Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Custodial torture“

Background: The most of critique is based mainly on the previous literature, namely, that Chinese dynamic institutional structures’ silence may have exacerbated the miscarriage of justice and obtain illegal evidence in criminal proceedings in China. However, the fact that torture to extract confessions and maltreatment of prisoner’s cases involve judicial decision-making by Chinese hierarchical courts has been disregarded. Objective: Taking China's outward telling and internal judicial reforms as starting positions, the article focuses on address the knowledge gap that torture to extract confessions and maltreatment of prisoner’s cases involving the application of law and legal reasoning regarding how Chinese domestic courts' actions is related to the interpretation of torture and domestic compliance with international conventions. The causes of action include torture to extract confessions, maltreatment of prisoners in criminal scenarios, and cases of cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment involving detention in police custody (garde a vue) and outside custodial settings. The article also examines how Chinese hierarchical courts have implemented their judicial practice in accordance with international obligations to prohibit and prevent torture under United Nations Convention against Torture. Methods: Process tracing is a qualitative research method that examines causal processes connecting results to potential causes form socio-legal perspectives, focusing on varying time stages. It is essential for within-case analysis based on qualitative data. Implication: This article highlights the intricate relationship between the definition of torture in law in context in UNCAT and treaty compliance by China domestic court, addressing flaws in previous court decisions and responding to those points of view to gain a more in-depth understanding of the dynamics underlying cases of confessions extracted under torture, ill-treatment in prisons and outside custodial settings (garde a vue) in China's criminal judicial system.

This Perspective piece builds on recent scholarship that has begun to explore extra-carceral governmental actions that constitute torture or ill treatment of socially and economically marginalized populations. We advocate for a more contextual approach to the understanding of what constitutes torture or ill treatment, and, consequently, a more expansive interpretation of states’ obligations to prohibit and prevent it under international law. Following this more contextual approach, we describe several case examples of abuse directed at various marginalized communities that might constitute torture. These examples further unsettle the conventional understanding of torture that is focused on carceral and custodial settings to one that encompasses more systemic, routine forms of abuse that disproportionately affect economically and socially marginalized groups. Finally, we offer recommendations for how clinicians and health and human rights researchers, in particular, can better elucidate the links among torture, poverty, and vulnerability to hold perpetrators accountable and help states develop laws, policies, and other measures to prevent the perpetration of state-promoted or sanctioned acts of torture or ill treatment.

Abstract This short essay offers a broad and necessarily incomplete review of the current state of the human rights struggle against torture and ill-treatment. It sketches four widespread assumptions in that struggle: 1) that torture is an issue of detention and interrogation; 2) that political or security detainees are archetypal victims of torture; 3) that legal reform is one of the best ways to fight torture; and 4) that human rights monitoring helps to stamp out violence. These four assumptions have all played an important role in the history of the human rights fight against torture, but also resulted in limitations in terms of the interventions that are used, the forms of violence that human rights practitioners respond to, and the types of survivors they seek to protect. Taken together, these four assumptions have created challenges for the human rights community in confronting the multiple forms of torture rooted in the deep and widespread inequality experienced by many poor and marginalized groups. The essay ends by pointing to some emerging themes in the fight against torture, such as a focus on inequality, extra-custodial violence, and the role of corruption.

Historical data on the use of force by police officers in the United States are unreliable or nonexistent. Available data, moreover, focus primarily on the behavior of patrolmen on the streets while neglecting violence by detectives during criminal investigations. Through an examination of a police torture scandal in Chicago from the early 1970s through the late 1990s, this article explains why violence during custodial interrogation often goes undocumented. In Chicago, the primary method of discovering, correcting, or preventing custodial abuse—pretrial motions to suppress statements—proved inadequate. By including the work of detectives, this article argues that a true measurement of police violence, impossible in practice, would likely be much higher than official data suggest.

