Dissertationen zum Thema „Counter-terrorism policies; terrorism; counter-terrorism“

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita, "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-98). Also available online.

This thesis explores the challenges posed to democratic legitimacy by current practices of EU counter-terrorism policing. It is concerned with the increasing amount of international cooperation between police and, to a lesser extent, intelligence actors in this field and analyses how far traditional mechanisms of accountability and oversight are keeping up with this development. For this purpose, the thesis develops a model of democratic legitimacy for the field of international counter-terrorism co-operation. The EU – like its Member States – understands itself to be based on principles of representative liberal democracy and the model follows roughly this idea by identifying parliamentary and judicial scrutiny as key instruments to ensure ‘democratic’ counter-terrorism actions and the protection of human rights. Drawing on the literature on security networks, it is proposed that current forms of counterterrorism policing under the EU’s umbrella should be understood as networks which are defined as sets of expert institutional nodes or individual agents from at least two countries that are interconnected in order to authorize and/or provide security with regard to counter-terrorism for the benefit of the network participants or external ‘clients’. The empirical focus of this thesis is on the European Police Office (Europol) which provides a key example in which to explore the emergence and current status quo of EU counter-terrorism policing. In addition, debates about the EUUS exchange of Passenger Name Record (PNR) data, the so-called Prüm arrangements concerning intensified counter-terrorism co-operation in the EU, the freezing of terrorist funds as well as European involvement in the CIA’s so-called extraordinary rendition campaign are interwoven into this discussion. The thesis concludes that the EU is an emerging counter-terrorism actor, but that – for the time being – its policies and actions are insufficiently subject to parliamentary and judicial scrutiny. Challenges arise, in particular, from the international nature of counter-terrorism networks, their loose structure, the variety of actors involved and the strengthened co-operation between police and intelligence authorities.

The research found that empirical evidence of securitisation varies across the three policy levels and decreases as the empirical focus moves from policy 'talk' and 'decision' to the level of police practice or 'action'.

The death of Ian Tomlinson at the G20 protests in London in April 2009 triggered a haemorrhaging of public confidence in public order policing. The protests were swiftly followed by a plethora of official inquiries and reports tasked with investigating the legitimacy of existing public order policing tactics and the associated mechanisms of accountability. Events since Tomlinson’s death indicate that this is an issue that is unlikely to dissipate any time soon. Dramatic footage taken during the 2010-11 student protests, including police officers charging protesters on horseback and dragging a disabled activist from his wheelchair, attracted widespread condemnation. The on-going revelations into the activities of undercover police officers suggest that such practices may be the tip of the iceberg. These disclosures have caused a serious crisis of legitimacy for an institution supposedly founded on a principle of ‘policing by consent’. Paradoxically, these developments have occurred during a period in which the right to protest is for the first time reflected in law. In October 2000 the much trumpeted Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA 1998) came into force in England and Wales, incorporating into domestic law the rights and freedoms enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Although the ECHR does not establish a legal right to protest per se, it does guarantee positive rights to “freedom of expression” and “freedom of peaceful assembly”, as well as prohibiting arbitrary state interferences with an individual’s liberty and security, thought, conscious and religion and right to privacy. The HRA 1998 appeared to mark a radical departure from the traditional approach and was celebrated as signalling a “constitutional shift” in the state’s approach towards public protest. A principle aim of this thesis is to examine the impact of the HRA 1998 on the regulation of public protest in England and Wales. Whilst a growing body of academic literature has analysed public order law and policy against abstract human rights principles, relatively few have attempted to ground the analysis in the experiences of protesters. This thesis seeks to begin to fill this lacuna. Moving away from a doctrinal analysis of human rights law, I utilise a socio-legal framework to examine contemporary developments in the regulation of public protest in the context of a view from below. Drawing on extensive ethnographic data and analyses of policy documents, newspaper reports, case-law, legislation and Hansard, I adopt a critical normative perspective to assess the legitimacy of the current restrictive interpretations of human rights principles in legal, political and policing-policy discourses.

