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1

Kusuma, Ardli Johan, Tulus Warsito, Surwandono Surwandono, Ali Muhammad, Mega Hidayati und Muhlis Madani. „The Construction of the Indonesian Government's Repressive Counter-Terrorism Policy“. Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 9, Nr. 2 (13.11.2019): 107–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i2.1845.

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The Indonesian government has made a counter-terrorism legal instrument starting in 2001. And the making of counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia was carried out after the 9/11 event. Even though the phenomenon of terrorism that occurred in Indonesia existed before 2001. Even since Indonesia became an independent state, there have been many events that can be classified into the phenomenon of terrorism. But the Indonesian government responded by making legal instruments after 2001. In overcoming terrorism, the Indonesian government prefers a repressive approach. Detachment 88 as a special anti-terrorist force, allegedly has committed many human rights violations. Even in the last 10 years, at least 120 suspected terrorists were killed in the arrest process and 40 people were victims of wrongful arrests. In addition, more than 80% of them were subjected to torture. However, the repressive approach has not been able to reduce the number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia. Therefore, this research seeks to find what factors that influencing the Indonesian government to make repressive counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia. The findings revealed the existence of several factors including the persuasion of the international community, the influence of international norms, and the perception of the Indonesian government in understanding the threat of terrorism which is influenced by past experience.
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Eijkman, Quirine. „Preventive counter-terrorism and non-discrimination assessment in the European Union“. Security and Human Rights 22, Nr. 2 (2011): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502311797457102.

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AbstractAs a result of the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the bombings in Madrid and London, a prevention-focused counter-terrorism approach has developed across the European Union. Preventive counter-terrorism is appealing because it implies interventions that remove the ability or, better still, the motivation of potential terrorists to carry out their lethal designs. Member states such as the United Kingdom and the Netherlands that primarily have experience in addressing 'home-grown' terrorism, have developed preventive counter-terrorism measures in response. Even though the majority of these laws, regulations and policies recognize the importance of the rule of law and human rights, it remains relevant to examine whether in theory and in practice particular measures have had disproportionate effects on ethnic and religious minorities and thereby violate non-discrimination standards.
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Wieczorek, Christopher. „Improving Counter-Terrorism Policy Integration in the European Union: An Analysis“. Carleton Review of International Affairs 5 (05.07.2018): 47–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22215/cria.v5i0.1320.

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This paper takes as its starting point recent terror attacks in the European Union and seeks to understand why the EU has suffered such a wave of high-profile, damaging attacks. Specifically, the paper explores counter-terrorism policy at the EU level and investigates why the integration of EU counter-terrorism policy is not higher among individual member states. Following an examination of previous terrorist incidents in the history of the EU and a literature review on EU-level counter-terrorism policy, the paper explores counter-terrorism institutions and mechanisms within the EU. A substantial analysis of the level of integration (or lack thereof) of these institutions and mechanisms is then undertaken, before by a concluding section that offers policy revisions to increase the implementation of policies by member states. The paper ultimately argues that implementation of counter-terrorism policy is lacking because individual member states are reluctant to cede their sovereignty over such an important policy area. The suggestion is also made that future EU counter-terrorism efforts should both focus on demonstrating how EU-level efforts will make member states safer, and, importantly, on creating mechanisms and institutions that will be of practical benefit to member states within their own domestic arenas.
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MURPHY, Cian C. „EU Counter-terrorism Law: What Kind of Exemplar of Transnational Law?“ Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 21 (22.08.2019): 217–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2019.7.

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AbstractThis article examines counter-terrorism efforts in the EU as it matures as a field of law. It sets out three critiques of EU counter-terrorism law: that of ineffectiveness, of anti-constitutionalism, and of contrariness to human rights and the rule of law. It considers these critiques in light of the development of policies and legal initiatives—against foreign terrorist fighters and against radicalisation. It concludes that there are both persistent problems, and some improvements, in the law. The EU's capacity to meet the challenges posed by terrorism and the counter-terrorism imperative, and how it does so, has global impact. The article concludes with an argument for better law-making in the EU to ensure it serves as a better exemplar of transnational law.
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Gaibulloev, Khusrav, und Todd Sandler. „What We Have Learned about Terrorism since 9/11“. Journal of Economic Literature 57, Nr. 2 (01.06.2019): 275–328. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jel.20181444.

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This overview examines critically the post-9/11 empirical literature on terrorism. Major contributions by both economists and political scientists are included. We focus on five main themes: the changing nature of terrorism, the organization of terrorist groups, the effectiveness of counterterrorism policies, modern drivers or causes of terrorism, and the economic consequences of terrorism. In so doing, we investigate a host of questions that include: How do terrorist groups attract and retain members? What determines the survival of terrorist groups? Is poverty a root cause of terrorism? What counterterrorism measures work best? In the latter regard, we find that many counterterrorism policies have unintended negative consequences owing to attack transference and terrorist backlash. This suggests the need for novel policies such as service provision to counter some terrorist groups’ efforts to provide such services. Despite terrorists’ concerted efforts to damage targeted countries’ economies, the empirical literature shows that terrorism has had little or no effect on economic growth or GDP except in small terrorism-plagued countries. At the sectoral level, terrorism can adversely affect tourism and foreign direct investment, but these effects are rather transient and create transference of activities to other sectors, thus cushioning the consequences. (JEL F21, F52, H56, K42, Z31)
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Sardi, Iwan, Amiruddin Amiruddin und Lalu Parman. „Policy in Combating Terrorism Crimes“. International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 6, Nr. 4 (29.08.2019): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v6i4.991.

