parliament may look and what outcomes it aims to achieve. As discussed in the previous section, it is a question that is often distorted by disinformation and conjecture within public, political, and news-media discourses. In order to unpack what a Voice to Parliament may entail, we turn to another Yolngu word, Garma. Garma refers to an epistemic and ontological positioning in which knowledge is attained from a point where differences converge and new insights arise. For Yolngu people, Garma is the place where salt and fresh water intersect within the sea. Fresh and Salt water are the embodiments of two Yolngu clans, the Dhuwa and Yirritja, with Garma referring to the point where the knowledge and laws of each clan come into contact, seeking harmonious balance. When the ebb and flow of the tides are in balance, it causes the water to foam and bubble taking on new form and representing innovative ideas and possibilities. Yolngu embrace this phenomenon as an epistemology that teaches responsibility and obligations towards the care of Country. It acknowledges the autonomy of others and finds a space where all may mutually benefit. When the properties of either water type, or the knowledge belonging a single clan dominates, ecological, social, political, and cosmological balance is overthrown. Raymattja Marika-Munungguritj (5) describes Garma as a dynamic interaction of knowledge traditions. Fresh water from the land, bubbling up in fresh water springs to make waterholes, and salt water from the sea are interacting with each other with the energy of the tide and the energy of the bubbling spring. When the tide is high the water rises to its full. When the tide goes out the water reduces its capacity. In the same way Milngurr ebbs and flows. In this way the Dhuwa and Yirritja sides of Yolngu life work together. And in this way Balanda and Yolngu traditions can work together. There must be balance, if not either one will be stronger and will harm the other. The Ganma Theory is Yirritja, the Milngurr Theory is Dhuwa. Like the current push for constitutional change and its rejection of symbolic reforms, Indigenous peoples have demanded real-action and “not just talk” (Synott “The Uluru statement”). In doing so, they implored that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples be involved in all decision-making processes, for they are most knowledgeable of their community’s needs and the most effective methods of service delivery and policy. Indigenous peoples have repeatedly expressed this mandate, which is also legislated under international law through the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Coming together after a struggle does not mean that conflict and disagreement between and amongst Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities will cease. In fact, in alignment with political theories such as agonism and pluralism, coming together within a democratic system necessitates a constructive and responsive embrace of different, competing, and in some cases incommensurable views. A Voice to Parliament will operate in a manner where Indigenous perspectives and truths, as well as disagreements, may be included within negotiations and debates (Larkin & Galloway). Governments and non-Indigenous representatives will no longer speak for or on behalf of Indigenous peoples, for an Indigenous body will enact its own autonomous voice. Indigenous input therefore will not be reduced to reactionary responses and calls for reforms after the damage of mismanagement and policy failure has been caused. Indigenous voices will be permanently documented within parliamentary records and governments forced to respond to the agendas that Indigenous peoples set. Collectively, this amounts to greater participation within the democratic process and facilitates a space where “salt water” and the “bubbling springs” of fresh water may meet, mitigating the risk of harm, and bringing forth new possibilities. Conclusion When salt and fresh water combine during Garma, it begins to take on new form, eventually materialising as foam. Appearing as a singular solid object from afar, foam is but a cluster of interlocking bubbles that gain increased stability and equilibrium through sticking together. When a bubble stands alone, or a person remains within a figurative bubble that is isolated from its surroundings and other ways of knowing, doing, and being, its vulnerabilities and insecurities are exposed. Similarly, when one bubble bursts the collective cluster becomes weaker and unstable. The Uluru Statement from the Heart is a vision conceived and presented by Indigenous peoples in good faith. It offers a path forward for not only Indigenous peoples and their future generations but the entire nation (Synott “Constitutional Reform”). It is a gift and an invitation “to walk with us in a movement of the Australian people for a better future”. Through calling for the establishment of an Indigenous Voice to Parliament, a Makarrata Commission, and seeking Truth, Indigenous advocates for constitutional reform are looking to secure their own foothold and self-determination. The Uluru Statement from the Heart is more than a “thought bubble”, for it is the culmination of Indigenous people’s diverse lived experiences, outlooks, perspectives, and priorities. When the delegates met at Uluru in 2017, the thoughts, experiences, memories, and hopes of Indigenous peoples converged in a manner that created a unified front and collectively called for Voice, Treaty, and Truth. 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