The different forms of torture that a person who is in jail, police custody, or court custody experiences for a variety of reasons is referred to as "custodial violence." The goal of the current investigation is to identify the source. the different factors that contribute to custody abuse and the remedies available for this serious injustice prevented. Custodial violence appears to be a severe issue in emerging nations like India since the majority of People still don't know much about the several laws that safeguard their fundamental human rights. Despite the fact that the National Human Rights Commission's formation has established a framework wherein can be readily acquired by the impoverished and defenceless victims, yet many cases of custodial violence Due to ignorance, there have been no reports of violence. Police violence against suspects, those under investigation, and people who have been convicted has been rising at an alarming rate, despite expectations that law enforcement organisations will uphold law and order and defend people's rights. Even though these victims are protected by several international agreements, constitutional protections, and legislative restrictions, their inhumane treatment continues. In this situation, a research that aims to educate the general public on the legal options open to victims of custodial abuse is urgently needed. This research aims to gather data and attempt to estimate the total amount of crime in the nation while also doing a doctrinal analysis of various examples of custodial brutality in India.

In this article, I analyze the legal discourses surrounding three scientific techniques – lie detectors, brain scans, and narcoanalysis – that are currently being used in criminal investigations in India. I focus on two main themes: First, I analyze the significance of these techniques emerging in a context where custodial torture and deaths occur routinely; Second, I explore the role of the courts in assessing the techniques that were presented as an explicit shift in the mode of state power. I suggest that the legal discourses can be read as indicative both of a liberal state’s desire to modernize as well as its specifically postcolonial nature. I argue that contrary to the contention of the courts that the use of these techniques would replace torture in investigations, the edifice defended by the courts actually reflects a flawed attempt at an art of government.

Over the past few weeks, and with the Editorial already at completion, the COVID-19 pandemic has invaded our lives. Its systemic impact has affected, and continues to affect in equal measure the provision of rehabilitation to victims of torture. Amongst the many areas in which COVID-19 has impacted the field of prevention and rehabilitation of torture survivors, at least 8 areas of concern can be highlighted. 1. Attacks on basic fundamental rights and unnecessary increase in social control measures (Human Rights Watch, 2020a) 2. Increases in cases of ill-treatment or torture linked to the pandemic itself. For instance, various media sources have reported cases related to the dissemination of information in countries where this was considered to be against the interest of the State (Wang, 2020; Human Rights Watch, 2020b; Amnesty International, 2020a) 3. Respect for the rights of detainees and COVID preventive measures in detention settings that are compliant with human rights (Council of Europe, 2020; OHCHR, 2020; Council of Europe, 2010) and especially amnesty processes for political prisoners or the use non-custodial measures (Comninos, 2020; Amnesty International, 2020b). 4. Increases in cases of gender-based violence (Ford, 2020; UNFPA, 2020; UN Women, 2020) and assaults on homeless populations (Phasuk, 2020; Hartley, 2019), both related to fear and isolation. 5. Relapse of symptoms, especially night mares, flashbacks and somatic symptoms, in survivors that were ill-treated or tortured while in custody, due to COVID- related self-confinement or measures of medical isolation. 6. The reshaping of society: Will there be a change in values towards more egalitarian, empathetic and supportive societies? Or an evolution towards a more fearful society with an increasing lack of solidarity as fear instils? 7. The use of warlike metaphors (the “war” on the Coronavirus) as a prelude to restrictions in freedoms, censorship or authoritarianism in the name of the collective good (Human Rights Watch, 2020a). 8. Cutting budget allocations for the most disadvantaged, vulnerable groups in general and survivors of torture specifically, in favour of security policies or market-based post-COVID decisions (UNDP, 2020; European Council, 2020). These are some of the many areas of reflection on COVID-19 as a global crisis in the field of human rights and the prevention of torture and rehabilitation of torture victims. Torture Journal invites our readers to share your experiences, reflections, research and data in the form of a Letter to the Editor, News or Research Report for inclusion in future issues of the Journal. This is a global crisis which may, in turn, foster a shared learning opportunity for all.