Specialised policing of critical incidents has previously been underexplored within scholarly research. Simultaneously, this type of policing has been recognised as a highly complex endeavour which hinges on an organisationalability to make sense of uncertainty and external contingencies. To build knowledge on the subject of specialised policing, the present thesis aims to explore processes of sensemaking and organising in the work context of specialised police units dedicated to the policing of high risk incidents. Two research questions have guided the thesis project viz.: 1) what ascribed meanings are coupled to specialised police unit work practice and; 2) how can organising of specialised police units be enacted in a reliable manner. These questions are empirically addressed through four part-studies: Study A amounts to a contextual literature study of previous research on specialised police units and aims at conceptual development of anomenclature describing police specialisation as a professional context. Study B in the thesis examines symbolic meanings connected to specialised police units and how such meanings relate to constructions of occupational identity of police officers working in a specialised police unit. With these studies as a contextual frame, study C within the thesis examines how leadership, management and ICT system within a specialised police unitimpacts organisational reliability and sensemaking during incident management. Finally, study D examines organisational reliability on an interpersonal level during incident management as it entails a study of collaboration between police practitioners conducting an intervention. The thesis employs a mainly ideographic and close practice approach to researchas the empirical examinations are focused upon one specific specialised police unit, namely the Swedish police’s National Counter-Terrorist Unit (NI). Using data collected through interviews, observations and archival sources, the thesis aims to contribute both to organisational developmentand to knowledge development within the scholarly community. In overview, the results of the thesis indicate that specialised policing on a level of ascribed meaning tend to be represented as exceptional, sensational and surrounded by inferences of elitism, machismo and violence. In extent, such representations inform serving police officers occupational identity workeither by spurring identification or dis-identification with prevailing accounts of meaning. On a level of organising, resilient policing of high risk incidents is shown to be dependent on an ability to favour flexibility, both through the organisational frameworks that frames incident management and in interpersonal enactment during task execution. This conclusion challenges day-to-day conceptualisation of specialised police units’ work practice as instrumental applications of coercion.

À la fin du XIXe siècle, à la faveur du développement en Europe des premières formes contemporaines d’un terrorisme internationalisé, la France participe à la naissance d’une première grammaire de la coopération internationale contre le terrorisme, qui se décline en une coopération politique multilatérale, une coopération policière secrète et une coopération de nature judiciaire ayant pour fondement l’extradition. Il s’agit dès lors d’écrire l’histoire des coopérations internationales de la France contre le terrorisme depuis cette période jusqu’à la fin des années 1980, dans ses versants tant politiques que policiers et judiciaires, en analysant les appréhensions, adaptations et spécialisations des différents organes de l’État, en fonction non seulement de l’évolution du terrorisme lui-même mais aussi des relations internationales dont elles constituent un élément à part entière. À l’ère du terrorisme anarchiste à la fin du XIXe siècle succède un entre-deux-guerres durant lequel la France fait l’expérience du terrorisme balkanique et où pour la première fois une organisation internationale, la SDN, se saisit du terrorisme. À l’issue de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la France fait de nouveau l’expérience de la coopération durant la guerre d’Algérie, et à partir de la fin des années 60 participe à un mouvement d’européanisation de ses enjeux et de ses pratiques tant au niveau bilatéral que multilatéral. L’Europe géographique autant qu’institutionnelle devient l’espace de référence de la coopération antiterroriste, du fait de la persistance du phénomène tant d’origine domestique qu’international et de sa transformation en enjeu majeur pour la société internationale
At the end of the nineteenth century, in response to the rise of a modern internationalized terrorism, European states, and chiefly among them France, draft a first grammar of international cooperation against terrorism, a multilateral political cooperation, a secret police cooperation and a judicial cooperation of which extradition is the cornerstone. The history of France’s international cooperation against terrorism from this point on to the end of the 1980s shall thusly be written with regards to its political, policing, intelligence and judicial implications and take into account not only the evolving nature of the understanding of the phenomenon by and within the state, but the evolution of terrorism itself and that of international relations, of which international cooperation against terrorism is an integral part. Following the era of anarchist terrorism, during the interwar years, the rise of nationalist terrorism in the Balkans provide France with a new outlook and the phenomenon becomes, for the first time, an issue on the agenda of an international organization, the League of Nations. After WWII, France faces anew the challenges of international cooperation during the Algerian War, and, from the end of the 1960s on, takes part in a differential process of Europeanization of international cooperation against terrorism. In its geographical and institutional incarnations, and due to the persistence of both domestic and international terrorism, Europe thus becomes the core of France’s international efforts against terrorism

This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.

