Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Cuba – Foreign relations – U.S“

This article is dedicated to analysis of the development prospects of Cuba-Russia relations after Fidel Castro’s rule. The goal consists in examination of the current state of bilateral relations between the countries, as well as in determination of major obstacles towards their reconciliation. The researchers outline most probable scenarios for the development of future foreign policy course of Cuba, and analyze the current state of bilateral Cuba-Russia diplomatic relations, economic and scientific-cultural cooperation. The article employs a wide range of sources that include the works of Russian and foreign experts, as well as reports, statistical and analytical data provided by various international and national institutions. Analysis is conducted on the news reports provided by Russian, US, European, Chinese, Latin American and other news agencies. The scientific novelty of this article consists in placing emphasis on the extremely weak economic framework for further advancement of bilateral Cuba-Russia relations, as well as possible threat to Russia's national interests in case of Cuba becomes a junior partner of the United States, People’s Republic of China, or the European Union. The acquired results allow concluding that the future of Cuba-Russian relations directly depends on strengthening of the economic base of their cooperation. Otherwise, Russia would be dislodged from the island, while other powers would become the so-called senior partner of the Cuban Republic.

Cilj ovog rada je da omogući temeljan uvid u ključne teorijske rasprave u vezi sa odnosom identiteta i uloga u disciplini međunarodnih odnosa i analizi spoljne politike, s posebnim fokusom na teorijske pristupe socijalnog konstruktivizma i teorije spoljnopolitičkih uloga. Imajući u vidu odsustvo interesovanja za ovaj pristup istraživanju u regionalnoj akademskoj literaturi, sistematizujem tri dimenzije proučavanja uloga u spoljnoj i bezbednosnoj politici: ontološku, epistemološku i metodološku. U ovom nastojanju da se prokrči put daljim istraživanjima, poseban naglasak se stavlja na uloge malih država u svetskoj politici između strukturnih imperativa i mogućnosti delatništva. Teorija uloga se sagledava u svom odnosu prema konsturktivističkoj analizi spoljne politike, pri čemu se ukazuje na osnovne pojmove teorije uloga, interpretativnu metodologiju i neke primere istraživanja diskurzivnog konstruisanja identiteta i uloga država. U zaključku se osvrćem na neka dalja pitanja i jednu istraživačku agendu identiteta i uloga u međunarodnim odnosima

The article is devoted to the attempts of the Joe Biden’s administration to normalize relations with the radical leftist regimes (Cuba, Venezuela and Nicaragua). At the same time, the negotiation process is complicated by bureaucratic and ideological difficulties. The purpose of the study is to identify key obstacles of the improving the interaction between Washington and the antagonist countries. The author will analyze the main trends in the foreign policy of the United States in the region, as well as the behavior of the governments of Latin American countries. The results of the investigation will contribute to a better understanding of inter-American relations and will determine the trajectory of the transformation of the White House's course in the Western Hemisphere.

The paper describes factors that lead to the United States trade restrictions, particularly export control at the end of the second decade; the challenges of the United States policy, prospects for international trade relations. World trade is expected to grow this year after reducing in the previous one. The outlook for trade development remains with a large degree of uncertainty due to economic, financial risks, effects of struggle against pandemia; national policies. The US trade restriction policies are in focus. Besides imposing import tariffs; controlling exports of software, sensitive equipment, technology has been transformed under Trump’s administration in the context of national security, foreign policy objectives. Limiting access to the most sensitive U.S. technology has been putting in practice along with new export controls on software; restrictions on the emerging and foundational technologies. Export Control Reform that was passed by Congress and signed into law by President Trump has determined a new stage in US policy and may bring more uncertainty as concerning relations with other countries.

In American Foreign Policy: Theoretical Essays, G. John Ikenberry, the Albert G. Milbank Professor of Politics and International Affairs at Princeton University, presents readers with a comprehensive overview of the most critical topics in United States foreign relations. Ikenberry brings his significant scholarly experience to bear in the editing of a volume of essays written by acknowledged experts in the field of U. S. foreign policy on topics as varied as U.S. foreign policy itself.

In this paper the author explains very complex and developed process of trade policy creation in the United States. He describes the institutional model of trade policy creation, main organs and procedures, and the legal setting for that process. He also gives the basic principles in the realization of American trade policy in all dimensions - bilaterally regionally and multilaterally, that is to say the bilateral relations with main American trading partners, the links of the United States with the main regional economic groupings in the world and the U. S. influence in international economic organizations.

To date, the American corporate management has fully understood that the neglect of ecological business aspects can merely provide temporary benefits. The "Green Strategy” is important not only for companies' image, but also for their robust margins in the long run. The principle "pollutant pays" is really applied in the U. S. environmental management practices. This article aims to analyse the " Green Strategy”implementation by American and foreign companies operating inside the U. S. territory.

This article analyzes the investment legislation of the Russian Federation and the United States. The subject of this research is the specific normative legal acts regulating direct foreign investments in the indicated countries, while the object is the relations emerging in the process of foreign investment activity.  The author provides the examples of various factors in the area of foreign investment for the purpose of their comparison and determination of specificity of their practical implementation. The reference to doctrinal sources allowed to clearer explain the author’s position of the topic. The scientific novelty and relevance of this work are substantiated by examination of investment activity, which greatly impacts the economy of modern countries. The author’s special contribution lies in studying the experience of U. S. legislation with regards to direct foreign investments. The main conclusion consists in the fact that both jurisdictions have a well-developed mechanism for regulating investment relations, as well as both countries feature a number of restrictions that can face a foreign investor. The need for improvement of Russian legislation is underlined. The acquired results can be used in legislative and expert activity, as well as in further theoretical-legal research.

"The Ayatollah in the Cathedral," to borrow the term coined by ThomasKuhn, is a book that opens the gateway to paradigmatic tranformations in thetheory of international relations and the art of effectively handling foreignaffairs. Dr. Kennedy was one of the 50 hostages who went through the 444days' ordeal in Iran. He gives a detailed account of the events witnessed andexperienced by him as a hostage.The traumatic psychological impact of being a hostage in a revolution isnot easy for others fully to understand as outsiders; still the reader is able tosee that there were many occasions when Dr. Kennedy, as a hostage, thoughtthat his death was imminent.A mediocre author would easily have made his story of captivity a "bestseller' by capitalizing on hatred and by saying what the domestic opinionmakers in the United States want to hear. Instead, Dr. Kennedy defies thiscommon heritage of American scholarship on the Middle East. In this book,he emerges as a serious thinker with an outstanding ability to analyze the factswith scientific objectivity. What makes this book a remarkable multidisciplinarymasterpiece is Mr. Kennedy's professionally skillful and scientificanalysis of the process and factors that shape U. S. foreign policy at theState Department; the weaknesses of U. S. foreign policy in the Middle East;the causes of the U. S. failure to understand the Third World in general and theMuslim world in particular; and an alternative to U. S. foreign policy makingthat would ensure mutual respect and trust not only in the Middle East but inthe Third World in general, thereby restoring the effectiveness of the UnitedStates as a world leader.This book is unique and pivotal in the area of international relationsbecause Dr. Kennedy attempts to provide an alternative approach for U. S.foreign policy. This approach would enable policymakers to protect U. S. interestswhile at the same time winning mutual trust in the Muslim world; goalswhich, under present policy, seem to be mutually exclusive.The basic flaw in American foreign policy making, as pointed out by Dr.Kennedy, is that "our analyses of over-seas problems are too often based onabstraction - what the problem should be rather than what really is. We indulgeourselves in the luxury of seeing what we want to see and denying whatwe do not want to see." (p. 196). Elaborating on the dangers of this approachto foreign policy, he says: "The problem is not professional but cultural. And ...

Abstract This review essay considers the books Raúl Castro: un hombre en revolución by Nikolai S. Leonov and Our woman in Havana: a diplomat's chronicle of America's long struggle with Castro's Cuba by Vicki Huddleston. One would be hard-pressed to find more qualified observers with first-hand experience of Cuba's politics than Nikolai Leonov and Vicki Huddleston. A former chief of KGB's analytical department, Leonov held several medals and decorations, including the Ernesto Che Guevara First Degree Order of the Cuban Council of State. Huddleston, on the other hand, headed the Cuban Affairs of the State Department and in 1999 became the first woman to lead the United States' Interests Section in Havana. Both authors offer in their accounts two visions of Cuba which rather complement each other. The keen revolutionary eye of the Soviet spy leans towards temporality. He saw Cuba in East–West terms, where historically the decade-old American aggressive plans and Soviet's withdrawal pushed the island into a corner. On the other hand, the seasoned American diplomat, well versed in the complex ebb and flow between her state and its southern neighbour, sides with positivity. To her, Cuba is a ‘natural ally’ to the United States. Our woman in Havana admits there is more to the erstwhile Cold War, and with this Ambassador Huddleston's seeks to awaken the ‘better angels’ of US foreign policy towards the island nation.