Clinical legal aid in law schools and universities should be taken seriously by universities because it provides a platform for resolving the problems of the oppressed, women, children, and other people in need of legal aid that also pertains to human rights. Legal Aid Clinics may be the most authentic source of the dissemination of information pertaining to human rights and human dignity, custodial deaths, torture, and IPR violations. The following topics will be discussed in this research paper: Appointment of Advocates in Law College Faculty for Management of College Legal Aid Clinics; Organization of Legal Aid Clinics in Villages and Jail Visits; Regular Visits of Students and Professors in Jails and Police Stations Index Terms : — Human Dignity, Human Rights, Legal aid clinics.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to economic, political and social crises and has also exposed a number of problems in the penitentiary systems of states. The article analyses both the negative and positive consequences of the spread of coronavirus in prisons and pre-trial detention facilities. Overcrowding in prisons remains the most important reason for the increased risk of infection within prisons, leading to violations of prisoners' rights. The paper examines the problems associated with health care and hygiene in prisons. Based on the experience of foreign countries, a comparative legal analysis is made of the range of restrictive measures taken by states due to the pandemic. For example, measures to release convicts in Germany, France and Iran are described; the minimisation of custodial sentences in the UK is noted. The issue of the violation of convicts' rights to receive visits from relatives and close friends, as well as lawyers and representatives of public organisations, is thoroughly investigated. In this connection, particular attention is paid to international instruments guaranteeing the protection of convicted persons against torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment. The entire international community - international organisations such as the UN, WHO, PRI, Human Rights Watch and others - has engaged in addressing these problems. The way out of the crisis is seen in the use of non-custodial measures at all stages of criminal justice administration, including at the pre-trial and trial stages, as well as after sentencing. At the pre-trial stage, it is preferable to impose non-custodial measures and to replace pre-trial measures with alternatives, as appropriate; at the trial stage to impose non-custodial sentences; at the post-trial stage to choose one of the optimal solutions for a given state during an emergency situation: early release (unconditionally), conditional release, temporary release, replacement of the sentence with a milder non-custodial one, as well as amnesty Particular attention is paid to preventive measures taken by the Russian Federal Penal Correction Service and to proposals for improving the legislation and law enforcement activities of the authorities. Given the global trend towards a decrease in the use of imprisonment and an increase in the proportion of prisoners serving sentences without isolation from society, the author proposes reforms in the application of "community" sanctions and measures by creating or strengthening probation systems.

AbstractThis article explores the politics of surveillance, suppression, and resistance within a women's correctional facility in 1970s Calcutta, a city in eastern India. I highlight the excessively violent treatment of women political prisoners, who were captured and tortured for their active participation in a Maoist guerrilla (Naxal) movement. I argue that the state officials who formed the lowest rung of the government's machinery to supress the movement—the police, prison guards, and wardens—partially usurped these carceral worlds during conditions of social unrest to create small regimes of de facto sovereignty over prison publics. During that critical period in the history of political uprising in the region, the central government coercively implemented a series of ‘constitutional actions’ in the name of internal security threats and withdrew civil liberties from Indian citizens. Political opponents were captured and imprisoned, and prisons became a space for licensed excess. I show how women political prisoners cooperated and conspired with women convicts (the latter having nurtured their own coping skills and structures to deal with persecution and negligence while in the detention system) to develop multiple forms of resistance to the extra-legal use of authority in prison, especially in the context of a volatile socio-political environment in the city.