One of the most significant features of the Third Pillar, which came into being as part of the Treaty of European Union, is the so-called 'implementation gap' between the expectations and aspirations of the member states in this area and the empirical reality. This regularly features in the standard literature on the Third Pillar, yet there has been little detailed research done to either measure or determine the root causes of such an occurrence. Rather than simply accept that such a 'gap' exists, this thesis attempts to measure the implementation gap in two distinct areas of internal security co-operation. These are two of the most under-researched areas within the Third Pillar, namely the development of the European Police Office (and related elements of police cooperation) and progress in the related area of a European counter-terrorist framework. A model of 'perfect implementation' has been devised utilising tests from three distinct schools of decision-making - foreign policy analysis, the implementation school (which has its own distinct subset of literature) and European decision-making. By applying tests in relation to the establishment of objectives, the question of leadership, the scale of the 'sacrifice' made and a detailed analysis of the legislative output of each area, the thesis measures how close the reality is to the ideal. In terms of the nature of objectives, an examination of the clarity and consistency of such aims will be determined at two levels. The overall 'metapolicy' of the Third Pillar - the creation of 'an area of freedom, security and justice'- is compared to the current enlargement process, in order to determine both the meaning of such a concept and to ascertain where the priorities of the member states actually lie. Certain terms used within the European Union and replicated within the literature, such as describing such areas as 'matters of common interest', will be analysed to determine their meaning and their applicability to the empirical reality. As a result, and complimenting the 'Good Governance' initiative of the European Commission, which aims to determine the appropriate level for each of the competencies of the EU, the legitimacy of the European level of decision-making will be examined in each area. In terms of determining the root causes of the 'implementation gap', the solution most commonly offered - both by practitioners and in the secondary literature - relates to the process of communitarisation, which has already begun for the areas such as immigration and asylum and judicial co-operation on civil matters. Yet, in the case of the two case studies examined in this thesis - European police cooperation and the European counter-terrorist framework - communitarisation is not forthcoming, with little mention made of the post-Amsterdam elements of the Third Pillar in the draft Treaty of Nice. As such, the control factor of the institutional framework of the European Union does not apply as directly in either case study. Both have shared the same institutional structure since the inception of the Third Pillar, a structure that is likely to remain untouched by the process of enlargement. Therefore, there is a need to look beyond the potential panacea of communitarisation for other potential explanations as to why greater progress has been made in one area as opposed to the other.

In this thesis multiple approaches are presented which demonstrate the effectiveness of mathematical modelling to the study of terrorism and counter-terrorism strategies. In particular, theories of crime science are quantified to obtain objective outcomes. The layout of the research findings is in four parts. The first model studied is a Hawkes point process. This model describes events where past occurrence can lead to an increase in future events. In the context of this thesis a point process is used to capture dependence among terrorist attacks committed by the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) during ``The Troubles'' in Northern Ireland. The Hawkes process is adapted to produce a method capable of determining quantitatively temporally distinct phases within the PIRA movement. Expanding on the Hawkes model the next area of research introduces a time-varying background rate. In particular, using the Fast Fourier Transform a sinusoidal background rate is derived. This model then enables a study of seasonal trends in the attack profile of the Al Shabaab (AS) group. To study the spatial dynamics of terrorist activity a Dirichlet Process Mixture (DPM) model is examined. The DPM is used in a novel setting by considering the influence of improvised explosive device (IED) factory closures on PIRA attacks. The final research area studied in this thesis is data collection methods. An information retrieval (IR) tool is designed which can automatically obtain terrorist event details. Machine learning techniques are used to compare this IR data to a manually collected dataset. Future research ideas are introduced for each of the topics covered in this dissertation.

This thesis tests whether the availability of new technologies increases the capacities of terrorist and counter-terrorist agencies to achieve their communication objectives. It focuses on the ways narratives affected the behaviour of Spanish-language audiences through an analysis of policy documents, elite interviews, and internet research methods adapted by the author. The data illuminate shifting understandings of communities of policymakers, journalists, and publics during 2004 to 2011 and is the first such study undertaken in Spain. Five themes are examined: the relation of terrorism in Spain to immigration, the formation of narratives in relation to understandings of terrorism, terrorism and cybercrime within Spain, the nature of communities in relation to understandings of terrorism in Spain and online reaction to the death of Osama bin Laden. The hypothesis is derived from: the theses of Bobbitt (2008) and Barnett (2005) concerning technology's role in the changing character of the state and terrorist organisations; terrorism studies literature concerning the role of technology in recruitment and communication; and public diplomacy studies suggesting political organisations can communicate effectively to publics through digital campaigns. The main findings are: (i) the availability of technologies has not brought success for government or terrorist organisations; (ii) government narratives were not considered persuasive by online users, refuting top-down communication models; (iii) online communities wish to engage and may contain key influencers to be conduits for government or terrorist narratives; (iv) terrorist organisations now have greater capacity to operationalise visibility and invisibility within their strategies; and (v) partly independent phenomena have been ‘commensurated' into one ‘nexus' of concern. The thesis considers how Web 3.0 is likely to bear upon these relationships, recommending that counter-terrorist practitioners conduct further internet research into the attitudes and behaviours of online users to explore ways they can be co-opted into future counter-terrorism strategies.