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Terrorism crimes will occur at any time where the target is unpredictable. Its actions cause fear to the public at large, take many lives, and cause property losses. It also has a very broad impact on the life of the nation and state. The research objective is to determine the legislative and applicative policies in combating terrorism crimes. This study uses secondary legal material in the form of official legal materials, books, research results in the form of reports, and opinions from legal experts. Research findings include: 1) legislative policy in combating terrorism crimes is to provide more responsive legal policies to the development of terrorism crimes that ensnare not only perpetrators who commit crimes directly but also investigate parties that collect, provide, or lend funds directly or indirectly with a view to using all or part of it to commit terrorism crimes, terrorist organizations, or terrorists, and 2) the applicative policies in combating terrorism crimes include 3 aspects, namely national preparedness, counter radicalization and deradicalization. This prevention aspect is strengthened by involving all stakeholders and all components of the nation to engage universally in combating terrorism. As a common enemy, cooperation is required to combat terrorism.
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de Londras, Fiona. „The Transnational Counter-Terrorism Order: A Problématique“. Current Legal Problems 72, Nr. 1 (2019): 203–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clp/cuz005.

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Abstract We live our lives in an often-unseen transnational counter-terrorism order. For almost two decades now, counter-terrorist hegemons have been acting on multiple transnational levels, using a mixture of legal, institutional, technical and political manoeuvres to develop laws, policies and practices of counter-terrorism that undervalue rights, exclude civil society, limit dissent and disagreement, and expand greatly the reach of national and transnational security. The assemblage of laws, institutions, forums, processes, bureaucracies, and cooperative networks that have emerged from these machinations should be understood as a transnational counter-terrorism order that is intended to instantiate on a global level ‘an arrangement of social life…[that]…promotes certain goals or values’ (Bull), whether or not they conflict with rights, whether or not they emerge from legitimate and participatory processes. This paper brings together various seemingly-technical or esoteric strands of law, institutions, policy and politics to show their connections, interdependencies and interactions and, thereby, to illustrate the emergence of this transnational counter-terrorism order. It argues that unless we recognise the connections between and multi-scalar implications of the seemingly disparate, sometimes opaque, and often bureaucratic elements that make up the transnational counter-terrorism order, its scale and implications will remain hidden in plain sight and we may find ourselves unable effectively to insist on fidelity to the constitutionalist values of rights, accountability, and democratic legitimacy.
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Mason, L. „M. Deflem, (ED) 2004. * Terrorism and counter-terrorism: criminological perspectives“. Policing 1, Nr. 1 (01.01.2007): 123–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pam018.

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9

Vorsina, Margarita, Matthew Manning, Jill Sheppard und Christopher M. Fleming. „Social dominance orientation, fear of terrorism and support for counter-terrorism policies“. Australian Journal of Political Science 54, Nr. 1 (05.12.2018): 99–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2018.1552920.

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10

Saul, Ben. „Minorities and Counter-Terrorism Law“. European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 15, Nr. 01 (10.02.2018): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01501002.

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Members of minority groups have historically been both victims and perpetrators of terrorism. This article examines how international and national legal controls on terrorism have addressed or impacted upon members of minority groups. In particular, it identifies three key areas in which legal questions arise: (1) the extent to which terrorism laws protect minorities (which is principally a question of the definition of terrorism, particularly ‘motive’ elements); (2) how terrorism laws apply to—or exempt—members of minorities who perpetrate terrorism (which concerns both definition and exceptions to definitions); and (3) how counter-terrorism laws differentially or disproportionately impact on minorities (which concerns definition as well as over-policing).
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Tynes, Robert. „US counter-terrorism policies in Africa are counter to development“. African Security Review 15, Nr. 3 (Januar 2006): 109–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2006.9627611.

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12

MILLER, REUBEN. „Acts of International Terrorism“. Comparative Political Studies 19, Nr. 3 (Oktober 1986): 385–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414086019003004.

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This article examines a particular form of low-level conflict known as international terrorism. The failure in the international arena to cope and curb this form of political violence forced governments to seek out and design various avenues of response. The focus then is on confrontational terrorism that includes instances of hostage takings, kidnappings, and skyjackings. The common denominator to these incidents is the specific and tangible demands that terrorists attempt to extract from the targeted states. On the other hand, the study explores the various policies and approaches adopted by governments in their efforts to thwart acts of international terrorism. Thus, the analysis will be couched in the form of cost and benefit calculations. The data for the analysis is the hostage file included in the ITERATE II data base compiled by Edward Mickolus. The findings of the article point out that governments tend to adopt hardline policies for dealing with terrorists holding hostages. However, we have to distinguish between declared policies and practices. The majority of governments prefer to practice those harsh policies rather than declare them publicly and to apply a “deterrence by denial” approach. Governments are increasingly willing to use force to resolve terrorist incidents and some have adopted harsh authoritarian measures, especially in Latin America. Targeted states have diverted resources to combat terrorism, and have developed an array of counter-measures.
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Sabir, Rizwaan. „Blurred lines and false dichotomies: Integrating counterinsurgency into the UK’s domestic ‘war on terror’“. Critical Social Policy 37, Nr. 2 (12.01.2017): 202–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018316683471.

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The UK’s counter-terrorism strategy (CONTEST) seeks to pursue individuals involved in suspected terrorism (‘Pursue’) and seeks to minimise the risk of people becoming ‘future’ terrorists by employing policies and practices structured to pre-emptively incapacitate and socially exclude them (‘Prevent’). This article demonstrates that this two-pronged approach is based on a framework of counterinsurgency; a military doctrine used against non-state actors that encourages, amongst other things, the blanket surveillance of populations and the targeting of propaganda at them. The use of counterinsurgency theory and practice in the UK’s ‘war on terror’ blurs the distinction between Pursue and Prevent, coercion and consent, and, ultimately, civilian and combatant. This challenges the liberal claim that counter-terrorism policies, especially Prevent, are about social inclusivity or ‘safeguarding’ and that the UK government is accountable to the people.
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Palmer, Darren, und Chad Whelan. „Counter‐terrorism across the Policing Continuum“. Police Practice and Research 7, Nr. 5 (Dezember 2006): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15614260601076082.