Patriarchal values are embedded in Pakistani society which determines the subordinated position of women. Patriarchal control over women is exercised through institutionalized restrictive codes of behavior, gender segregation and the ideology which associates family honor to female virtue. The abnormal, amoral, and harmful customary practices which aim at preserving subjugation of women, defended and sanctified as cultural traditions and given religious overtones. Abnormal and amoral traditional practices in Pakistan include honor killing, rape and sexual assault, sexual harassment, acid attacks, being burned, kidnapping, domestic violence, dowry murder, and forces marriages, custodial abuse and torture. According to a 2011 poll of experts by the Thomson Reuters Foundation Poll, Pakistan is ranked the 3rd the most dangerous country for women in the world. This paper aims to highlight the sufferings of women in Pakistan and consider that in patriarchal societies violence has been used as a social mechanism to perpetuate the subjugation of women. Patriarchal system necessitates the violence for the sake of its existence. With the help of existing data, the gender-based violence in Pakistan has been analyzed. This paper concludes that all forms of gender-based violence are committed to ensure the compliance of women. In order to eliminate violence against women, patriarchal system has to be changed which can be achieved by strengthening the social, political and economic position of women.

The research aims to explore the Kashmir conflict that has fractured the lives of the Kashmiri people. In the current times, the Kashmir conflict has been remarkably engaging literate circles all over the world. The conflict has been in the news worldwide for the last three decades because it may cause modern-day warfare betweenIndia, Pakistan, and China. Hence, people all over the world want to know about the situation in the region. The historical, sociological, and moral approaches by Wilbur Stewart Scott are used to grasp the context of the selected novelsThe Collaborator (2012) and Book of Gold Leaves (2015). Mirza Waheed, as an eyewitness, sketched the novels on the sufferings of Kashmiris, engaging daily with a god of death because of the conflictual situation. This situation has been routined since the invasion and occupation of the land by the three nuclear armament-holding neighbors, India, Pakistan, and China, immediately after the emancipation of the first two from their British colonial masters in 1947. The political scenario of Jammu and Kashmir became murkier in 1988 and onwards when India intensified its military operations to quell the armed resistance movement for “Azadi” (freedom) of land. The modern Kashmiri literature roots out the sentiment of freedom; India gave impunity to any draconian tactics in the name of rules that justified any inhuman treatment of custodial killing, torture, rape, etc. As a result, more than three lac women are dead, approximately 10000 are missing, and thousands are languishing in jails.

El sistema de protección y prevención de la tortura, tratos crueles, inhumanos y degradantes ha desarrollado normativa, criterios, directrices, definiciones, etc., alrededor del concepto de estos malos tratos; y sobre cómo deben ser interpretados al momento de investigar y sancionar a los presuntos responsables, conforme a los diferentes contextos en los que se da la privación de libertad. Algunos de estos malos tratos pueden producirse dentro de procesos investigativos o en custodia policial, donde se aplicaría el concepto clásico de tortura; y, en otros casos se podrían presentar en privación de libertad, cuya interpretación se debería hacer conforme lo establece no solo la Convención contra la Tortura, sino también los dictámenes del Subcomité de Prevención contra la Tortura y los demás instrumentos internacionales.

In the spring of 1802, the Roman catacombs of Priscilla were the scene of excavations in search of Christian antiquities and martyrs’ bodies. Excavations of this kind had been going on in Rome since the late sixteenth century, though they had been temporarily interrupted during the occupation by French revolutionary troops in the last years of the eighteenth century. On 25 May, the fossores, or diggers, who worked under the authority of a religious dignitary, the Custodian of the Relics, hit on an elaborate tomb. The profuse symbols on the slab were (erroneously) believed to indicate martyrdom: arrows, an anchor and a lash for the instruments of torture, a luxuriant palm for the martyr’s eventual triumph and reward in heaven. From the garbled inscription ‘LUMENA PAX TECUM FI’, the name of Filumena, or Philomena, could be deduced.

A presente pesquisa trata sobre o direito à Audiência de Custódia, por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, e com amparo na legislação constitucional, infraconstitucional e pactos internacionais. Como ponto central da pesquisa, questiona-se qual o real significado da Audiência de Custódia, sua abrangência, características e amparo normativo, e ainda, procura-se expor os debates acerca de sua implantação no Brasil. Objetiva-se demonstrar que o instituto é um meio capaz de combater à superlotação carcerária, de resguardar a dignidade da pessoa humana, prevenir e identificar práticas de tortura, e proporcionar um maior amparo à pessoa detida, já que a mesma busca trazer uma visão mais humanizada do juiz em relação ao custodiado. A pesquisa é justificada devido à relevância e atualidade da matéria no cenário nacional, que visa apresentar se a Audiência de Custódia cumpre seu papel após sua implementação.