Nowadays, terrorist crimes are still threatening global security. Since the 21st century, with the rapid development of modern science and technology, such as "Internet +", "big data" and "artificial intelligence", along with the changing political situation of international society, the global distribution of economic benefits, and the global flow of civilization and culture, it has brought about information sharing and a better life in human society. At the same time, it has spawned the form innovation of terrorist crimes. Terrorism is increasingly threatening non-traditional security areas. The non-traditional security theory transcends the concept of national boundaries and the limitations of national sovereignty, and examines the security construction of various countries from the perspective of global security. It focuses on a wider range of fields, a wider vision and a deeper depth, and is a kind of "shared security". Terrorist crimes challenge international authority, national sovereignty and tolerance for crimes, and affect the development of many fields in the world, which belongs to the non-traditional security field. Because of its inherent destructive, violent, dual-purpose, international and decentralized characteristics, for many years, the global defense against terrorist crimes has formed three paths: "war path", "criminal justice path" and "global governance path". From the reality, the path of war is a last resort in the current global counter-terrorism, but it is not worth vigorously promoting. Criminal justice path can effectively reduce the operation cost of counter-terrorism measures, is conducive to the realization of human rights protection, and is the main counter-terrorism means, but it is still insufficient to deal with terrorist crimes, and must be further improved and strengthened. The global governance path is put forward on the basis of effectively eliminating the threats and security problems brought by terrorism on a global scale. It relies on the global countries to form a community of common destiny for all mankind to effectively fight terrorism. Although this goal is far away, it is the fundamental way to completely eliminate terrorism. In the value choice of counter-terrorism, the theory of priority protection of national security and global security has become the main theory from the perspective of non-traditional security. Under the non-traditional security concept, counter-terrorism must first ensure national security, and then pursue individual freedom. Without national security, there is no individual freedom. But at the same time, we should give full consideration to the theory of safeguarding human rights and bottom line justice. The protection of human rights against terrorism from the perspective of non-traditional security must start from three levels: terrorist crimes and human rights protection; the protection of state power and human rights, as well as the protection of terrorists' rights. In a civilized society, even if terrorists are as evil as enemies, they cannot be treated like enemies, but must adhere to the rule of law and guarantee their basic rights. When dealing with terrorist crimes at the international level, we should see that international counter-terrorism faces practical problems such as inadequate legal system, imperfect cooperation mechanism and practical difficulties. By adhering to the main position of the United Nations in counter-terrorism, we should formulate the United Nations Comprehensive Counter-Terrorism Convention and improve the international unified counter-terrorism criminal policy, and finally achieve effective governance of terrorism. At the domestic level, it mainly focuses on the establishment of a comprehensive and effective counter-terrorism mechanism, starting from the counter-terrorism institution building, counter-terrorism platform building and counter-terrorism legal system. The most important thing is to build and perfect the counter-terrorism legal system. By combing our counter-terrorism legal system, we should further polish it from the aspects of defining the basic concepts of terrorism, improving the counter-terrorism substantive law and perfecting the counter-terrorism procedural law. In this process, we must carry out the criminal policy of combining punishment with leniency, and finally realize the balance between security and human rights protection. This thesis is divided into five chapters to study the terrorist crime in the field of non-traditional security, hoping to make a theoretical response to the causes of terrorism, extremism, terrorist crime, terrorist activity crime and the preventive countermeasures in China through such a theoretical review, combing and exploration, especially to provide a useful theoretical reference for the prevention, strike and elimination of such crimes. At the same time, it is also a theoretical clarification of the terrorist crimes, terrorist activities crimes and extremist crimes in the non-traditional security field. Chapter one: this chapter mainly clarifies the relevant concepts, and understands the traditional security theory, non-traditional security theory, terrorism, extremism and separatism from the most basic level; distinguishes terrorist activity crime, terrorist crime and extremist crime, including the discrimination of their concepts, characteristics, types and purposes. More importantly, terrorism, which has been debated over its concepts for a long time, is serious crimes not only endangering the international security, but also endangering the overall national security of China, such as political security, homeland security, military security, economic security, cultural security, social security, network security, science and technology security, information security, ecological security, resource security, nuclear security and so on. The safety of people's lives and property can be ensured only when such crimes are eliminated. The second chapter discusses the causes and harms of terrorist crimes. From the international political level, national religious belief, interest distribution and other perspectives, this chapter analyzes the causes and harms of terrorism. This kind of harm is analyzed from the aspects of international society and domestic society. As far as the harm of international society is concerned, it causes the internal disintegration of the country, causes the internal management of the country out of control, intensifies regional conflicts and wars, people living nowhere, the number of refugees increases sharply, all kinds of serious crimes rise, global economic development slows down, and the number of global crimes increases. As far as the harm of the domestic society is concerned, it intensifies the escalation of national conflicts and the rise of extreme forces, which leads to the instability of social management order, the destruction of social dynamic balance, the general lack of security and trust of the public, the reduction of trust of the whole people, the destruction of social integrity system, and the loss of moral concepts of social groups, which will form the vicious circle of everyone is in danger, or some scholars call it the so-called "mutual harm mode" of modern society. Finally, the terrorist crimes basically spread all over the world, endangering the international political environment and extending to China, resulting in the slow development of domestic