Tracing the evolution of Barack Obama's National Strategy for Counterterrorism is relevant for a variety of reasons. First and foremost, foreign policy and globalist trends were the reason for coming to power of the next president-isolationist Donald Trump. Secondly, many experts believe that the current administration of the White House pursues a successive foreign policy course namely in relation to the concept of B. Obama. And ultimately, consideration of the factors that affect the transformation of foreign policy strategy, and its counterterrorism component in particular, may contribute to forecasting similar processes under other administrations. The conclusion is made that Barack Obama preferred multilateral cooperation over unilateral coercive course; and the vector towards harmonization of relations with the Muslim world triggered the revision of the “struggle against terrorism” paradigm of George Bush Jr. B. Obama’s administration declared the transition from the concept of preventive strikes towards the concept of “smart power” and “leading from behind”, which manifested in the course of anti-terrorist operation in Syria. The author notes that the activity of Barack Obama in countering international terrorism is characterized by the departure from the tactics of conducting large-scale and costly wars of George Bush Jr. to joint targeted counterterrorism operations.

Abstract The British Parliament passed the Slave Trade Abolition Act in 1807, making the transatlantic trade in human beings illegal. Intended to eliminate Atlantic high-sea slave trading, the 1807 Act placed limitations on how the merchant and planter class could move their human property between British holdings while also forbidding intercolonial slave trading. Included was an imperial-sanctioned exception to the rule—the “convict slave” clause—that allowed authorities in the British Caribbean to sell enslaved people to foreign colonies under transportation sentences allocated by colonial courts. This article pays particular attention to criminal transportation and its use to punish the enslaved. Execution of such sentences occurred at a time when Britain began its maritime abolition campaign and Spanish participation in the transatlantic slave trade simultaneously intensified. It provides evidence of operations of a local market in convicted enslaved people in Jamaica that was only possible because of the island’s intra-American slave trading connections with the Spanish Americas, and in particular, the commercial connections it held with the nearby-island of Cuba.

Science and Technology (S&T) have historically been used by countries as tools of hard power, especially in military and economic contexts. Contrary to a strategy that uses S&T as a hard power tool, Science Diplomacy (SD) is an alternative form of using S&T in bilateral and multilateral interactions; one in which soft power predominates. Relying on examples of the foreign relations of the United States - one of the most developed countries in terms of S&T and SD - this article shows how SD has unified countries and has been employed as a strategy that assists diplomats in interpreting technical knowledge, supports scientists in negotiating multilateral projects, and, most importantly, promotes alliances between countries. The paper is divided in three main sections: in the first part, we present a brief summary of the intellectual history of the concept of SD, introducing and defining it and we discuss why countries invest in it. In the second part, we analyze to what extent S&T played a central role in re-establishing bilateral relations or in promoting more peaceful negotiations between the U.S. and Cuba, North Korea, Russia, and selected Muslim countries. In the third section, we offer our concluding remarks. Key-words: Science Diplomacy; International Cooperation; Science and Technology. Recebido em: maio/2017 Aprovado em: janeiro/2018

The article examines the impact of the crisis in Russia - U. S. relations in connection with the events surrounding Ukraine on the world system and its key component - the Asia-Pacific region where Japan plays a crucial role. The author assumes that the international relations have no common understanding of the rules of engagement between the USA, the Group of Seven, Russia and the BRICS countries. As a result, the leading countries of the world are guided by conflicting scenarios. The article deals with the American scenario in relation to China and the Russian Federation and the Russian one in relation to polycentric and the U. S. - centered world orders. The most important element of the American scenario in relation to Beijing is Japan. This country is central to Washington's policy to contain China. Tokyo is headed for the rapid rejection of pacifist principles of its foreign policy. Russian scenario for the international system is in an active course to establishing a polycentric world order. United States' scenario against Russia in this regard is a containment strategy of Moscow. The central component of this strategy, as it can be assumed, is a violation of the strategic balance in US - Russian relations. However, Ukraine has become a major springboard to contain Russia. Instead of establishing equal Russian - American relations United States and their allies (under American pression) have chosen a policy of isolating Moscow, but such actions are blocking the Russian - Japanese rapprochement beneficial both for Tokyo and Kremlin, which is interested in deepening its ties with Japan in order to diversify its relations with Asia-Pacific area. The author concludes that the long-term interests of Russia and Japan dictate both sides to move closer, but the policy of the U.S. administration towards Russia on the Ukranian question blocks this possibility.

Anke Fischer-Kattner: Spuren der Begegnung. Europäische Reiseberichte über Afrika (1760-1860) (Ulrich van der Heyden) Michael Hochgeschwender: Die Amerikanische Revolution. Geburt einer Nation (1763-1815) (Michael Fröhlich) Hermann Wellenreuther: Von der Konföderation zur Amerikanischen Nation. Der Amerikanischen Revolution zweiter Teil (1783-1796) (Michael Fröhlich) Gabriele Förderer: Koloniale Grüße aus Samoa. Eine Diskursanalyse von deutschen, englischen und US-amerikanischen Reisebeschreibungen aus Samoa von 1860-1916 (Ulrich van der Heyden) Merle Zeigerer: Kriegsberichterstatter in den deutschen Kolonialkriegen in Asien und Afrika. Augenzeugen, Anstifter, Komplizen? (Wolfgang Semmler) Heike Bungert: Festkultur und Gedächtnis. Die Konstruktion einer deutsch-amerikansichen Ethnizität (1848-1914) (Michael Fröhlich) Lady Anne Blunt: Pilgerfahrt nach Nedschd, der Wiege der Araber. Ein Besuch am Hofe des arabischen Emirs, und unsere „persische Reise“. (Hrsg. und publiziert von Uwe Pfullmann) (Cornelia Beyer) Horst Gründer, Herrmann Hiery (Hg): Die Deutschen und ihre Kolonien. Ein Überblick (Reinhart Kößler) Henry-Martin Klemt: Das Licht des 13. Mondes. Äthiopisches Tagebuch (Ulrich van der Heyden) Arnold August: Cuba – U. S. Relations. Obama and Beyond (Edgar Göll) Noam Chomsky: Wer beherrscht die Welt? Die globalen Verwerfungen der amerikanischen Politik (Christian Hacke)

This research intends to cover the process of establishment of the U.S.–Saudi relations, and the factors it was influenced by. It is based on the study of the U.S. foreign policy documents. The research has revealed that the United States recognized the government of the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd (February 1931) after an agreement was reached to elevate its diplomatic representation in Iraq to the ambassadorial level. That means that the U.S. prioritized relations with the Kingdom of Iraq to relations with the Kingdom of Hejaz and Nejd. The United States recognized the government of the King Ibn Saud due to commercial interests. Hereafter the Department of State initiated the U.S.–Saudi Provisional Agreement in regard to Diplomatic and Consular Representation, Juridical Protection, Commerce and Navigation, signed in November 1933. It was aimed at protecting the rights of the U.S. citizens, who worked in the Kingdom since 1931, especially after obtaining the oil concession by the California Standard Oil company in May 1933. However, the diplomatic representative to Saudi Arabia was not appointed. This issue was mainstreamed when commercial volumes of oil were discovered in Saudi Arabia in 1938, the U.S. oil company signed its second concession agreement in 1939, and the U. S. commercial interests in Saudi Arabia had significantly increased. Besides, the representatives of Great Britain, Germany and Japan intensified their activities to obtain oil concessions in Saudi Arabia. The King Ibn Saud highly appreciated exclusively commercial U.S. interests, the absence of its intentions to expand political influence or to take over Saudi territories. For these reasons, he preferred cooperation with the United States to other nations. The U.S.–Saudi diplomatic relations were established on February 4, 1940, when B. Fish, who was the U. S. Minister–resident in Egypt, presented his credentials to the King Ibn Saud. The decision to establish diplomatic representation in Saudi Arabia was taken in June–July 1939. It was caused by the increasing competition for Saudi oil, not a beginning of the World War, as some scholars suggest.

B a c k g r o u n d . The search for new forms and directions of activity of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the international arena actualizes the need for theoretical understanding of the classification features of international parliamentary institutions as a problem that has not found coverage in domestic science today. At the same time, the theoretical aspects of the formation and functioning of the structures of international parliamentarism are actively studied by foreign authors, which makes it possible to generalize existing developments and form a holistic view of the specifics of international parliamentary institutions. The object of research is the classification features of international parliamentary institutions that form a multilevel and multivariate system of modern international parliamentarism. M e t h o d s . The paper uses a descriptive method focused on analytical description and allocation of separate groups of international parliamentary institutions; systemic method – to identify internal organizational principles and specifics of the functioning of international parliamentary institutions; empirical method – to highlight the practical and political potential of international parliamentary structures. R e s u l t s . The article is focused on consideration of organizational bases and principles of functioning of international parliamentary institutions of different levels with identification of their formal status and political opportunities. It has been formed objective ideas about the potential of international parliamentary institutions in the international arena as a platform for realization of urgent international problems of supranational, regional or special political orientation. The system of interrelations of international parliamentary institutions with related international organizations with the tendency of turnover of their status and powers in accordance with international structures has been determined. The prospects of scientific research in the direction of international parliamentary institutions as a potential resource in the system of international diplomacy and international relations of Ukraine are outlined. C o n c l u s i o n s . The practical aspect of interaction with international parliamentary institutions implies a clear awareness of their formal status, organizational principles, political capabilities, which makes possible a more specific, and thus effective course of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the field of interparliamentary diplomacy and inter-parliamentary relations.