Este trabalho propõe avaliar a atuação do Núcleo de Audiência de Custódia de Porto Velho - RO. A audiência de custódia foi instruída nacionalmente no Brasil através do Conselho Nacional de Justiça com a edição da Resolução nº 213/2015 como está previsto na Convenção Americana sobre os Direitos Humanos (Pacto de São José da Costa Rica de 1969) e no Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos aprovados no ano de 1966 pela Assembleia das Nações Unidas e recepcionados no ordenamento brasileiro em 1992, através dos decretos nº 678 e 592. Define-se como obrigatória a apresentação de toda pessoa presa perante a autoridade judiciária para a verificação da legalidade da prisão e conveniência de sua manutenção. A pesquisa adotou abordagem metodológica qualitativa aplicada utilizando-se de observação sistemática, análise de documentos e visitas técnicas. Foram observadas 177 solenidades realizadas pelo Núcleo de Audiência de Custódia (NUPC) e visitas realizadas na Divisão de Flagrantes e no Presídio de Porte Médio1 (“Pandinha”), ambos localizados na Comarca de Porto Velho-RO e, finalmente, o levantamento de dados existentes nas atas de audiências disponibilizadas pelo juízo de garantia. Observou-se que as solenidades de custódia em Porto Velho-RO estão ocorrendo sem a aplicação dos preceitos convencionais e constitucionais que devem nortear a temática. Constatou-se a resistência da magistratura em questionar a ocorrência de violência policial, consistente em um número de audiências realizadas sem que fosse feito pergunta relacionada a sua ocorrência ao preso, na naturalização da violência, como se o custodiado tivesse que esperar ser agredido no momento da prisão, além da exigência de representação ou autorização do flagranteado para a tomada de providências que deveriam ser atos de ofício do juiz, considerando que tais crimes são, em tese, processadas como ação penal pública incondicionada. Não há uma uniformidade de procedimentos e nem regularidade no preenchimento do Sistema de Audiência de Custódia (Sistac). Foi analisado se eventuais aspectos que podem indicar vulnerabilidade social da pessoa detida repercutem na decretação de prisão preventiva. Constou-se peculiaridades como a realização de audiências de custódia coletivas e o prazo de apresentação do custodiado em 72 horas. Apresentou-se, ao final, sugestões de aprimoramento para que as Audiências de Custódia atinjam os objetivos pretendidos, além dos que foram mencionados, de humanizar a relação entre o preso e o sistema de Justiça na defesa de todos os direitos constitucionais, dos quais o Judiciário é um dos principais garantidores. ABSTRACT This article proposes to evaluate the performance of the Custody Hearing Nucleus of Porto Velho-RO. The custody hearing was nationally instructed in Brazil through the National Council of Justice with the issue’s Resolution nº. 213/2015. It is foreseen in the American Convention on the Human Rights (St. Joseph’s Pact of Costa Rica of 1969) and in the International Covenant Civil and Political Rights approved in 1966 by the United Nations Assembly and welcomed in brazilian planning in 1992, through decrees nº. 678 and 592. It defines as mandatory the presentation of all persons arrested before the judicial authority for the verification of the legality of imprisonment and the convenience of its maintenance. The research adopted a qualitative methodological approach, applied, using systematic observation, analysis of documents and technical visits. We observed 177 solemnities realized by the Nucleus Custody Hearing (NUCH) and visits realized in the Division of Flagrants and in the Porto Médio Presidio2 ("Pandinha"), both located in the District of Porto Velho-RO and, finally, the data collection existent in the minutes of hearings made available by the guarantee court. It was observed that the custody solemnities in Porto Velho-RO are occurring without the application of the conventional and constitutional precepts that shall guide the thematic. It was observed the resistance of the judiciary in questioning the occurrence of police violence, consistent in a number of hearings realized without being asked question related to its occurrence to the prisoner, in the naturalization of violence as if the custodian had to expect to be aggressed in the moment of the prison, beyond the requirement of representation or authorization of the flagranteado (toper) for the taking of measures that should be acts of the judge's office, considering such crimes are, in thesis, processed as na unconditioned public penal action. There is not uniformity of procedures and nor regularity in completing the Custody Hearing System (CUHS). It was analyzed if eventual aspects that may indicate social vulnerability of the person detained reverberate in the decreeing of preventive prison. It consisted of peculiarities as the holding of collective custody hearings and the time for presentation of the custodian in 72 hours. It was presented, at the end, suggestions of upgrading for the Custody Hearings reach the desired goals that beyond those mentioned, to humanize the relationship between the prisoner and the Justice system, in the defense of all constitutional rights of which the Judiciary is one of the main guarantors. Keywords: Custody’s Hearing. Violence. Torture. Prison. Texto completo em PDF:Efetividade da Audiência de Custódia em Porto Velho – Ro: Diagnóstico das Práticas, Obstáculos e Proposta de Aprimoramento

Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar a atuação do Ministério Público na audiência de custódia na perspectiva de promoção dos direitos humanos da pessoa presa e, ainda, como ferramenta de controle externo da atividade policial. A audiência de custódia surge como um arco jurídico nacional e internacional de proteção dos direitos humanos na prisão em flagrante, bem como na prevenção de abusos policiais e tortura. Trata-se de um procedimento judicial em que se avalia a legalidade da prisão e a necessidade de manutenção do custodiado em cárcere, no qual o Ministério Público exerce um papel fundamental. Assim, serão discutidas as suas competências e atribuições na audiência de custódia dentro da perspectiva da função do órgão ministerial. Propõe-se a avaliar a efetividade da sua atuação, valorizar a sua prática e perceber os eventuais desafios enfrentados. O estudo se realiza, do ponto de vista metodológico, por uma pesquisa documental e bibliográfica com abordagem qualitativa e quantitativa, e método dedutivo. Ao final, concluiu-se que a atuação do Ministério Público nas audiências de custódia, além de ser essencial para a garantir a efetiva proteção dos direitos humanos dos custodiados, é uma importante ferramenta na luta contra os abusos e a violência policiais. Logo, investir nesse método de controle externo, com valorização e aprimoramento contínuo da prática, é investir em um futuro mais justo e seguro para todos.

Introducción: los funcionarios del Estado hacen uso de la fuerza para mantener el orden y la buena convivencia. Detenidos, al ser liberados, acuden al Instituto de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses con una orden judicial para solicitar la valoración de lesiones personales. Lo anterior demuestra indirectamente que funcionarios del Estado vulneraron el derecho a la integridad personal en una gama que puede ir desde lesiones inherentes al proceso de detención, el abuso de autoridad, los tratos crueles inhumanos o degradantes, hasta la tortura. El interés del presente estudio es analizar el fenómeno, identificando su frecuencia y características. Metodología: el estudio es de tipo descriptivo, retrospectivo de corte transversal. El centro de referencia de la violencia del INMLCF de Colombia aportó la base de datos de violencia interpersonal no fatal (32021 casos), de Armenia, Pereira y Manizales que fueron atendidas entre los años 2009 y 2014. Esta base de datos se filtró por presunto agresor (Policía, Fuerzas militares, CTI, Sijín, funcionarios del INPEC, custodios y DAS.), generando un total de 3.212 casos. Resultados: los agentes del Estado involucrados en mayor proporción son los miembros de la policía; las edades que demostraron los lesionados son los 16, 17 y 19 años; la condición de vulnerabilidad en mayor proporción la obtuvo los consumidores de sustancias psicoactivas. Conclusión: es necesario avanzar como sociedad y ofrecer un mejor futuro a las nuevas generaciones, se debe ofrecer otras alternativas a los adolescentes, por ejemplo, oportunidades en la educación y la cultura.