economy, the destruction of the inheritance of local cultural system, endangering everyone's own development and individual survival, etc., causing unprecedented disasters in the whole human society, such as environmental degradation, food shortage, water pollution, and trust crisis. Chapter three: expound the value orientation and the path of counter terrorism. The biggest harm of terrorist crime lies in the destruction of global security. Therefore, the value of counter-terrorism in theory is mainly embodied in: the theory of human existence, the theory of international relations, the value theory of priority of global security interests, the theory of dynamic balance between the protection of basic human rights and the strengthening of state power, the theory of principles, rules and systems of international human rights law. Today's "counter-terrorism model" mainly adopts "war model" (military strike), "criminal justice model" (judicial governance) and "global governance model" (social governance) to control, eliminate and combat the spread and frequency of terrorist crimes. However, looking at these models, we can find that the war model basically failed because the United States withdrew its troops from Iraq and other countries, the judicial governance was in the stage of continuous attempt and improvement because of the poor connection of domestic laws of various countries, and the global governance was impressed by various factors among countries, and also became a theoretical system of continuous attempt to break through and improve. At present, the international community has not created a theoretical model that can completely eliminate terrorist crime and terrorist activity crime. Most countries adopt intelligence early warning, rapid elimination, post elimination and other ways to the occurrence of terrorist attacks, in order to effectively control the spread of terrorist extreme ideas, reduce the overall probability of terrorist attacks, and thus continuously weaken the viability of terrorist organizations around the world. Chapter four: the current situation and improvement of international response to terrorist crime. Due to the differences of political ideology and the restriction of interest pattern, the counter-terrorism legal system is not perfect, and it is difficult to form a systematic and effective "international unified criminal code system" or "international unified criminal policy" to regulate international terrorist crimes. In this regard, the international level of the regulation of terrorist crimes should mainly adopt international criminal cooperation, criminal judicial assistance, regional alliances, and other ways (such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization).Therefore, the conclusion of international conventions is particularly important. Only with legal basis can we realize effective cooperation across national sovereignty. It can not only ensure respect for the sovereignty of all countries, but also help to carry out practical cooperation to deal with terrorist crimes of all countries. Chapter five: expound the path and system construction of dealing with terrorist crime in China. From the perspective of China’s society, it is generally in a period of stable development, but still unable to cope with sudden terrorist attacks. Terrorist attacks happen under the planning of terrorists, so it is urgent to improve the criminal law of China. Over the years, China has preliminarily constructed the main frame of counter-terrorism, and formed a three-dimensional prevention system in the aspects of counter-terrorism stance, counter-terrorism organization setting, counter-terrorism fund control and counter-terrorism Internet supervision. In terms of specific disposal, China has established counter-terrorism organization and platforms, such as information exchange platform, early warning and prevention platform and public division platform. But fighting terrorism according to law is always one of the goals pursued by the rule of law. Although China has established a relatively complete counter-terrorism legal system, the counter-terrorism legislation has certain defects and deficiencies in three aspects: basic concepts, anti-terrorism substantive law and anti-terrorism procedural law. It is found that there are some specific problems in China’s counter-terrorism legislation, such as unclear definition of basic concepts, poor convergence of laws in the field of counter-terrorism substantive law, confusion of identification subject and procedure in the field of counter-terrorism procedural law, confusion of administrative power and criminal investigation power, and poor procedural independence. The definition of the basic concept should strictly abide by the behavior theory of objectivism criminal law, and should be expanded in combination with international practice to cover specific cases from the literal and theoretical extension of the articles. In the field of counter-terrorism substantive law, the power boundary between administrative law and criminal substantive law should be clarified, and legislative conflict of jurisdiction should be solved, strictly implement the concept of modesty of criminal law, and correctly define the specific boundaries between administrative illegal activities and criminal activities, as well as between incriminating and discharging crimes. The choice of procedural legislation of mixed model in the field of counter-terrorism procedural law should conform to the trend of the world, clarify the compartmentalization of subjects, ensure the smooth internal connection of the whole procedure, and establish a special prosecution procedure. At the same time, we insist on using criminal policy of combining punishment with leniency to guide our counter-terrorism practice, and finally realize the balance between counter-terrorism and human rights protection In a word, based on the complexity of criminal phenomena, the diversity of criminal patterns and the differences of social development patterns, considering the rigor and diversity of the theoretical research of criminal law, we should take a dynamic and open concept to study the criminal law of terrorist crime and terrorist activity crime, and adopt a multi-dimensional research approach.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America, there has been a shift in the policies of many countries to combat terrorism. Terrorism has had a devastating effect on many. These include „the enjoyment of the right to life, liberty and physical integrity of victims. In addition to these individual costs, terrorism can destabilise Governments, undermine civil society, jeopardise peace and security, and threaten social and economic development.‟ All of these also had a real impact on the enjoyment of human rights. Therefore the fight to curb further terrorist attacks is paramount. States are charged with the responsibility of curbing terrorism by their citizens. But with responsibility comes obligations to the citizenry. States should therefore not engage in policies or actions that further deprive others of their enjoyment of human rights. This is well put by Hoffman when he says „history shows that when societies trade human rights for security, most often they get neither.‟
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Lukas Muntingh at the Community Law Centre, University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