B a c k g r o u n d . The functioning of the military management system in the conditions of a high-intensity armed conflict, the failure to pay sufficient attention to the issues of state-wide and departmental anti-corruption control periodically leads to an increase in the level of threats to the life and health of the personnel of military formations. This determines the need to overcome a number of social and security problems and serves as confirmation of the need for their research. The purpose and task of the article is to determine the essence of preventing corruption in military administration bodies as a social and security problem. M e t h o d s . The methods of analysis and synthesis were used to single out the two most problematic spheres of legal relations under the conditions of the legal regime of martial law. The semantic method and the modeling method made it possible to formulate the concept of preventing corruption in the military administration and the effectiveness of the use of funds to solve the tasks of repelling Russian armed aggression. R e s u l t s . It was found that the prevention of corruption in military administration bodies as a social problem represents a reduction in the destructive impact of corruption manifestations on social relations. The concept of the effectiveness of the use of funds and means to solve the tasks of repelling Russian armed aggression is defined as the maximum success of military operations for the deoccupation of Ukrainian lands with the simultaneous maximum preservation of the lives and health of servicemen. C o n c l u s i o n s . The concept of preventing corruption in military administration bodies is defined as a complex multi-component type of activity involving a large number of state institutions, non-governmental organizations, media, international organizations and foreign institutions, aimed at creating institutional and organizational conditions for the effective functioning of the Defense Forces, ensuring effective repulsion of Russian armed aggression and deoccupation of Ukrainian territories. The existence of a self-regulatory mechanism for ensuring security in the researched area, which functions thanks to the potential of Ukrainian civil society and international procedures of democratic civilian control in the defense sector, was established.

In the context of international events, the relations between Russia and Turkey remain complex, although they are based on mutual recognition of security and other interests and cooperation that is mutually beneficial. The strained relations between Turkey and the United States, caused by disagreements in Syria and Turkish purchase of the S-400 missile system, have shown Turkey's growing commitment to a more independent foreign policy. Russia is under sanctions due to the annexation of Crimea and is an actor in the crisis over Ukraine due to the NATO threat of expansion to the Russian western borders, which escalated after the Russian recognition of the independence of the People's Republic of Donetsk and Lugansk (Donbas) and launching a "special military operation" in Donbas. In the foreign policy of Russia and Turkey and acting towards the third parties, their conflicting interests and providing direct or indirect support to parties to the conflict, without a direct conflict, are often present, which shapes their specific "competitive cooperation". The engagement of Turkey and Russia in Syria has proven to be effective, both in military operations and in mediating negotiations, which has reduced the influence of the United States and NATO in this area. The crisis management model implemented in Syria has not been successful in the Libyan crisis due to the Russian more passive attitude and greater influence of the Western powers and the UN mission. The common engagement in energy and military projects and technology transfer is an indicator of cooperation focused on the industries of strategic importance. The Russian interests in the NATO non-expansion and Turkey in entering the European Union markets can also have a positive effect on the current economic, political and security position of Serbia and the countries of the region.

The author analyzes the structure of the Turkish lobby in the U.S. and main issues of PR and GR support of the Turkey’s interests in Washington. The activities of the Turkish- American Caucus in the Congress and some Turkish- American NGOs are also considered. Sources of primary information are reports for the years 2018–19 of a registered foreign agents in accordance with The Foreign Agents Registration Act, 1938. There are three main directions of lobbying the Turkish interests in the U.S.: • threats related to large- scale economic sanctions for the invasion of Kurdish areas of Syria in 2019; • problems that arise after purchasing the Russia’s C-400 ground-to-air missiles and lead to a discord between NATO allies and Turkey; • Turkey and the U.S. face tough decisions on relations after President Erdogan aims to eliminate preacher Gulen that is hiding in the U.S., and accused by the Turkish authorities of involvement in the attempted coup in Turkey in 2016. There are other issues in Turkish- American relations that are being served by lobbyists: the recognition of the Armenian Genocide, the decision of the Trump’s administration in 2018 to raise import tariffs on Turkish steel and aluminum as well as the White House’s and Turkish opposition blames Erdogan’s regime for violation of human rights and civil freedoms. The author’s conclusion is that the attempts to lobby the Turkish interests with the obvious tensions between Trump and Erdogan have little chance of success. As it is known, Turkey was a political competition tool for the U.S. and USSR in era. But nowadays President Erdogan tries to revise patron- client state relationship with the U. S. Moreover the Turkey’s interests have not been represented by lobbyists in a way that does not contradict the U.S. interests. Only the delivery information to the lawmakers doesn’t guarantee to desirable decisions.

The world’s leading countries use international cooperation in the education and science field to influence and confirm their authority. The countries of North and South America and the USSR used scientific and educational relations as a means of communication. For Kyiv State University named after T. G. Shevchenko, this provided an opportunity to expand the geography of international relations. Therefore, the aim of the article is a comprehensive study of the connections of KSU named after T. G. Shevchenko with scientific and educational institutions of the countries of North and South America in 1944–1975’s. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the fact that the scientific and educational ties of KSU named T. G. Shevchenko with scientific and educational institutions of the USA and Canada, as well as Latin American countries in 1944–1975’s, have been highlighted for the first time. The methodological basis of the research was the methods of historical retrospection and problem-chronological and analytical methods. The conclusions. It is noted that at the end of the Second World War (1944–1945), the establishment of ties by Kyiv University with educational and scientific institutions of the countries of North and South America was not possible due to the reconstruction of the city and the university itself. And during the period of post-war reconstruction (1946–1950), the Soviet-American confrontation was added to the mentioned problems, which then turned into the Cold War. It is indicated that some scientists from the countries of North America began to visit Kyiv State University named after Taras Shevchenko since the mid-1950s. The prerequisite for this was the liberal socio-political changes in the USSR associated with de-Stalinization (1953–1956) and the Khrushchev Thaw that began in 1956. It is noted that ties between American, Canadian and Soviet universities began to be established after Soviet leader M. Khrushchev visited the USA in 1959. Delegations from American universities visited Kyiv University to familiarize themselves with the organization of educational and scientific work. At the same time, guests from South American countries began to visit Kyiv University. It is indicated that with the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the Republic of Cuba in 1960, frequent guests at Kyiv State University named after Taras Shevchenko joined Cuban scientists and delegations. Furthermore, Kyiv University has established close cooperation with the Central University of Las Villas Province. From the same year, young people from Latin American countries began to enroll in the Preparatory Faculty for Foreign Citizens. It was clarified that in the mid-1960s Kyiv State University named after Taras Shevchenko’s most active international book exchange was with the Library of Congress in Washington. It was determined that despite the «international détente» in relations between the USA and the USSR in 1969, the ties of American universities with Kyiv State University named Taras Shevchenko in the first half of the 1970s did not go beyond isolated contacts.

B a c k g r o u n d . Strengthening the financial basis of local self-government takes on archival importance, considering the economic circumstances of the wartime and post-war reconstruction of the territories of Ukraine. In this regard there is a need to improve the local finance management system and develop its institutional support in conditions of financial decentralization. Theoretical and practical aspects of management in the field of local finances, inter-budgetary relations, financial relations of local self-government bodies in the context of decentralization are considered in the works of domestic scientists: V. Bodrov, V. Vakulenko, I. Volokhova, N. Honcharuk, V. Gornyk, A. Degtyar. The strengthening of the financial basis of local selfgovernment in the process of the post-war recovery of the economy of Ukraine is studied in the works of Z. Varnalij, I. Vertsiuk, Ya. Zhalilo, M. Kosheliuk, I. Ozymok, O. Sokolova, U. Thomann and others. Implementation of financial decentralization, management of local finances is considered by such foreign scientists as: J. Buchanan, A. Wagner, R. Musgrave, W. Oates, P. Samuelson, J. Stiglitz, H. Zimmerman, F. Fukuyama, J. Schumpeter and others. It remains expedient to search for institutional mechanisms for further reforming the financial relations of local self-government bodies, models for managing inter-budgetary relations, sources of financing local budget expenditures, and expanding public control mechanisms in the process of managing local finances under conditions of decentralization. The purpose of the article is the scientific and theoretical justification of the institutional transformations of the local finance system of Ukraine and the development of practical recommendations regarding the mechanisms of its development in the context of the decentralization of state administration. The tasks of the article are to consider the existing problems and outline the prospects for ensuring the processes of financial decentralization, to propose mechanisms for the necessary institutional transformations in the system of local finance of Ukraine and tools for their implementation. M e t h o d s . The article was carried out with the help of modern theoretical and cognitive methods, the dialectics of the processes of public administration and local self-government in the conditions of financial decentralization and reforming of local finances. Methods of system analysis, synthesis and comparisons, historical, logical, deductive methods and modeling were also used. The research used the theory of public choice, public goods and the structural-functional approach to improve the management of budget funds in conditions of decentralization. R e s u l t s . It is claimed that the pre-war experience of active implementation of the decentralization reform in Ukraine gave positive results, from which it is necessary to move on, and further develop and improve this vector. It was determined that institutional transformations should take place within the framework of financial support system structural elements of local self-government – budgets of different levels. The mechanisms of the necessary institutional transformations in the local finances system in Ukraine and the tools for their implementation are proposed. In particular, such a method of improving the local finances system as budget cooperation is proposed. The Law of Ukraine norms "On Cooperation of Territorial Communities" have been analyzed and proposals have been made to expand the regulatory influence of the specified law regarding budget cooperation procedures. Attention was focused on the importance of training modern personnel of local self-government bodies that implement policies in the sphere of budget, finance and prices. The importance of the development of the institution of civil society is also emphasized. Emphasis is placed on the expansion of models and forms of self-organization bodies cooperation of the population in the processes of control and supervision of the local self-government bodies activities in the local finances field in Ukraine. C o n c l u s i o n s . Therefore, the goal of institutional transformations of the local finance system of Ukraine in the context of decentralization is to significantly expand the capabilities of local self-government bodies to independently manage all socio-economic processes at the level of territorial communities and to establish connections between regions, the symbiosis of which can bring the desired effect for the economy of the entire country. Such changes should be synchronized with the changes envisaged by the plan for Ukraine to acquire the status of an EU member state. Our proposals are designed to improve the quality of local self-government and encourage further scientific research in the field of local finance management in Ukraine.