e4679029This article aims to analyze the education of the prison in the Federal Penitentiary System. Considering that this type of education involves different aspects, besides schooling, the thematic focus will be based on gender as a social marker of difference. Methodologically, a fictitious transvestite character is used to serve time in a Federal Penitentiary. This federal system is understood as a cultural artifact, therefore, an architectural-legislative institution, with a certain curriculum and cultural pedagogy. From a perspective of post-critical studies in Education, in addition to methodological creativity, we use gender and sexuality studies, as well as national and international legislation, as a reference. The experiences analyzed are related to the result of the interaction of the transvestite with the prison staff. It is concluded that, between constraints and strangeness, the education of the prison occurs through the prosthetic and performative experiences, whether of the transvestite or the prison police. Furthermore, it is verified that the curriculum and cultural pedagogy have made it possible to analyze prison education, especially from its curricular and pedagogical effect with regard to processes of recognition in the specific context of power relations, crossed by norms and conventions of intelligibility, that is, of learning, which are beyond prison.ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo analisar a educação da prisão no Sistema Penitenciário Federal. Considerando que esse tipo de educação envolve diferentes aspectos, para além da escolarização, o recorte temático se dará a partir do gênero enquanto um marcador social da diferença. Metodologicamente, utiliza-se de uma personagem travesti fictícia que passa a cumprir pena em uma Penitenciária Federal. O referido sistema federal é entendido como um artefato cultural, portanto, uma instituição arquitetônica-legislativa, com um certo currículo e pedagogia cultural. Em uma perspectiva dos estudos pós-críticos em Educação, além da criatividade metodológica, utilizamos como referencial estudos de gênero e sexualidade, assim como legislação nacional e internacional. As experiências analisadas têm relação com o resultado da interação da travesti com os funcionários da penitenciária. Conclui-se que, entre constrangimentos e estranhamentos, a educação da prisão ocorre por meio das experiências protéticas e performáticas, seja da travesti ou da polícia penitenciária. Além disso, constata-se que o currículo e a pedagogia cultural possibilitaram analisar a educação da prisão, especialmente a partir do seu efeito curricular e pedagógico no que se refere a processos de reconhecimento em contextos específicos de relações de poder, cruzados por normas e convenções de inteligibilidade, isto é, de aprendizados, que estão para além da prisão.Palavras-chave: Pedagogia Cultural, Currículo Cultural, Diferença de Gênero.Keywords: Science Curriculum, Gender Discrimination, Prison Education.ReferencesALMEIDA, Guilherme. “‘Homens trans’: Novos Matizes na aquarela das masculinidades?”. Revista Estudos Feministas. Florianópolis. v. 20, n.2, 2012. p. 513-523.AMARAL, Cláudio do Prado. A história da pena de prisão. Jundiaí, SP: Paco Editorial, 2016.ARAÚJO, Stephane Silva de; LEITE, Maria Cecília Lorea. A assistência educacional no Sistema Penitenciário Federal – a Penitenciária Federal em Porto Velho/RO. 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Torture and violence have been common since ancient times. Torture is the deliberate infliction of cruelty by individuals in positions of power on others who lack power and are vulnerable. Custodial torture is torture that takes place in police stations, prisons, or under the authority of government institutions. These actions are a serious infringement of human rights and go against Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. This paper provides an in-depth examination of the legal framework of custodial violence. While the idea has not been clearly defined, different laws deal with the matters of custodial torture and sexual assault. Therefore, the judiciary has taken on the burden of defining this extensive phrase. This study analyzes the judiciary's approach to combating custodial violence by examining judicial rulings to determine the judiciary's position on these matters. The author concludes the analysis by recommending legislative measures that need to be promptly put into effect to address the deficiencies noted by the judiciary.

Torture and violence are known since ancient times. The torture essentially is the cruelty committed by the persons in power over the helpless and the weak. Custodial torture means torture in police custody, jails or in custody of other governmental authorities.