The purpose of this study was to analyze local law enforcement's counter-terrorism capabilities as it relates to the varying size of United States local law enforcement agencies. Data for the study came from a study entitled "Impact of Terrorism on State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies and Criminal Justice Systems in the United States, 2004". Statistical analysis revealed that there are large disparities in the allocation of resources to intelligence gathering, analyzing, and sharing between smaller local law enforcement agencies and their larger counterparts. Furthermore, smaller agencies are not interacting with federal agencies in a manner consistent with the interactions between larger agencies and federal authorities. However, the study did reveal officers in smaller local law enforcement agencies have undertaken the duties of homeland security on a level commensurate with those in larger local law enforcement agencies.

Immediately following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a small number of U.S. Army Special Forces (USSF) invaded the Al Qaeda safe haven of Afghanistan. USSF A-teams, operating with almost total independence, conducted highly successful Unconventional Warfare "through, with, and by" the indigenous Afghan militias of the Northern Alliance. The USSF and their indigenous Afghan armies rapidly deposed the Taliban regime and denied the Al Qaeda terrorists their training and support areas within Afghanistan. The momentum of the initial success achieved by USSF during 2001-2002, however, has been dramatically overshadowed by the inability of follow-on U.S. forces to establish long-term stability in the post-Taliban Afghanistan. Since 2002, the conventional U.S./Coalition forces, which replaced Army USSF as the main U.S. counterinsurgency (COIN) forces, have thus far failed to defeat the re-emerging Taliban/Al Qaeda threat. In fact, 2005 has been the most violent year-to-date for U.S./Coalition forces serving in Afghanistan with 239 U.S. casualties, and President Hamid Karzai's central Afghan government exhibiting little control outside its major cities. This trend continues in 2006. In this thesis we question the current U.S./Coalition campaign plan, which places emphasis on conventional military forces, not USSF, as the main effort COIN force in Operation Enduring Freedom. We propose an alternative Unconventional COIN model which focuses on population control instead of "clear and sweep operations", Afghan constabulary-style forces instead of conventional Afghan National Army troops, the importance of "grassroots" intelligence collection at the village level, and the employment of USSF advisors instead of conventional U.S. infantry troops.
US Army (USA) author. updated aq 06/29/2011.