The article aims to explore the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool. The following research questions are posed: in what way did COVID-19 affect the policy of sanctions around the world? To what extant did the initiators of sanctions change their restrictions? Where did COVID-19 rank on the global sanctions agenda? What was the position of the UN as a key institution of global governance and what was the reaction of the key countries that initiated the sanctions? The main hypothesis is that COVID-19 has not significantly altered the existing sanctions regime. No single initiator-state has changed its sanctions regime in principle, but states have made a number of humanitarian exemptions. However, these exemptions are limited and sanctions have continued to be imposed as usual. In some areas, COVID-19 has even exacerbated international tensions and raised the risks of sanctions, especially in U. S.—China relations. The hypothesis was tested using the event analysis method of sanctions episodes during the pandemic (March-June 2020). The research provides an analysis of quantity and quality of events and their distribution among initiators. Emphasis is placed on the study of events connected to COVID-19. The results reveal a limited impact of COVID-19 on sanctions policy and highlight the weakness of the UN to affect the behavior of key sanctions initiators even in conditions of a global threat such as COVID-19.

Case Nos.2 BvR 2115/01, 2 BvR 2132/01, & 2 BvR 348/03.60 Neue Juristische Wochenschrift 499 (2007). At <http://www.bundesverfassungsgericht.de>.Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court of Germany), September 19, 2006.On September 19, 2006, the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany (Bundesverfassungsgericht) held in jointly decided Case Nos. 2 BvR 2115/01, 2 BvR 2132/01, & 2 BvR 348/03 that a failure to provide consular information to foreign nationals pursuant to Article 36 of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations (VCCR) violates the guarantee of a fair trial as provided by the German Constitution (Grundgesetz). The result is in contrast to a recent U. S. Supreme Court decision in Sanchez-Llamas v. Oregon, a strikingly similar case.The defendants, two nationals of Turkey and two of Serbia-Montenegro, were arrested in the course of different criminal investigations. They were informed of their rights as defendants as guaranteed by Germany's law of criminal procedure. The prosecuting authorities failed, however, to provide information on the defendants’ right to contact the consular staffs of their own countries in compliance with the VCCR. Three defendants were found guilty of murder and sentenced to lifetime imprisonment by the district court (Landgericht) of Braunschweig. The district court of Hamburg found the fourth defendant guilty of a robbery that resulted in the death of a victim, and sentenced him to eleven years’ imprisonment. Since the defendants refused to make statements, the criminal courts relied, inter alia, on the testimony of the police officers questioning the defendants after their various arrests. During the subsequent criminal proceedings, the defendants, presumably out of ignorance, made no attempt to invoke their consular rights, and the district courts seemed to be equally unaware of those rights.

This paper intends to describe and discuss major transformations in the U.S.-Thai military and political treaty alliance of 1954 and 1962 durіng the post-Cold War period. The author seeks to reveal milestones in the U.S.-Thai political relations, and the most important factors that affected their defense and security cooperation. Methodology. These transformations are studied at the background of shifts in the international environment and the U. S. foreign policy, Thai domestic developments, and regional processes in Asia Pacific. In this empirical qualitative research, the methods of critical analysis of primary and secondary sources, chronological and comparative approaches are applied. Conclusions. The research has revealed that in the new international environment of 1990s, the tasks of the U.S.-Thai treaty alliance were changed. It was reoriented towards transnational security threats, mostly drugs traffic and terrorism, humanitarian assistance in the case of natural disasters, preparations for peacekeeping operations, et cetera. 2001–2004, when Thai government supported the U.S.-led war on terror, was the most fruitful period of the U.S.-Thai cooperation during the post-Cold war period. Simultaneously, from the very end of Indochina wars Thailand attempted to evade overdependence on the United States in the security area, and sought to balance American influence. Development of close Thailand-China ties served the purpose. The special relations, established between Thailand and China, hindered the achievement of the full potential of the U.S.-Thai alliance. Besides, the U.S. and Thai governments had different perceptions on some important political issues such as human rights, the role of military in society and the governance, policy towards Myanmar, and the security issues in the South China Sea. Since 2006, the U.S.–Thai defense and security cooperation was negatively affected by political instability in Thailand and military coup of 2006. As a result, during the rebalance to East Asia since 2011, the U.S. could not rely on effective cooperation with Thailand, its treaty ally. The military coup of 2014 caused the worst crisis in the U.S.-Thai relations. Though during D. Trump administration they were improved and the new vision of the alliance was agreed upon, this crisis actualized an issue of credibility of Thailand as an ally.

The article is dedicated to the analysis of “strategic ambiguity” concept – a tool of U.S. foreign policy aimed at dual deterrence of both mainland China and breakaway Taiwan. Washington stayed deliberately ambiguous in its commitments to defend Taiwan thus leaving Beijing uncertain whether the U.S. will intervene in case of escalation in the Strait, and at the same time not encouraging Taiwanese authorities to declare full independence and sovereignty which would provoke military escalation with mainland China, dragging the U.S. into full-scale conflict with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The article analyzes the roots of this approach during D. Eisenhower’s years in office, its evolution en course and after the Cold War, and its erosion under D. Trump and J. Biden. The article shows that the U. S. President Eisenhower wished to maintain status-quo in Taiwan Strait, fearing that he would either have to turn a blind eye on the communist takeover of Taiwan, or be dragged into conflict with the close ally of Moscow, which would eventually lead to the war with the USSR. Eisenhower and his administration remained ambiguous in their communications with the PRC (mainland China) and Taiwan, not encouraging the island to declare full independence and at the same time not giving Beijing a carte blanche for military intervention. This approach dubbed in political science and international relations theory as “strategic ambiguity” proved to be useful, and was reinforced during Washington–Beijing rapprochement in 1970s. Under Trump administration, the U.S. started to consider dropping the “strategic ambiguity” policy towards clearer deterrence commitments. This trend manifested via emotional statements made by Donald Trump himself, mostly on social media, as well as through a change of tone in key foreign policy documents and new decisions that signaled a serious revision of the American approach to military cooperation between the United States and Taiwan. This trend continued and exacerbated under Biden administration due to number of bills signed, including the Taiwan Enhanced Resilience Act (TERA) which de-facto dubbed the contested island as Washington’s “Major Non-NATO Ally” and enabled to boost military supplies. The erosion of the “strategic ambiguity” policy also manifested through various high-profile contacts, including the House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit on the island.

The advancement and promoting by the United States of its concept of Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) has shaped many of political discussions in Asian countries in recent years. The Republic of Korea is no exception. From this perspective, the article reviews the basic aspects of the evolution of South Korea’s foreign policy course as well as new priorities in that area which have been forged with the advent of President Moon Jae-in administration. The paper shows that the complex fluctuations of the South Korea’s external policy have been defined by the need to maintain the focus on the United States, on one side, and desire to nurture strategic partnership with China, on the other side. However, finding the right balance in that political equation has been significantly complicated due to the growing confrontation between the two global powers. Special attention is given to the role and place of South Korea in the U. S. Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy. The article examines the main directions, some of the outcomes and the prospects of cooperation between Washington and Seoul aimed at harmonizing their regional strategies in view of the factors facilitating those interactions as well as those hampering them. President Trump highlighted that the United States – the Republic of Korea alliance remains a linchpin for security, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. However, the dialogue between the two partners has not revealed the willingness of South Korea to collaborate with the United States on that theme beyond a narrow framework of purely economic coordination. Particularly, South Korea has consistently rejected the attempts of its ally to involve the country into the activities of Quad for fear of a possible adverse effect for the Korea–China relationships. All of those questions are examined in the article in linkage with a number of bilateral problems prevailing in the ROK–USA alliance which have complicated the collaboration between the two countries on regional issues in recent times.