Torture in custody is a confession of failure to do justice. It is one of the worst crimes against humanity and a naked violation of human rights governed by the rule of law. It is the brink of disaster, specifically for the economically backward class and socially deprived section of the society. We claim ourselves as ‘Vishwa guru’ even though many instances of police savagery occur not because of individual aberration, but because of systematic compulsions. India is a member of the Convention against Torture but failed to give effects to its provisions. The cases of torture are rising at an unpredictable and unprecedented rate; it is raising so many burning questions about the quandary motive of the government to not take any appropriate steps towards protecting the rights of victims from inhuman torture. The researcher divided this paper into several parts as they attempt to study the International Convention on Torture with a detailed analysis and interpretation of the Prevention of Torture Bill 2010 and 2017 with a historical overview of torture in India in its first part, similarly, the second part focused on the infamous techniques used by the police authorities to torture the accused. A comparison study with other countries’ laws also focuses on landmark decisions by the respective Hon’ble courts. In the third part, the researcher dealt with the existing domestic legislation on inhuman and degrading treatment and ended with some short recommendations and a conclusion.

The events in October 2017 in Catalonia exemplify the difficulty of establishing what ‘excessive use of force’ means. Images of violent repression of defenceless people of all ages waiting to vote accompany the Spanish government’s spokeswoman reiterating in the media that what the police force is doing is “proportional” and therefore allegedly acceptable. Can scientific research add to the debate on what is “proportional” and when an intervention in non-custodial settings enters into what is banned under the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (‘CAT’)? This is not a minor issue. According to international databases, from an epidemiological point of view, torture happens mainly in prisons and police stations linked to marginalised populations. Ill-treatment and torture against political dissidents and protesters is less frequent, but widespread, affecting around 70% of countries across the world (Conrad, Haglund, & Moore, 2013).

The masculinities of HBO’s Game of Thrones (2011–2019) are marked not just by violence and exploitation, but by contingency, fragility, and abjection. This article draws on theories of abjection to read the abject masculinity of Sandor Clegane, Samwell Tarly, and Theon Greyjoy in the context of theories of hegemonic and hypermasculinity, and, through Greyjoy in particular, tracks his movement from hypermasculinity, through abjection and torture, to a custodial and sacrificial and thus life-giving masculinity, which stands in profound opposition to the hegemonic masculinity of power and domination.

Police custodial violence was a normal occurrence in the southern Indian province of Madras through the twentieth century, across the colonial and postcolonial periods alike. While governmental authorities attributed torture to individual deviants and the press attributed the practice to a lack of government will in punishing offenders, this article locates police impunity in broader structures of power that permeated society. Specifically, it shows how the deployment of seemingly objective forms of evidence in adjudicating cases of torture—the testimony of respectable persons, medical expertise, and police writing—discounted the voices of victims of violence, reaffirming instead policing’s alignment with class, caste, and gendered authority. Equally, the very act of witnessing produced some subjects as socially privileged by virtue of their respectable status, their expertise, or their literacy, further separating them from bodies that were vulnerable to state violence. Police sovereign power within the station was thus constituted in conjunction with disciplinary power across society.

A person is not liable to be arrested merely on the suspicion of complicity in an offence. The date and time of arrest shall be recorded in the memo which must also be countersigned by the arrestee. The right to counsel begins when a person is being interrogated and continues through pre-trial stages to trial and into appeal since it is an essential ingredient of reasonable, fair and just procedure. It would be prudent for the police officer to allow a lawyer where the accused wants to have one at the time of interrogation, if he wants to escape the censure that the interrogation is carried on in secrecy by physical and psychic torture. However these formalities are not at followed in all cases and in all countries. The higher police officials, even though they may be privately be critical of the actions of the lower officials, are having tendency to protect their fellowmen or the government from civil liability. Keywords: Arbitrary Arrest, Custodial Death, Judicial Review, Torture, Victim