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15

Pickering, Sharon, Jude McCulloch und David Wright-Neville. „Counter-terrorism policing: towards social cohesion“. Crime, Law and Social Change 50, Nr. 1-2 (12.06.2008): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10611-008-9119-3.

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Ragazzi, Francesco. „Countering terrorism and radicalisation: Securitising social policy?“ Critical Social Policy 37, Nr. 2 (23.12.2016): 163–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018316683472.

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While social and security policies have always overlapped in complex ways, recent developments in counter-terrorism policy suggest that Western European states, and the United Kingdom more specifically, are accelerating what can be termed the ‘securitisation of social policy’1 – namely, the increased submission of social policy actors and their practices to the logics of security and social control. With the PREVENT programme remaining highly controversial, what are the effects of these state practices? Has David Cameron’s project of ‘muscular liberalism’, aimed at integration and community cohesion, been enforced through counter-radicalisation policies? This themed issue examines preventative counter-terrorism policies in the UK and the politics of religion, ethnicity and race they enact. The relation between social policy and critical security studies is explored by an interdisciplinary group of scholars.
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Bhui, Kamaldeep. „Flash, the emperor and policies without evidence: counter-terrorism measures destined for failure and societally divisive“. BJPsych Bulletin 40, Nr. 2 (April 2016): 82–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.bp.116.053603.

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SummaryGovernments around the world are uniting in trying to defeat terrorist movements. In this context, recent counter terrorism laws in the UK place public duties on all citizens to help prevent terrorism. Yet, the science of predicting rare events such as terrorist offending yields consistently poor results. There are ethical, clinical and scientific dilemmas facing the professions if we are to investigate social, religious and political belief systems in routine assessment in order to inform judgements about terrorist offending risk. A balanced and evidence-based approach is necessary.
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LoCicero, Alice. „Domestic Consequences of US Counter-Terrorism Efforts: Making it Harder to Prevent Homegrown Terrorism“. Open Psychology Journal 8, Nr. 1 (30.01.2015): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.2174/1874350101508010032.

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This paper begins by recounting concerns, raised by various American psychologists regarding psychological consequences of US counterterrorism policies following the attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11.) Predictions made by a task force created by the American Psychological Association to consider the likely social effects of US counterterrorism policies have proved accurate. These include not only fear, but widespread crippling panic resulting from vague warnings and lack of suggested actions; discrimination, resulting from increased emphasis on in-group vs. out-group identities; hate crimes against those perceived as members of out-groups, and lack of tolerance for antiwar perspectives. Recent, increasingly radical, changes in policy, such as widespread surveillance of US citizens’ actions and communications by various US agencies, have led to more dire consequences, with many now concerned that the US is at risk of becoming a police state. The combined and interactive effects of earlier and more recent changes in US counterterrorism policies have caused serious, sometimes terrible, consequences. This paper explains how these consequences have become part of a vicious circle: frightened, passive, and unable to collaborate in rational attempts to manage the threat of terrorism, citizens have not begun to consider how to prevent future instances of homegrown terrorism.
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Ramailis, Neri Widya, und Abdul Munir. „Teroris Ke-Agama’an, Bukan Agama“. SISI LAIN REALITA 2, Nr. 1 (25.06.2017): 20–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.25299/sisilainrealita.2017.vol2(1).1389.

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Religious Terrorism is different from religion it self. It is an act of terrorism that uses religion as a mask and a horse to reach its destination. The use of Religion legitimizes acts of terrorism by the offender group due to the silting of the understanding of the scriptures. This condition does not only give a bad image to religion, especially Islam, it also has implications of discrimination against Muslims primarily when associated with international policies concerning counter terrorism.
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Alam, Yunis, und Charles Husband. „Islamophobia, community cohesion and counter-terrorism policies in Britain“. Patterns of Prejudice 47, Nr. 3 (Juli 2013): 235–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0031322x.2013.797779.

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Ajogbeje, Korede, Oluwatosin Adeniyi und Oludele Folarin. „The effect of terrorism on tourism development in Nigeria“. Tourism Economics 23, Nr. 8 (10.02.2017): 1673–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354816617692477.

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This article investigated the tourism–terrorism nexus in Nigeria using quarterly time series data within a vector autoregression analytical framework. Unlike extant studies, we gauge the influence of terrorism shocks on the tourism sector specifically on the one hand and broadly the response of some key macroeconomic variables on the other hand. Several interesting results ensued. To sum up these findings, we found a negative response of tourism revenues to terrorist incidents over the long haul as well as adverse effects on other key macroeconomic variables. Therefore, government policies to revamp the ailing economy should be complemented with well-tailored counter-terrorism approaches for effectiveness.
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Kim, Eunkee. „Evidence-Based Policing for Counter-TERRORISM in Korea“. J-Institute 6, Nr. 2 (30.06.2021): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22471/terrorism.2021.6.2.53.

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Sorell, Tom. „Preventive Policing, Surveillance, and European Counter-Terrorism“. Criminal Justice Ethics 30, Nr. 1 (April 2011): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0731129x.2011.559057.

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Aiello, Emilia, Lídia Puigvert und Tinka Schubert. „Preventing violent radicalization of youth through dialogic evidence-based policies“. International Sociology 33, Nr. 4 (23.05.2018): 435–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580918775882.