This article focuses on workforce policies trends in the American public diplomacy institutions. The author compares tendencies regarding HR policy, e. g. frequency of leadership change, length of timespans between nominations, the ratio of acting and confirmed nominees during the age of the United Stated Information Agency (USIA) and after its disbandment in 1999. Comparison demonstrates a considerable change of patterns: since 1999, persons in charge of the American public diplomacy institutions have been rotating more often, and positions themselves stayed vacant longer than they did in the 20th century. There have been many acting nominees during the past decade, whereas in the time of the USIA there has been none. In addition, the article studies characteristics of both the USIA directors and Under Secretaries of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs. The analysis of education, professional background, personal relationship with the U. S. President (or the lack of it) demonstrated that standards for the Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs position applicants are significantly lower than the ones that were applied to candidates for the directorship of the USIA. With the results obtained, the author arrived to a conclusion that the change of HR policy in the American public diplomacy sphere indicates the lack of interest in the particular dimension of foreign policy among the political leadership of the U.S. in comparison to the age of the Cold War. This conclusion agrees with the fact that since 1990s, the American public diplomacy remains in crisis: no major reforms of institutions since 1999, unsuccessful attempts to develop a comprehensive strategic document for public diplomacy, frequent piques of anti-Americanism in the international public opinion in the 21st century. The article argues that the absence of a prominent leader in the American public diplomacy who would have stayed in the office for considerable amount of time, been a confidant of the President and thus an active participant of the formation of a national political vision, possessed outstanding professional experience, is both the consequence of the crisis in the U.S. public diplomacy and the factor that contributes to this crisis remaining unsolved.

In 2022, the tension between Russia and the U.S. has reached a new high. This trend has been especially noticeable in the information space: influencing public opinion of each other’s populations as well as of global community. Focusing on the concept of “political warfare” (POLWAR), the author analyzes the circumstances of its last notable emergence in the discourse among the American expert community and political elites – the start of the Cold War. The article discovers that American approach to the POLWAR in the first decades of confrontation with the USSR was reactive and even defensive, since the USSR did already have a successful experience of projecting influence on the global public opinion, effectively winning hearts and minds of foreign populations and thus presenting a threat to the newly constructed liberal world order. Hence, the U.S. governments proceeded to a gradual establishment of what later will be called the American “public diplomacy” (PD), including the development of relative legislation, institutes, etc. Thus, the article concludes that PD as a political practice may be considered a product of the Cold War in general and POLWAR in particular, which explains why the American PD has been in systemic crisis since the end of the Cold War. Moreover, studying the latest changes in the U.S. legislation and institutes related to public diplomacy, the author suggests that those events were once again the reaction of the U.S. to the Russian policies which were considered a challenge to the “rule-based world order”. Those steps, however, have been too inconsequent to bring the American PD into the most effective mode. That is why in the POLWAR that started in 2022, the American side fluctuates towards reactive and defensive tactic, mostly focusing on stopping Russian information campaigns influencing the population of the U.S., whereas control over the global public opinion remains second priority and public opinion of Russians is not being considered at all within the framework of this new approach of the U. S. Aside from that the creation of Disinformation Board and introduction of the concept of “domestic PD” likely indicate the desire to boost the public diplomacy resources that are not currently adequate for POLWAR offensive via discovering new talents and ideas among motivated Americans.

In this article, the degree of representativeness of the examples (pairs of lexical units) which illustrate antonymous relations in the English language has been determined, utilizing the method of linguistic interviewing. The article presents the procedure and the results of the psycholinguistic experiment conducted. The peculiarities of the method of linguistic interviewing as a type of psycholinguistic experiment have been defined. A selection of antonymous pairs provided by leading linguists in the area of lexical semantics as illustrative examples in thirteen English-language linguistic works (monographs, textbooks and linguistic encyclopaedias) serves as the material for the experiment. All of the 101 respondents are scholars in the field of linguistics (Candidates and Doctors of Philological Sciences, as well as postgraduate students from the higher educational establishments of Ukraine), and are native speakers of Ukrainian, English being their first foreign language. In the experiment, the respondents were to identify which pairs of lexical items given in the list illustrate the relation of antonymy. Analyzing the results of linguistic interviewing, we were able to determine the pairs of antonyms with the highest and the lowest degrees of representativeness. The research demonstrated that gradable and complementary antonyms, mainly adjectives, have the highest degree of representativeness. In addition, we identified certain correlations with the results of linguistic interviewing conducted earlier, the respondents being linguistics scholars, including university and college professors, who are native speakers of English from five English-speaking countries. References Bruner, J. S., Goodnow, J. J. and Austin, G. A. (1986). A Study of Thinking. NewBrunswick; New Jersey: Transaction Publishers. Cruse, D. A. (1987). Lexical Semantics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kotys, O. (2014). Psykholinhvistychnyi esperyment yak metod doslidzhennia pryrodnoiyikatehorii [Psycholinguistic experiment as a method of investigating a natural category].East European Journal of Psycholinguistics, 1(1), 114–121. Levytskyi, V. V. and Sternin, I. A. (1989). Eskperimentalnyie Metody v Semasiologii[Experimental Methods in Semasiology]. Voronezh: Voronezh University Publishers. Lytvyn, O. L. (2014). Leksychne napovnennia katehorii antonimii (za danymyanhlomovnykh linhvistychnykh prats) [Lexical content of the category of antonymy(based on a selection of English-language linguistic works)]. Nova Filolohiya, 64, 49–54. Lytvyn, O. L. (2015). Doslidzhennia antonimichnykh vindoshen u psykholinhvistychnomueksperymenti [A study of antonymic relations as evidenced in a psycholinguisticexperiment]. Naukovyi Visnyk Skhidnoievropeiskoho Natsionalnoho Universytetu imeniLesi Ukrainky: Filolohichni Nauky: Movoznavstvo, 4(305), 71–75. Rosch, E. H. (1973). Natural categories. Cognitive Psychology, 4(3), 328–350. Rosch, E. H. (1975). Cognitive representations of semantic categories. Journal ofExperimental Psychology: General, 104(3), 192–233.

The World Trade Center Attack or 9/11 tragedy has awakened the international community, particularly the United States (US) to sharpen its foreign policy in facing security threats coming from ‘weak states’. One of the most prominent weak states examples that pose a grave threat to other countries are the Northern Triangle Countries of Central America that referred to Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador. Hence, this paper will discuss the rationale behind US initiatives in dealing with security threats in El Salvador as one of the Northern Triangle Countries. In analyzing the case, the writers will use the weak state concept and national interest concept. The result of this paper finds that El Salvador corresponds to the elements of a weak state and further poses security threats by giving rise to transnational criminal organizations, drug trafficking, and migrant problems in which overcoming those security threats has become US vital national interest. 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ABSTRAK Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguji spillover effect indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap indeks saham syariah ASEAN dengan menggunakan metode Nonlinier Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) untuk menemukan spillover effect yang bersifat asimetris selama pandemi Covid-19. Data yang diamati dimulai pada 1 Januari 2020 sampai dengan 30 September 2021 dengan total observasi sebanyak 336 data untuk masing-masing indeks saham. Penelitian ini mendapatkan beberapa temuan. Pertama, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka pendek terhadap indeks saham syariah Indonesia, Malaysia dan Thailand selama pandemi Covid-19. Kedua, indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina hanya memiliki pengaruh asimetris jangka panjang terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Ketiga, efek ketika terjadi penurunan indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina lebih besar dibandingkan pada saat terjadi kenaikan terhadap indeks saham syariah Malaysia selama pandemi Covid-19. Salah satu penyebab hubungan tersebut adalah karena adanya hubungan dagang yang sangat erat antara Amerika Serikat dan Cina terhadap Malaysia. Adapun implikasi dari penelitian ini adalah investor internasional dapat menjadikan hasil penelitian ini sebagai bahan pengambilan keputusan apabila terjadi kontraksi akibat krisis seperti pada saat pandemi Covid-19 terhadap indeks saham syariah Amerika Serikat dan Cina untuk mempertahankan maupun menjual portofolio investasi mereka. Kata Kunci: Spillover, Indeks Syariah, Asimetris, Covid-19. ABSTRACT This study aims to examine the spillover effect of Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China on the ASEAN Islamic stock index using the Nonlinear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) method to find asymmetric spillover effects during the Covid-19 pandemic. The observed data starts on January 1, 2020, until September 30, 2021, with a total of 336 observations for each stock index. This study found some findings. First, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have a short-term asymmetric influence on the Islamic stock indices of Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand during the Covid-19 pandemic. Second, the Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China have only a long-term asymmetric influence on Malaysia's sharia stock indexes during the Covid-19 pandemic. Third, the effect when there is a decline in Islamic stock indexes of the United States and China is greater than when there is an increase in the Malaysian sharia stock index during the Covid-19 pandemic. One of the reasons for this relationship is the very close trade relationship between the United States and China with Malaysia. The research implication of this study is that international investors can use the results of this research as a decision-making material in the event of a contraction due to the crisis (one of which is the Covid-19 pandemic) in the United States and China Islamic stock indexes to maintain or sell their investment portfolios. Keywords: Spillover, Islamic Index, Asymmetric, Covid-19. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Abdullahi, S. I. (2021). Islamic equities and covid-19 pandemic: Measuring Islamic stock indices correlation and volatility in period of crisis. Islamic Economic Studies, 29(1), 50-66. https://doi.org/10.1108/IES-09-2020-0037 Aslam, F., Mohmand, Y. 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The paper analyses the importance of state states in the affairs of bigger states in the context of foreign policy persuasion. In this context the paper examines the relations between Pakistan which is seen as small state in its relations with the United Sates of America, which is a big state. It reviewed a number of literatures on small states in large states’ foreign policy persuasion and found that some small states are very crucial and are key influencers of big states foreign policy directions. The paper found Pakistan a key ally of USA in military and security sense and in the war of terror. Despite some issues of distrust between Pakistan and USA including the killing of some terrorists in Pakistan, the USA seems unlikely to abandon the small state of Pakistan due to its strategic location (geopolitics). Thus, some small states matter so much in foreign policy persuasion.