After the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States of America, there has been a shift in the policies of many countries to combat terrorism. Terrorism has had a devastating effect on many citizens of the world. These include „the enjoyment of the right to life, liberty and physical integrity of victims. In addition to these individual costs, terrorism can destabilise Governments, undermine civil society, jeopardise peace and security, and threaten social and economic development.‟1 All of these also had a real impact on the enjoyment of human rights. Therefore the fight to curb further terrorist attacks is paramount. States are charged with the responsibility of curbing terrorism by their citizens. But with responsibility comes obligations to the citizenry.2 States should therefore not engage in policies or actions that further deprive others of their enjoyment of human rights. This is well put by Hoffman when he says „history shows that when societies trade human rights for security, most often they get neither.

The United States is involved in strategies of counter-terrorism in many countries around the globe. Al-Shabaab in Somalia has been a United States designated foreign terrorist organisation since 2008. The objective of this dissertation is to determine the nature of contemporary counterterrorism strategy undertaken by the United States toward Somalia and to understand how it has been determined and sustained over time. In order to identify the specific type of counter-terrorism strategy applied to that country, a typology of four counter-terrorism strategies undertaken by the United States toward other countries has been developed. The secondary but closely related question this dissertation attempts to answer is which determinants, or factors, have caused a shift or change in the United States counter-terrorism strategy in Somalia. By identifying determinants that affect strategy, the justification for a change, shift, or stayed course in strategy is made clearer. The typology and key determinants were initially assessed beyond Somalia to include insights from United States involvement in countries such as Vietnam and Afghanistan. This dissertation contends that that the United States has been engaged in the same counter-terrorism strategy against al-Shabaab since the early days of its re-engagement in the Somali conflict. Applying the typology to situational analysis dating back to as early as 2002, it becomes clear that the United States employs and has maintained a complex/combined counterterrorism strategy toward Somalia. In fact, the research conducted for this dissertation supports the overall argument that complex/combined counter-terrorism strategy is especially broad, which enables the United States to prioritise a light military footprint and low costs of involvement in combating al-Shabaab without becoming heavily involved. The malleable nature of this strategy allows the United States to shift resources and tactics with relative ease.

This thesis analyzes Israeli counter-terrorism strategy and its effectiveness. Because of ongoing suicide attacks from Palestinian and other terrorist organizations, Israel will continue to have an aggressive counter-terrorism strategy. It will study how the impact of past wars, campaigns, and deadly terrorist attacks influenced the thinking of past and current leaders. By gauging the actions, and sometimes nonactions, of the international community, the Israeli government declined to become paralyzed by U.N. and world-wide condemnation of its aggressive counter-terrorism strategies. The Israelis vehemently believe the security of the nation relies on what the Israeli Defense Force (IDF), the Israeli Security Agency (ISA), and Shin Bet do to counter terrorism, not outside governments. The IDF, ISA, and Shin Bet employ three different measures in an attempt to thwart terrorist attacks both in Israel and the Occupied Territories. Defensive, operative, and punitive measures are used in different phases of terrorist attacks in an attempt to protect the lives of Israeli citizens. Of all the three measures used by the IDF and other security agencies, defensive actions have by far been the most effective to date is included.