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Radicalization of youth leading to violent extremism in the form of terrorism is an urgent problem considering the rise of young people joining extremist groups of different ideologies. Previous research on the impact of counter-terrorism polices has highlighted negative outcomes such as stigmatizing minority groups. Drawing on qualitative research conducted under the PROTON project (2016–2019) by CREA-UB on the social and ethical impact of counter-terrorism policies in six EU countries, the present article presents and discusses the ways in which actions characterized by creating spaces for dialogue at the grassroots level are contributing to prevent youth violent radicalization. The results highlight four core elements underlying these spaces for dialogue: providing guidance to be safe in the exploration of extremist messages and violent radicalization; the rejection of violence; that dialogue is egalitarian; and that relationships are built on trust so that adolescents and young adults feel confident to raise their doubts. If taken into account, these elements can serve to elaborate dialogic evidence-based policies. The policies which include a dialogue between the scientific evidence and the people affected by them once implemented, achieve positive social impact.
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Deflem, Mathieu. „Europol and the Policing of International Terrorism: Counter‐Terrorism in a Global Perspective“. Justice Quarterly 23, Nr. 3 (01.09.2006): 336–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418820600869111.

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Apromico, Apromico, Eko Soponyono Soponyono und Jawade Hafidz. „Crime Prevention Strategy Of Terrorism Crime In Indonesia (Case Study In Sukoharjo)“. Jurnal Daulat Hukum 2, Nr. 4 (07.04.2020): 585. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v2i4.8387.

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The terror makes rampant and perpetrators do not hesitate to hurt people even from officers and agents of Sukoharjo. This relates to the radical rapidly developing understanding and prevention that does not touch the grass roots. This study aims to analyze the characteristics of terrorism, prevention and radical ideal strategy to prevent terrorism. Juridical sociological research method is the specification of descriptive analytical research. The use of primary and secondary data by the method of collecting data through field studies and literature. Data analysis method used is qualitative analysis. Knives used analysis of development policy theory of criminal law, Theory of Rule of Law and Theory of Crime Prevention. The results of the study authors found the spread of radical terrorism as the entry of digital information technology so as to further spread of radical terrorists massively, Political Typology Limited was listed on terrorism, that terrorism is politics that characterized the approach of a revolutionary group, the motivation which are political or ideological. Formulation radical prevention of terrorism using national preparedness, counter-radicalization and de-radicalization. Ideal strategy terrorism prevention policies that have been implemented with the involvement of the institutions, the private sector and community groups whose influence on terrorism.Keywords: Strategy; Prevention; Terrorism; Sukoharjo.
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Ashghor, Aly. „Mediasi Massal Terorisme: Pengantar Critical Terrorism Studies“. Jurnal Keamanan Nasional 4, Nr. 1 (25.05.2018): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.31599/jkn.v4i1.349.

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This paper is a development of research conducted by the Center for National Security Studies (Puskamnas) Bhayangkara University of Jakarta on a map of global terrorism obtained from coverage of 56 (fifty six) online mass media in the world throughout the year 2017. Mass mediation of terrorism is a critical effort and a reflective way in trying to understand the practice and the articulation of the terrorism discourse in the world, especially on how the media enters and enlivens the practice of terrorism concept. This paper shows that the social construction of terrorism tends to be influenced by the Western mass media. In the construction of the mass media, the notion of terrorism today is the product of the discourse of the Western mass media. The dominance of the Western mass mediation terrorism resulted in the construction of terrorism discourse associated with the movement of Islamism and Communism. The mass mediation of terrorism demonstrates by Israeli atrocities against Palestinians tend to disregard aas acts of state terrorism. Threfore, the implication of state-centrist terrorism in counter terrorism policies are more oriented towards national security than human security.
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Muntoh, Eugene Muambeh. „WOMEN IN THE WEB OF TERRORISM IN CAMEROON’S FAR NORTH REGION, STAKES AND IMPLICATIONS“. International Journal of Legal Studies ( IJOLS ) 8, Nr. 2 (31.12.2020): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.6358.

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Terrorism has been a major source of disruptions and affliction on women in Cameroon’s far north region in recent times. This have greatly affected women from every facet. This paper examines the stakes and implications of terrorism on the welfare of women in Cameroon’s far north region. The study adopted a historical analytical style approach based on a rigorous analysis of data collected. Data for the study was collected from both primary and secondary sources. Based on its findings, the paper sustains the argument that terrorism remain a major threat to women in Cameroon’s far north region. Reforms in counter-terrorism policies are important to improve efficiency and ensure a better living condition for women in the midst of terrorism.
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Harahap, Lukman. „Students and terrorism: Study of Student Understanding Law No 5 of 2018 on Combatation of Criminal Acts of Terrorism in IAIN Surakarta“. Jurnal Hukum Volkgeist 4, Nr. 2 (10.06.2020): 128–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.35326/volkgeist.v4i2.449.

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This article aims to know in real student's understanding of Law No. 5 of year 2018 on combating criminal acts of terrorism. The data collection techniques used in this study use interviews, observations and documentation. Meanwhile the analysis used in this research is a qualitative descriptive. Simultaneous, planned and integrated aspects of prevention need to forward to minimize the occurrence of criminal acts of terrorism. The optimal prevention is done by involving ministries or related institutions as well as all components of the nation through the efforts of national preparedness, counter radicalisation, and deradicalisation coordinated by the National Management Agency Terrorism. To optimize the eradication of criminal acts of terrorism, it is necessary to strengthen institutional functions, especially the coordination functions held with the National Agency for Terrorism counter following its oversight mechanisms. While it relates to the eradication of criminal acts of terrorism in Indonesia is not merely a matter of law and law enforcement but it is also a social, cultural, economic problem closely related to the issue of national resilience So that policies and precautions and pemberantasannyapun are aimed at maintaining balance in the obligation to protect the sovereignty of the State, the rights of victims and witnesses, and the rights of suspects/defendants.
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Rafi, Sadia, Mumtaz Ali und Irfan Nawaz. „MENTAL HEALTH CONSEQUENCES OF TERRORISM EXPOSURES AMONG YOUTH IN PAKISTANI SOCIETY“. Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 57, Nr. 1 (30.06.2018): 151–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v57i1.111.