Latent profile analysis is a widely used approach to identifying subgroups of students at risk for reading difficulties. However, evidence from reading research involving middle schoolers challenges the utility and meaning of these putatively categorically distinct reading profiles, which can be statistically derived even in the absence of real profiles. The current study challenges the view that reading profiles reflect distinct groups. In fact, it tests the hypothesis that reading is continuous, with severity gradations in its performance. The sample consisted of 695 seventh graders (Mage = 12.76 years, SDage = 0.43) from Slovenia reading in English as a foreign language. The main outcome measures included various assessments of reading skills in English as a foreign language. Results of the latent profile analysis showed that reading profiles were arrayed in a tiered spectrum of severity, from higher to lower reading performance. Profiles were not qualitatively different, and relations with external correlates increased consistently with each profile. Findings suggest that reading profiles in middle school may represent continuous gradations. Hence, reading interventions in middle school should be based on continuous liability assessments rather than profile subtyping.Key words: English as a foreign language; middle school; reading groups. --- Analiza latentnih profila često je korišten pristup za identifikaciju rizičnih podskupina učenika s teškoćama u čitanju. Ipak, rezultati istraživanja čitanja učenika viših razreda osnovne škole dovode u pitanje korisnost i značenje tih navodno kategorički različitih čitalačkih profila, koji mogu biti rezultat statističkih postupaka čak i u odsustnosti stvarnih profila. U ovom istraživanju propituje se stav da čitalački profili odražavaju jasno diferencirane skupine. U stvari, testira se hipoteza da je čitanje kontinuirano, s gradacijom težine njegove izvedbe. Uzorak je obuhvatio 695 učenika sedmoga razreda (Mage = 12,76 godina, SDage = 0,43) iz Slovenije koji su čitali na engleskome kao stranome jeziku. Glavne ishodišne mjere uključivale su raznolike ocjene čitalačkih vještina u engleskome kao stranome jeziku. Rezultati analize latentnih profila pokazali su da su čitalački profili raspoređeni u slojevitom spektru težine, od veće do manje uspješnosti u čitanju. Profili se nisu kvalitativno razlikovali, a njihovi odnosi s vanjskim korelatima jednolično su se povećavali sa svakim profilom. Naime, rezultati pokazuju da čitalački profili u nižoj srednjoj školi predstavljaju kontinuiranu gradaciju. Stoga bi se intervencije u čitanju u nižoj srednjoj školi trebale zasnivati na neprekinutoj procjeni rizika, prije nego na određivanju podtipova profila.Ključne riječi: engleski kao strani jezik; niža srednja škola; čitalačke skupine.

“Yo soy del Son a la Salsa”: La re-edicio?n de nuevas expresiones interculturales cariben?as en el espacio cinematogra?fico, es un arti?culo reflexivo que forma parte de la investigacio?n titulada: Claves Interculturales Cariben?as en la poe?tica cinematogra?fica de Rigoberto Lo?pez. El mismo constituye un acercamiento al tratamiento del tema de la dia?spora cubana y cariben?a en el contexto del Caribe afro-hispa?nico insular y en Nueva York. El estudio toma como antecedente el largometraje de ficcio?n La U?ltima cena, (1976) de Toma?s Gutie?rrez Alea y como obra principal el documental: Yo soy del Son a la Salsa, (1996) de Rigoberto Lo?pez, para a trave?s de los aportes de la narrativa cinematogra?fica cubana valorar acerca del impacto sociocultural del sujeto migrante en los espacios de acogida y de origen. Ambas obras son referentes en el ana?lisis de estos feno?menos sociales en relacio?n a: su evolucio?n en el tiempo, unicidad y diversidad de manifestaciones. Asimismo visualiza la complejidad de las relaciones espaciales abordadas en sus narrativas y explica los nexos entre ellas como obras propiamente. Define la visio?n in- tercultural e intertextual del documental Yo soy del Son a la Salsa dentro de la este?tica de la creolizacio?n de su creador. Se analiza el lenguaje de la mu?sica como expresio?n simbo?lica de una identidad multicultural cariben?a visto, a partir de los ge?neros musicales del Son y la Salsa, de igual modo al espacio cinematogra?fico como revitalizador de tradiciones en el Caribe. Palabras clave: Dia?spora, Cuba, Caribe, Interculturalidad, Son, Salsa. Abstract “Yo soy del Son a la Salsa” (I am From Son to Salsa): The reedition of new Caribbean intercultural expressions in the film space, is a reflective article which is part of the research entitled Caribbean Intercultural Keys in the film poetics of Rigoberto Lo?pez. This article constitutes an approach to dealing with the subject of the Caribbean and Cuban Diaspora into the context of the insular Afro-His- panic Caribbean and in New York. The study took as precedent the fiction feature film La U?ltima Cena (1976) (The Last Supper), directed by Toma?s Gutierrez Alea; and as the main work the documentary Yo Soy del Son a la Salsa (1996) (I am From Son to Salsa) of Rigoberto Lo?pez, to value, by means of the contributions of film narrative, about the sociocultural impact on the emigrant individual in the spaces of welcome and origin. Both works are referents in the analysis of these social phenomena in connection with their evolution in time, uniqueness and diversity of expressions. It also visualizes the complexity of space relations tackled in their narratives and explains the links between them as reals works. It defines the intercultural and intertextual vision of the documentary Yo Soy del Son a la Sala. It defines the intercultural and intertextual vision of the documentary Yo Soy del Son a la Salsa within the esthetics of the Creolization of its creator. The music language is analyzed as a symbolic expression of a Caribbean multicultural identity as seen from the music genres of Son and Salsa, likewise the film space as a stimulant of traditions in the Caribbean. Keywords: Diaspora, Cuba, Caribbean, interculturality, Son, Salsa.