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This study examines the mental health consequences of terrorism exposures among youth in Pakistani society. Using Taaro Yamni formula to draw the sample, research approached 399 youth aged 15-24 years. As a research tool, Impact of Event Scale (IESR) was used with slight modifications. Using Statistical Package of Social Sciences (SPSS) v. 21and Stata v. 20, a multinomial model was applied to explore the relation between different variables. The major findings of the study are that a person who has personal exposure to terrorist attack is the worst affected and the person who was informed by someone is least affected to constant threat to terrorism. Thus, it is suggested that terrorism is threatening mental health of youth therefore counter terrorism policies should be extended to social dimensions. Moreover, severe impacts should be taken into consideration and devise a mechanism to provide counseling services to the victims free of cost. it is imperative to explore the impacts of terrorism on other groups of society including children, and women etc.
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Sung-Kwon Cho. „An Evaluation on Counter-terrorism Policies under the Bush Administration“. Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 30, Nr. 2 (Februar 2009): 175–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.30.2.200902.175.

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Ladjide, Suharto, Pujo Widodo und Resmanto Widodo Putro. „Indonesian National Security Policy in Fighting Terrorism Among the Youth Generation“. Asian Social Science 17, Nr. 10 (19.09.2021): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v17n10p18.

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At the beginning of the 21st century, Indonesia was marked by terrorist attacks that caused victims, such as the Bali Bombings in 2002. The threat and violence of terrorism cannot be separated from the influence of international terrorist organizations that attack Indonesia through targeted attacks on vulnerable individuals or groups, more specifically the youth generation. The perpetrators of terrorism have taken advantage of the technological network of the online radicalization era. The Industrial Revolution 4.0 has inspired many patterns of human interaction from domestic interactions to global interactions. This study explains various ideas about implementing national security policies in countering terrorism among the youth generation with qualitative methods using literature analysis so that several tactical steps are found to counter terrorism through critical and open education, exemplary, eradicating injustice, transcendence, and international cooperation. An important finding in this study is the importance of the joint commitment of elements of society to implement Indonesia's national security policy through actions that have small dimensions in the school and household environment and large dimensions at the national level.
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Shakoor, Abdul. „Anti-Culture Machine: The War on Terror and its Effects on Pakhtuns and their Culture“. Global Regional Review I, Nr. I (30.12.2016): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2016(i-i).23.

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This study critically evaluates the continuing campaign against terrorism. It especially discusses the counter-terrorism policies of Pakistan and the United States of America, which affects Pakhtuns and their culture. Figures show there has been a surge not only in the number but the activities of militants in the Pakhtun region after the inception of the war on terror. It is very important, therefore, to know the effects of the war on terror on Pakhtuns culture. Mostly relying on secondary data and interviews with experts in the area, the study is a qualitative analysis of the counter-insurgency campaigns and the resultant response of the local population in the area. The analysis shows two interrelated facts. The first is that ignoring cultural values in counterinsurgency campaigns can seriously undermine the efforts of combating terrorism. The second is that engaging tribes is a useful strategy in fighting terrorism. Analysis of the war on terror further reveal that disregarding facts on the ground and ignoring strongly-held cultural and religious traditions, in other words, indifference towards Pakhtunwali, has alienated the local population, thereby strengthening the militants cause. It is recommended, therefore, that simply ignoring or deliberately targeting cultural traits can seriously undermine counter-terrorism efforts. For the counterterrorism campaign to be successful, it is necessary to gain the support of the local population. In other words, winning the hearts and minds of the people is required.
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Aradau, Claudia. „‘Crowded Places Are Everywhere We Go’: Crowds, Emergency, Politics“. Theory, Culture & Society 32, Nr. 2 (08.01.2015): 155–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276414562429.

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‘Crowded places’ have recently been problematized as objects of terrorist attacks. Following this redefinition of terrorism, crowds have been reactivated at the heart of a security continuum of counter-terrorism, emergency planning and policing. How does the crowd referent recalibrate security governance, and with what political effects? This article argues that several subtle reconfigurations take place. First, counter-terrorism governance derives the knowledge of crowds from ‘generic events’ as unexpected, unpredictable and potentially catastrophic. This move activates 19th-century knowledge about crowds as pathological, while the spatial referent of ‘crowded places’ reconfigures workplaces as crowded places and workers as crowds. Second, new guidance for emergency planning and policing deploys a more rational approach to crowds, put forward in recent psychosocial approaches. These modes of knowledge derive ‘generic crowds’ from normal social relations rather than extraordinary events. Generic events and generic crowds effectively depoliticize crowds, as they exclude a more radical generic politics, in which crowds are not derivable, but negate determination.
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Abdulqadir, Ziyad. „Migration controls and counter-terrorism in Europe: a discussion of challenges and policies“. Journal of Scientific Papers "Social development and Security" 11, Nr. 2 (11.04.2021): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.33445/sds.2021.11.2.3.

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This paper explores the European suspicion against the migrants and analyses the European security concerns regarding terrorist attacks. The paper shows that Europeans’ wrong perception about migrants has been created by homogenizing the category of migrants as well as politicizing the issue of migrants for electoral maneuvering. The suspicion has been grown after the 9/11 terrorist attack on America. Islamic radical organization Al-Qaeda perpetrated this attack to achieve its political agenda. This attack gave legitimacy to America and Europe to suspect everybody who is coming into their area. The studies on linking migration with terrorism show scanty evidence, but scholars have biased opinions on this. The paper explores all these issues.
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Stokes, M. „PNLD and Staniforth, Andrew (2009). BLACKSTONES COUNTER-TERRORISM HANDBOOK“. Policing 4, Nr. 1 (01.01.2010): 88–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/police/pap054.

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37

Murphy, Kristina, Natasha S. Madon und Adrian Cherney. „Promoting Muslims’ cooperation with police in counter-terrorism“. Policing: An International Journal 40, Nr. 3 (21.08.2017): 544–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2016-0069.

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Purpose Procedural justice is important for fostering peoples’ willingness to cooperate with police. Theorizing suggests this relationship results because procedural justice enhances perceptions that the police are legitimate and entitled to be supported. The purpose of this paper is to examine how legitimacy perceptions moderate the effect of procedural justice policing on Muslims’ willingness to cooperate with police. Design/methodology/approach Survey data from 800 Muslims in Australia are used. Findings This study shows Muslims’ procedural justice perceptions are positively associated with two types of cooperation: willingness to cooperate with police in general crime control efforts; and willingness to report terror threats to police. Muslims’ perceptions of police legitimacy and law legitimacy also influence willingness to cooperate. Specifically, police legitimacy is more important for predicting general willingness to cooperate with police, while law legitimacy is more important for predicting Muslims’ willingness to report terror threats. Importantly, legitimacy perceptions moderate the relationship between procedural justice and both types of cooperation. Specifically, procedural justice promotes cooperation more strongly for those who question the legitimacy of police or the legitimacy of counter-terrorism laws, but the moderation effects differ across the two cooperation contexts. The findings have implications for procedural justice scholarship and for counter-terrorism policing. Originality/value The current paper examines an under-explored aspect of legitimacy; it examines police legitimacy perceptions, but also examines how people view the legitimacy of laws police enforce (i.e. law legitimacy). It is argued that perceptions about law legitimacy can also impact people’s willingness to cooperate with police.
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Niemi, Pia-Maria, Saija Benjamin, Arniika Kuusisto und Liam Gearon. „How and Why Education Counters Ideological Extremism in Finland“. Religions 9, Nr. 12 (18.12.2018): 420. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9120420.

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The intensification of radical and extremist thinking has become an international cause of concern and the fear related to terrorism has increased worldwide. Early 21st century public discourses have been correspondingly marked by hate speech and ideological propaganda spread from a variety of perspectives through the intensified presence of global social media networks. In many countries, governments have reacted to these perceived and actual threats by drafting policies and preventive programs and legal-security interventions to tackle radicalization, terrorism itself, as well as ideological extremism. Many of the current strategies point to the critical role of societal education. As a result, educational institutions have gained growing importance as platforms for different kinds of prevention protocols or counter-terrorism strategies. However, notably less attention has been paid on the consistencies of values between the aims of the educational strategies for preventing or countering ideological extremism and the core functions of education in fostering individual and societal well-being and growth. Using Finnish education as a case, this paper discusses the challenges and possibilities related to educational institutions as spaces for preventing violent extremism, with special regard to the religious and nationalistic ideologies that divert from those inherent in the national hegemony. This study highlights the need to plan counter-terrorism strategies in line with national educational policies through what we conceptualize as ‘institutional habitus’.
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Guo, Weisi. „Common statistical patterns in urban terrorism“. Royal Society Open Science 6, Nr. 9 (25.09.2019): 190645. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsos.190645.

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The underlying reasons behind modern terrorism are seemingly complex and intangible. Despite diverse causal mechanisms, research has shown that there exists general statistical patterns at the global scale that can shed light on human confrontation behaviour. While many policing and counter-terrorism operations are conducted at a city level, there has been a lack of research in building city-level resolution prediction engines based on statistical patterns. For the first time, the paper shows that there exist general commonalities between global cities under frequent terrorist attacks. By examining over 30 000 geo-tagged terrorism acts over 7000 cities worldwide from 2002 to today, the results show the following. All cities experience attacks A that are uncorrelated to the population and separated by a time interval t that is negative exponentially distributed with a death-toll per attack that follows a power-law distribution. The prediction parameters yield a high confidence of explaining up to 87% of the variations in frequency and 89% in the death-toll data. These findings show that the aggregate statistical behaviour of terror attacks are seemingly random and memoryless for all global cities. They enabled the author to develop a data-driven city-specific prediction system, and we quantify its information-theoretic uncertainty and information loss. Further analysis shows that there appears to be an increase in the uncertainty over the predictability of attacks, challenging our ability to develop effective counter-terrorism capabilities.
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Klausen, Jytte. „British Counter-Terrorism After 7/7: Adapting Community Policing to the Fight Against Domestic Terrorism“. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 35, Nr. 3 (16.02.2009): 403–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13691830802704566.

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41

Lošonczi, Peter, Josef Reitšpís und Martin Mašľan. „Legal and Policing Model to Counter Organised Crime and Terrorism in Slovakia“. Security Dimensions 29, Nr. 29 (31.03.2019): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.4400.