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(Tobias Schenk, Wien) Haag, Norbert, Dynastie, Region, Konfession. Die Hochstifte des Heiligen Römischen Reiches Deutscher Nation zwischen Dynastisierung und Konfessionalisierung (1448 - 1648), 3 Bde. (Reformationsgeschichtliche Studien und Texte, 166), Münster 2018, Aschendorff, XXV u. 2170 S., € 239,00. (Kurt Andermann, Karlsruhe / Freiburg i. Br.) Steinfels, Marc / Helmut Meyer, Vom Scharfrichteramt ins Zürcher Bürgertum. Die Familie Volmar-Steinfels und der Schweizer Strafvollzug, Zürich 2018, Chronos, 335 S. / Abb., € 58,00. (Francisca Loetz, Zürich) Kohnle, Armin (Hrsg.), Luthers Tod. Ereignis und Wirkung (Schriften der Stiftung Luthergedenkstätten in Sachsen-Anhalt, 23), Leipzig 2019, Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 386 S. / Abb., € 48,00. (Eike Wolgast, Heidelberg) Zwierlein, Cornel / Vincenzo Lavenia (Hrsg.), Fruits of Migration. Heterodox Italian Migrants and Central European Culture 1550 - 1620 (Intersections, 57), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, XII u. 402 S., € 127,00. (Stephan Steiner, Wien) „Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes“: The Arts of the Spanish Inquisition. Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus. A Critical Edition of the „Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes aliquot“ (1567) with a Modern English Translation, hrsg. v. Marcos J. Herráiz Pareja / Ignacio J. García Pinilla / Jonathan L. Nelson (Heterodoxia Iberica 2), Leiden / Boston 2018, Brill, VII u. 515 S., € 187,00. (Wolfram Drews, Münster) Lattmann, Christopher, Der Teufel, die Hexe und der Rechtsgelehrte. Crimen magiae und Hexenprozess in Jean Bodins „De la Démonomanie des Sorciers“ (Studien zur europäischen Rechtsgeschichte, 318), Frankfurt a. M. 2019, Klostermann, XVI u. 390 S., € 69,00. (Andreas Flurschütz da Cruz, Bamberg) Gorrochategui Santos, Luis, The English Armada. The Greatest Naval Disaster in English History, übers. v. Peter J. Gold, London / New York 2018, VIII u. 323 S. / Abb., £ 26,99. 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Dynastic Politics in Their European Context, 1604 - 1630 (Studies in Earl Modern Cultural, Political and Social History, 31), Woodbridge / Rochester 2018, The Boydell Press, XVIII u. 367 S., £ 75,00. (Martin Foerster, Hamburg) Blakemore, Richard J. / Elaine Murphy, The British Civil Wars at Sea, 1638 - 1653, Woodbridge 2018, The Boydell Press, X u. 225 S. / Abb., £ 65,00. (Jann M. Witt, Laboe) Deflers, Isabelle / Christian Kühner (Hrsg.), Ludwig XIV. - Vorbild und Feindbild. Inszenierung und Rezeption der Herrschaft eines barocken Monarchen zwischen Heroisierung, Nachahmung und Dämonisierung / Louis XIV - fascination et répulsion. Mise en scène et réception du règne d’un monarque baroque entre héroïsation, imitation et diabolisation (Studien des Frankreich-Zentrums der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg, 25), Berlin 2018, Schmidt, 296 S. / Abb., € 69,95. (Anuschka Tischer, Würzburg) Pérez Sarrión, Guillermo, The Emergence of a National Market in Spain, 1650 - 1800. 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Jahrhundert (Hallesche Forschungen, 47), Halle a. d. S. 2017, Verlag der Franckeschen Stiftungen, VI u. 265 S. / Abb., € 56,00. (Martin Gierl, Göttingen) Geffarth, Renko / Markus Meumann / Holger Zaunstöck (Hrsg.), Kampf um die Aufklärung? Institutionelle Konkurrenzen und intellektuelle Vielfalt im Halle des 18. Jahrhunderts, Halle a. d. S. 2018, Mitteldeutscher Verlag, 334 S., € 50,00. (Martin Gierl, Göttingen) Giro d’Italia. Die Reiseberichte des bayerischen Kurprinzen Karl Albrecht (1715/16). Eine historisch-kritische Edition, hrsg. v. Andrea Zedler / Jörg Zedler (Beihefte zum Archiv für Kulturgeschichte, 90), Wien / Köln / Weimar 2019, Böhlau, 694 S. / Abb., € 90,00. (Michael Maurer, Jena) Backerra, Charlotte, Wien und London, 1727 - 1735. Internationale Beziehungen im frühen 18. Jahrhundert (Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für europäische Geschichte Mainz, 253), Göttingen 2018, Vandenhoeck &amp; Ruprecht, 474 S., € 80,00. (Michael Schaich, London) Gottesdienst im Bamberger Dom zwischen Barock und Aufklärung. Die Handschrift des Ordinarius L des Subkustos Johann Graff von 1730 als Edition mit Kommentar, hrsg. v. Franz Kohlschein / Werner Zeißner unter Mitarbeit v. Walter Milutzki (Studien zur Bamberger Bistumsgeschichte, 9), Petersberg 2018, Imhoff, 687 S. / Abb., € 79,00. (Tillmann Lohse, Berlin / Leipzig) Warnke, Marcus, Logistik und friderizianische Kriegsführung. Eine Studie zur Verteilung, Mobilisierung und Wirkungsmächtigkeit militärisch relevanter Ressourcen im Siebenjährigen Krieg am Beispiel des Jahres 1757 (Quellen und Forschungen zur Brandenburgischen und Preußischen Geschichte, 50), Berlin 2018, Duncker &amp; Humblot, 696 S. / Abb., € 139,90. (Tilman Stieve, Aachen) Frey, Linda / Marsha Frey, The Culture of French Revolutionary Diplomacy. In the Face of Europe (Studies in Diplomacy and International Relations), Cham 2018, Palgrave Macmillan, XI u. 300 S., € 149,79. (Christine Vogel, Vechta) Wagner, Johann Conrad, „Meine Erfahrungen in dem gegenwärtigen Kriege“. Tagebuch des Feldzugs mit Herzog Carl August von Weimar, hrsg. v. Edith Zehm (Schriften der Goethe-Gesellschaft, 78), Göttingen 2018, Wallstein, 552 S. / Abb. / Faltkarte, € 59,00. (Michael Kaiser, Köln / Bonn) Zamoyski, Adam, Napoleon. Ein Leben. Aus dem Englischen übers. v. Ruth Keen / Erhard Stölting, München 2018, Beck, 863 S. / Abb., € 29,95. (Hans-Ulrich Thamer, Münster)