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Organized crime and terrorist networks belong to the most important threats in Europe, including Slovakia. The number of assets confiscated from organized crime is still increasing, which indicates its rise, especially in the areas of carousel tax fraud, unlawful financial operations, VAT collection, and the distribution of drugs. These activities are often accompanied with corruption. Europe, including Slovakia, is now facing the growing migration wave that increases the risk of foreign fighters entering its territory, who could be recruited for terrorists attacks. The efficiency of the fight against organized crime and terrorism depends on the coordination of activities, the cooperation of the involved authorities, as well as their independence, and a permanent effort to minimize unprofessional and illegal interventions into the work of police, courts and prosecution. This is an area in which permanent improvement is necessary.
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Hoque, NM Sajjadul. „Terrorism, Religious and Ethnic Intolerance Issues in the Syllabuses and Textbooks of Bengali and English Medium and Madrasha Education in Bangladesh An Appraisal“. Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 6 (04.07.2014): 146–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v6i0.10715.

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Bangladesh, a seventh largest populous and fourth largest Muslim country in the World, is often facing the problems of terrorism, religious and ethnic intolerance. There are many cases of terrorist activities, religious and ethnic intolerance in the recent past. Like many of the post-colonial societies, various national policies were adopted towards facing the challenges of terrorism, religious and ethnic intolerance in Bangladesh. One of the most important policies was formulating National Education Policy (NEP)-2010 though there are a large number of contradictions about the implementation of the NEP. Needless to say peoples of Bangladesh are the victims of terrorism, religious and ethnic intolerance. The Author’s perception is education itself a catalyst for social change and it is a powerful instrument in the process of overcoming the problems. In other words, author of this paper believe that syllabuses and text books of both general and madrasha education streams of Bangladesh have significant role in educating people to counter terrorism, religious and ethnic intolerance. However, an attempt has been made in this paper through reviewing the current syllabuses and text books of general and madrasha education streams and also through assessing the peoples’ opinions of Bangladesh to know whether the syllabuses and text books are adequately addressing the issues of terrorism, religious and ethnic intolerance or not. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v6i0.10715 Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.6 2014: 146-165
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Pickering, Sharon, und Jude McCulloch. „The Haneef case and counter-terrorism policing in Australia“. Policing and Society 20, Nr. 1 (13.02.2010): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10439460903377311.

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44

Simeon, James. „The Evolving Common Law Jurisprudence Combatting the Threat of Terrorism in the United Kingdom, United States, and Canada“. Laws 8, Nr. 1 (14.02.2019): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws8010005.

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Terrorism is a concept that defies a simple and straightforward legal definition. Therefore, it is not surprising to find that there is no Comprehensive Convention on Terrorism with a universally accepted definition of what constitutes “terrorism.” Consequently, States have devised their own definitions of what constitutes terrorism that are typically found in their criminal law. This raises the fundamental question of whether there is a convergence or divergence in jurisprudential trends on what constitutes terrorism among States? Presumably, a convergence in jurisprudential trends is more likely to contribute to combatting the threat of terrorism at the international and national levels. Accordingly, this article comparatively analyzes the definition of terrorism in three common law jurisdictions: the United Kingdom, the United States, and Canada. It finds that although there are a number of similarities in the definition of terrorism in these three States, they have significantly different definitions of what constitutes terrorism. The UK definition, ostensibly, has the broadest definition of terrorism of the three States. The US has, undoubtedly, the most unique, with separate definitions for “international terrorism” and “domestic terrorism.” Additionally, Canada has the most international definition of terrorism, drawing on 13 functional terrorism Conventions to define offenses such as hijacking, hostage taking, and bombing, etc. The second part of the article comparatively analyzes seven of the leading Supreme Court cases on terrorism in these three States. From the ratio or rationes decidendi in each of these cases, it draws out the twelve legal principles that underlie these judgements and finds that they are similar and overall consistent. The conclusion reached is that there is, at least in these three common law jurisdictions, an apparent convergence in jurisprudential trends in the law of terrorism. This augurs well for the development and emergence of a common definition of what constitutes terrorism at the international and transnational levels, as well as more rigorous and effective counter-terrorism laws and policies within and across States.
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Cherney, Adrian, und Kristina Murphy. „Being a ‘suspect community’ in a post 9/11 world – The impact of the war on terror on Muslim communities in Australia“. Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 49, Nr. 4 (27.07.2016): 480–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0004865815585392.

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The suspect community thesis has been used to explain how and why Muslims have become a stigmatised minority, subject to increased state surveillance and public discourse that constructs Muslims as a potential terrorist threat. Breen-Smyth (2014) argues that a suspect community is generated through national or state security policies and reproduced and reinforced by societal responses and social practices. This influences how Muslims perceive themselves as a suspect community and influences their support for counter-terrorism efforts. This paper will explore the ‘experiential consequences’ of Muslims being stigmatised and labelled as a suspect community and the perceptions this has generated among Muslims living in Australia. We examine how Muslims have reacted to being defined as a terrorist threat and the coping mechanisms they adopt to defend their religious beliefs given Islam is seen by authorities, the media and the public as justifying violence. This paper will explore these issues by reporting results from focus group data collected from Muslims living in Sydney, Brisbane and Melbourne ( N = 104 participants in total). Results illustrate how being defined as a suspect community influences the appraisals Muslims have of themselves, their faith, their community and Australian authorities. Implications for counter-terrorism policies are also identified.
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Demirsu, Ipek. „Talking security and rights“. Journal of Language and Politics 16, Nr. 5 (10.05.2017): 658–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.15043.dem.

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Abstract This article addresses the question of how draconian counter-terrorism policies are legitimized in long-established democracies. Being the heartland of liberal rights, the UK comes to the fore as a striking case where some of the most controversial security policies have been enacted. The study undertakes a systematic frame analysis of UK parliamentary debates with the help of ATLAS.ti, which allows the analyst to trace and map out recurrent concepts, themes, and arguments as well as their overall distribution. While demonstrating the workings of securitization in the formulation of key counter-terrorism legislation, the study unearths how the security narrative in the UK context evidently relies on the language of rights in invoking legitimacy. The study suggests that far from negating the indispensable status of human rights, security narrative resorts to the latter’s moral power and mimics rights language, heralding the weight of these international norms even in hard-core security matters.
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Rubiyanto, Eko, und Munsharif Abdul Chalim. „Counter Terrorism : Case Study On The Radicals Religious Group“. Jurnal Daulat Hukum 1, Nr. 4 (10.12.2018): 869. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/jdh.v1i4.3928.