03–438 Appel, Christine (Dublin City U., Ireland; Email: christine.appel@dcu.ie) and Mullen, Tony (U. of Groningen, The Netherlands). A new tool for teachers and researchers involved in e-mail tandem language learning. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 14, 2 (2002), 195–208.03–439 Atlan, Janet (IUT – Université Nancy 2, France; Email: janet.atlan@univ-nancy2.fr). La recherche sur les stratégies d'apprentissage appliquée à l'apprentissage des langues. [Learning strategies research applied to language learning.] Stratégies d'apprentissage (Toulouse, France), 12 (2003), 1–32.03–440 Aviezer, Ora (Oranim Teachers College & U. of Haifa, Israel; Email: aviezer@research.haifa.ac.il). Bedtime talk of three-year-olds: collaborative repair of miscommunication. First Language (Bucks., UK), 23, 1 (2003), 117–139.03–441 Block, David (Institute of Education, University of London). Destabilized identities and cosmopolitanism across language and cultural borders: two case studies. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics. (Hong Kong, China), 7, 2 (2002), 1–19.03–442 Brantmeier, Cindy (Washington U., USA). Does gender make a difference? Passage content and comprehension in second language reading. Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawaii, USA), 15, 1 (2003), 1–27.03–443 Cameron, L. (University of Leeds, UK; Email: L.J.Cameron@education.leeds.ac.uk). Challenges for ELT from the expansion in teaching children. ELT Journal, 57, 2 (2003), 105–112.03–444 Carter, Beverley-Anne (University of the West Indies, Trinidad and Tobago). Helping learners come of age: learner autonomy in a Caribbean context. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics (Hong Kong, China), 7, 2 (2002), 20–38.03–445 Cenos, Jasone (U. del País Vasco, Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain; Email: fipceirj@vc.ehu.es). Facteurs déterminant l'acquisition d'une L3: âge, développement cognitive et milieu. [Factors determining the acquisition of an L3: age, cognitive development and environment.] Aile 18, 2002, 37–51.03–446 Chini, Danielle (Université de Pau et des Pays de l'Adour, France). La situation d'apprentissage: d'un lieu externe à un espace interne. [Learning situation: from external to internal space.] Anglais de Specialité37–38 (2002), 95–108.03–447 Condon, Nora and Kelly, Peter (U. Namur, Belgium). Does cognitive linguistics have anything to offer English language learners in their efforts to master phrasal verbs?ITL Review of Applied Linguistics (Leuven, Belgium), 137–138 (2002), 205–231.03–448 Crawford Camiciottoli, Belinda (Florence U., Italy). Metadiscourse and ESP reading comprehension: An exploratory study. Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawaii, USA), 15, 1 (2003), 28–44.03–449 Dykstra-Pruim, Pennylyn (Calvin College, Michigan, USA). Speaking, Writing, and Explicit Rule Knowledge: Toward an Understanding of How They Interrelate. Foreign Language Annals (New York, USA), 36, 1 (2003), 66–75.03–450 Giguère, Jacinthe, Giasson, Jocelyne and Simard, Claude (Université Laval, Canada; Email: jacinthegiguere@hotmail.com). Les relations entre la lecture et l'écriture: Représentations d'élèves de différents niveaux scolaires et de différents niveaux d'habilité. [Relationships between reading and writing: The perceptions of students of different grade levels and different ability levels.] The Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics (Canada), 5, 1–2 (2003), 23–50.03–451 Gregersen, Tammy S. (Northern Iowa U., USA). To Err is Human: A Reminder to Teachers of Language-Anxious Students. Foreign Language Annals (New York, USA), 36, 1 (2003), 25–32.03–452 Haznedar, Belma (Bounaziçi U., Turkey; Email: haznedab@boun.edu.tr). The status of functional categories in child second language acquisition: evidence from the acquisition of CP.Second Language Research (London, UK), 19, 1 (2003), 1–41.03–453 Hesling, Isabelle (Université Victor Segalen Bordeaux 2, France). L'hémisphère cérébral droit: un atout en anglais de spécialité. [The right brain hemisphere: an advantage in specialised English.] Anglais de Specialité, 37–38 (2002), 121–140.03–454 Hilton, Heather (Université de Savoie). Modèles de l'acquisition lexicale en L2: où en sommes-nous? [Models of lexical acquisition for L2: where are we?] Anglais de Spécialité (Bordeaux, France), 35–36 (2000), 201–217.03–455 Iwashita, Noriko (Melbourne U., Australia; Email: norikoi@unimelb.edu.au). Negative feedback and positive evidence in task-based interaction. Differential effects on L2 development. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 25 (2003), 1–36.03–456 Johnson, Sharon P. and English, Kathryn (Virginia State U., USA). Images, myths, and realities across cultures. The French Review (Carbondale, IL, USA), 76, 3 (2003), 492–505.03–457 Kobayashi, Masaki (U. of British Columbia, Canada). The role of peer support in ESL students' accomplishment of oral academic tasks. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue Canadienne des Langues Vivantes, 59, 3 (2003), 337–368.03–458 Lam, Agnes (University of Hong Kong). Language policy and learning experience in China: Six case histories. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics (Hong Kong, China), 7, 2 (2002), 57–72.03–459 Laufer, Batia (U. of Haifa, Israel; Email: batialau@research.haifa.ac.il). Vocabulary acquisition in a second language: do learners really acquire most vocabulary by reading? Some empirical evidence. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue Ccanadienne des Langues Vivantes, 59, 4 (2003), 567–587.03–460 Lavoie, Natalie (Université du Québec à Rimouski, Email: natalie_lavoie@uqar.qc.ca). Les conceptions des parents de scripteurs débutants relativement à l'apprentissage de l'écriture. [The perceptions of beginner writers' parents relating to the process of learning to write.] The Canadian Journal of Applied Linguistics (Canada), 5, 1–2 (2003), 51–64.03–461 Leeman, Jennifer (George Mason U., Fairfax, USA; Email: jleeman@gmu.edu). Recasts and second language development: beyond negative evidence. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 25 (2003), 37–63.03–462 Loucky, John Paul (Seinan Women's U., Japan) Improving access to target vocabulary using computerized bilingual dictionaries. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 14, 2 (2002), 293–312.03–463 MacIntyre, Peter D. (U. College of Cape Breton, Sydney, Canada; Email: petermacintyre@uccb.ca), Baker, Susan C., Clément, Richard and Donovan, Leslie A. Talking in order to learn: willingness to communicate and intensive language programs. The Canadian Modern Language Review/La Revue canadienne des langues vivantes, 59, 4 (2003), 589–607.03–464 McAlpine, Janice and Myles, Johanne (Queens U., Ontario, Canada; Email: jm27@post.queensu.ca). Capturing phraseology in an online dictionary for advanced users of English as a second language: a response to user needs. System (Oxford, UK), 31, 1 (2003), 71–84.03–465 Mennim, P. (The University of Edinburgh, Scotland, UK). Rehearsed oral L2 output and reactive focus on form. ELT Journal, 57, 2 (2003), 130–138.03–466 Muñoz, Carmen (U. of Barcelona, Spain; Email: munoz@fil.ub.es). Le rythme d'acquisition des savoirs communicationnels chez des apprenants guidés: l'influence de l'âge. [Patterns of acquisition of communication skills in guided learning: the influence of age.] Aile, 18 (2002), 53–77.03–467 Newcombe, Lynda Pritchard (Cardiff University, Wales, UK). “A tough hill to climb alone” – Welsh learners speak. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics (Hong Kong, China), 7, 2 (2002), 39–56.03–468 Newman, Michael, Trenchs-Parera, Mireia and Pujol, Mercè (CUNY, USA; Email: mnewman@qc.edu). Core academic literacy principles versus culture-specific practices: a multi-case study of academic achievement. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, NE), 22, 1 (2003), 45–71.03–469 Nsangou, Maryse. Problemursachen und Problemlösung in der zweitsprachlichen Kommunikation. [Problems in L2 communication: causes and solutions.] Deutsch als Fremdsprache, 39, 4 (2002), 232–237.03–470 O'Grady, William (U. of Hawaii, USA; Email: ogrady@hawaii.edu) and Yamashita, Yoshie. Partial agreement in second-language acquisition. Linguistics (Berlin, Germany), 40, 5 (2002), 1011–1019.03–471 Payne, J. Scott (Middlebury College, USA) and Whitney, Paul J. Developing L2 Oral Proficiency through Synchronous CMC: Output, Working Memory, and Interlanguage Development. CALICO Journal (Texas, USA), 20, 1 (2002), 7–32.03–472 Pekarek Doehler, Simona (U. of Basle, Switzerland). Situer l'acquisition des langues secondes dans les activités sociales: l'apport d'une perspective interactionniste. [Second-language acquisition through social activities: an interactionist perspective.] Babylonia (Comano, Switzerland), 4 (2002), 24–29.03–473 Philp, Jenefer (U. of Tasmania, Australia; Email: philos@tassie.net.au). Constraints on “noticing the gap”. Nonnative speakers' noticing of recasts in NS-NNS interaction. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 25 (2003), 99–126.03–474 Prévost, Philippe (U. Laval, Québec, Canada; Email: philippe.prevost@lli.ulaval.ca). Truncation and missing inflection in initial child L2 German. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 25 (2003), 65–97.03–475 Pujolá, Joan-Tomás (Universitat de Barcelona, Spain). CALLing for help: researching language learning strategies using help facilities in a web-based multimedia program. ReCALL (Cambridge, UK), 14, 2 (2002), 235–62.03–476 Rees, David (Institut National d'Horticulture d'Angers, France). Role change in interactive learning environments. Stratégies d'apprentissage (Toulouse, France), 12 (2003), 67–75.03–477 Rehner, Katherine, Mougeon, Raymond (York U., Toronto, Canada; Email: krehner@yorku.ca) and Nadasdi, Terry. The learning of sociolinguistic variation by advanced FSL learners. The case ofnousversusonin immersion French. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 25 (2003), 127–156.03–478 Richter, Regina. Konstruktivistiche Lern- und Mediendesign-Theorie und ihre Umsetzung in multimedialen Sprachlernprogrammen. [Constructivist learning- and media-design theory and its application in multimedia language-learning programmes.] Deutsch als Fremdsprache, 39, 4 (2002), 201–206.03–479 Rinder, Ann. Das konstruktivistische Lernparadigma und die neuen Medien. [The constructivist learning paradigm and the new media.] Info DaF (Munich, Germany), 30, 1 (2003), 3–22.03–480 Rott, Susanne and Williams, Jessica (U. of Chicago at Illinois, USA). Making form-meaning connections while reading: A qualitative analysis of word processing. Reading in a Foreign Language (Hawaii, USA), 15, 1 (2003), 45–75.03–481 Shinichi, Izumi (Sophia U., Japan; Email: s-izumi@hoffman.cc.sophia.ac.jp). Output, input enhancement, and the noticing hypothesis. Studies in Second Language Acquisition (Cambridge, UK), 24, 4 (2002), 541–577.03–482 Sifakis, N. C. (Hellenic Open U., Greece; Email: nicossif@hol.gr). Applying the adult education framework to ESP curriculum development: an integrative model. English for Specific Purposes (Amsterdam, NE), 22, 1 (2003), 195–211.03–483 Slabakova, Roumyana (U. of Iowa, USA; Email: roumyana-slabakova@uiowa.edu). 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This research used descriptive approach to illustrate the Linguistic Landscape of the city of Manila as a center of commerce andmulticulturalism. The goal of the study is to identify or describe the languages that are seen or that exist in public spaces of the city, identify the vitality of languages and assess the implications of the language landscape of Manila in the Filipino language situation at present. The researchers took pictures of signs in four selected areas in Manila. It was then categorized based on the taxonomy of Spolsky and Cooper which include: 1.) road signs; 2.) advertising signs; 3.) warning; 4.) names of buildings; 5.) informational signs; 6.) plaque plots; 7.) things; and 8.) graffiti. Photographs also categorized whether it is monolingual, bilingual or multilingual and if it is “top-down” or “bottom-up”. The measure of the vitality of languages spreading across the city was based on the Ethnolinguistic Vitality (EV) theory used in the studies of Giles, Bourhis and Taylor to determine which language is the most dominant or widely used in the linguistic landscape. This research only covers the description of the linguistic landscape of Manila by determining the languages existing in the city and their vitality as evident in the road signs, advertising signs, warning, name of buildings, informational signs, things and graffiti. . It also examined the implications of the linguistic landscape of Manila to the current situation or state of the Filipino language and the challenges it faces in its development. It was discovered that there are six languages spreading and existing in the city such as: English, Filipino, Chinese, Korean, Japanese and Spanish. Among these languages, English is the most dominantly used. This study shows that English language is given more importance than Filipino, which is the country’s national language. English language is being used in meaningful activities such as providing information, advertising signs, and building names. The researcher proposes further studies of language learning in other major cities in the Philippines to determine the extent of the spread of Filipino language and dialects thereby maintaining, strengthening and improving the country’s national language more than the value exhibited with the use of the English language. References Akindele, D. O. (2011). Linguistic Landscapes as Public Communication: A Study of Public Signage in Gaborone Botswana. International Journal of Linguistics. Retrievedfrom http://www.macrothink.org/journal/index.php/ijl/article/view/1157/pdf Almario, V. S. (2003). Nasyonalisasyon ng Filipino. Wikang Filipino sa Loob atLabas ng Akademya’t Bansa: Unang Soucebook ng SANGFIL 1994 – 2001. 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