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This research aims to explore counter terrorism: a case study of radical religious group. This research used the normative juridical approach. Data collection techniques using data reduction, data presentation, triangulation and conclusion. The results showed that the group of religious radicalism in the jurisdiction of Bekasi police pioneered by asatidz or Imam FPI called for promotion of hatred toward religious groups. The media used in the spread of religious radicals in Bekasi Police Jurisdiction is through social media with the modus operandi of instilling the idea that Islamic law is the most correct. In recruiting, there are several methods used, including the cadre, mentoring, and mastery of places of worship with the main target is the younger age groups. Flourishing of religious radicalism caused by several factors, among others. Bekasi location of the region as a buffer capital city of Jakarta, the lack of supervision of the police, the involvement of religious leaders, the low education level of the community, as well as the economic conditions of the needy. Policing is done by Bekasi policecurrently done with prevention efforts, either through counseling activities, socialization, door to door system, coordination with Tomas, Toda, or Toga, as well as joint meetings FKUB about the dangers of radicalism and terrorism. The effort is still deemed less effective, so the Bekasi police in the future in the fight against terrorism must be put forward Counter Radicalization and Deradicalisation to strengthen four pillars of nationhood.Keywords: Radicalism; Terrorism; Religion.
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Atmaja, Dwi Surya. „The So-Called “Islamic Terrorism”: A Tale of the Ambiguous Terminology“. Al-Albab 5, Nr. 1 (01.06.2016): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.24260/alalbab.v5i1.419.

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"What does the term "terrorism" mean." Why does the term “terrorism” often identified as Islam? "If terrorism is an ism that affects "terror" that it generates, while Islam which literally means "peace", then the two terms certainly mismatch! Such question and statement show Muslims’ concern over frequent phenomena of "terrorism" using Islamic religious symbols. The research undertaken proved that there are three explanations. First, a close tripartite network connection between “terrorism experts” and the circles of power policy holders who are also supported by senior journalists in the international media influence. Second, a long tradition of Orientalist studies in the study of the Middle East region and the study of religion in the Arab culture. Figures such as Bernard Lewis, Noah Feldman, Raphael Patai and other Middle East experts often sit with other experts in the field of terrorism (the first factor) and become main advisors and expert staff for the US government in the formulation of action to counter terror. It was the catalyst for the transmission of viewpoint which then decorated orientalist discourse of Islamic terrorism in the process of political policies. Third, a lot of Islamic terrorism discourse refers to the long tradition of cultural stereotypes and biased representations of the media that often portray Islam and Muslims as ‘the enemy’. The reason is that it reflects the perspective of socio-Western culture that fears and worries the other oriental parties which has been stereotyped since the imperial era. Many also argue that the dichotomy of the orientalist views are deliberately preserved as a form of new style imperialism
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Chua, Alton Y. K., und Snehasish Banerjee. „The topic of terrorism on Yahoo! Answers: questions, answers and users’ anonymity“. Aslib Journal of Information Management 72, Nr. 1 (19.12.2019): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajim-08-2019-0204.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of community question answering sites (CQAs) on the topic of terrorism. Three research questions are investigated: what are the dominant themes reflected in terrorism-related questions? How do answer characteristics vary with question themes? How does users’ anonymity relate to question themes and answer characteristics? Design/methodology/approach Data include 300 questions that attracted 2,194 answers on the community question answering Yahoo! Answers. Content analysis was employed. Findings The questions reflected the community’s information needs ranging from the life of extremists to counter-terrorism policies. Answers were laden with negative emotions reflecting hate speech and Islamophobia, making claims that were rarely verifiable. Users who posted sensitive content generally remained anonymous. Practical implications This paper raises awareness of how CQAs are used to exchange information about sensitive topics such as terrorism. It calls for governments and law enforcement agencies to collaborate with major social media companies to develop a process for cross-platform blacklisting of users and content, as well as identifying those who are vulnerable. Originality/value Theoretically, it contributes to the academic discourse on terrorism in CQAs by exploring the type of questions asked, and the sort of answers they attract. Methodologically, the paper serves to enrich the literature around terrorism and social media that has hitherto mostly drawn data from Facebook and Twitter.
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Mamud, Yusuf Abubakar, und Oboshi J. Agyeno. „Using Muslims Mannerism and Habits (UMMAH): An Early Warning Strategy for Countering Violent Extremism“. European Scientific Journal, ESJ 13, Nr. 5 (28.02.2017): 416. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2017.v13n5p416.

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The fight against terrorism has long relied on military intervention and hard power strategy to curb terror threats. Current reality and the spade at which youths who are radicalized under the banner of religion to carry out terrorist activities has called for more attention paid on alternative counterterrorism (CT) measures and policies. CT initiatives should be broadened to accommodate soft power approach that interrupts the radicalization and recruitment of civilians into violent extremism and terrorism. It is revealed that more terrorist actions and violent extremism had been undertaking by youths that professed the Islamic faith more than any in the 21st century. The worrisome trend has called the development of UMMAH as a CT strategy to understand the narratives and messaging exploited by recruiters and facilitators of violent extremism as a religious obligation. The strategy demands a counter narrative and messages that would replace the message of hate, violence and bigotry, with love, peace, tolerance and coexistence.
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