The purpose of this project is to assess EU actorness in the external dimension of counter-terrorism. This project is important because it examines a policy area that has been at the heart of security co-operation within the EU for at least the past decade and challenges assumptions that the EU does little in the way of external counter-terrorism action. Since 9/11, the EU has become more involved in counter-terrorism; this has been recognised particularly by the literature discussing the internal dimension of EU counter-terrorism, yet academic work on the external dimension of EU counterterrorism remains scarce. Consequently, the EU can too easily be viewed as an insignificant counter-terrorism actor. However, this assessment of the EU's external counter-terrorism policies has been made prematurely, without ascertaining the EU's ability to act and without taking into account the full range of instruments that the EU now deploys to combat terrorism. In contrast to the view of the EU as an insignificant counter-terrorism actor, it will be argued here that EU external action against terrorism has grown considerably over the last ten years and is now much more significant and diverse than it was in 2001. In order to understand the external dimension of EU counter-terrorism, EU actorness will be examined in three case studies: a) the US; b) Afghanistan and Pakistan; and c) Algeria and Morocco. These case studies are important because they highlight the diversity and global range of EU counter-terrorism activity. This project is original because it takes a broad view of EU foreign policy, provides unique theoretical insights into EU counter-terrorism co-operation through actorness, and adds new empirical content by exploring EU counter-terrorism co-operation with some third countries that the existing literature has not yet examined.

Since 11 September 2001, Somalia has become a significant focus in the United States-led 'war on terrorism'. The U.S. government has listed a number of local and foreign actors in Somalia as terrorist groups and terrorist sponsors, including the militant Islamist movement Al Itihad, the Al Barakat group of companies, and the Al Haramain Charitable Foundation. Al Qaeda cells are active in the country and have used Somalia as a rear base for attacks in Kenya, most recently near Mombasa, in November 2002. Other actors, including shari'a courts, the Transitional National Government, the moderate Al Isiah movement, and other Islamic charities, are additional sources of interest and concern. In response, the US continues to mount increasingly invasive military and intelligence operations in the country, including the establishment of the Combined Joint Task Force - Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), based in Djibouti. This dissertation provides the first in-depth analysis of political Islamic movements that exist in Somalia today. It separates out the hyperbole surrounding the 'global war on terrorism' from the historical development, current organization and ideological affiliations of Somalia's political Islamic movements, as well as detailing their evolving relations with other Islamic and secular actors in the country. This is grounded in an analysis of the current political situation in Somalia as a 'failed state', and the historical role of Islam in Somali society and politics. The dissertation concludes with an assessment of the global threat they pose in terms of terrorism, and the wider implications of the rise of political Islamic ideologies in Somalia, as well as the extent to which they are being accounted for and addressed by U. S. counter-terrorism operations. This dissertation is based primarily on field research in Mogadishu, Somalia, where a wide range of interviews were conducted with leaders of Somali Islamist movements, 'warlords' who command Somalia's competing militiafactions, traditional clan elders and religious scholars, as well as 'civil society' activists. Given the limited number of existing academic sources on this subject, additional material is drawn from official United Nations documents, statements by US government officials, policy literature published by Western non-governmental organizations and think tanks, as well as journalistic sources.

Biopolitics is a concept that, much like the apparatus it refers to, has kept evolving ever since Foucault coined its modern meaning in 1976. Its usage and interpretation have especially changed with the recent publication of The Birth of Biopolitics and Society, Territory, Population, books that helped expand its perceived field of application, specifically vis-à-vis the modern governmental rationales of neo-liberalism and, by association, neo-conservatism. In a separate development, the Western dispositif (apparatus) of biopolitics has undergone a dramatic transformation as a result of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, attacks after which, to quote Donald Rumsfeld, ‘everything changed’. My thesis takes both of these developments into account and provides a critical exploration of contemporary biopolitical US counter-terrorist measures. Emphasis is placed on a contextual juridico-political analysis that sheds more light on the complex interrelations between the relatively novel biopolitical dispositif and the classical legal dispositif of sovereignty. This is accomplished by a two-part empirical genealogical study that traces some of the pivotal judicial changes that have resulted from the counter-terrorist measures introduced in the wake of 9/11. It proposes that the PATRIOT Act, one of the primary legislative tools introduced after 9/11, is a distinctively ‘bio-legal’ document that allows for the integration of the biopolitical discourses of pre-emption, exception and contingency within the existing legal framework. I argue that this is a genuinely novel development that significantly alters the intersection of biopolitics, geopolitics and law. The second part of the empirical analysis presents a detailed interrogation of the legal disputes that involve the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay and, over the course of three key legal cases, shows that, even though the logic of biopolitics has now established a foothold within the US juridical system, the classical apparatus of Sovereignty still plays a decisive role in US governance. My key arguments are preceded and supported by an extensive overview of the notion of biopolitics, both as it was first introduced and developed by Foucault over the course of five publications, and as it is currently being used by key contemporary social theorists, especially insofar as this usage relates to the changes in Western politics after 9/11. Overall, the thesis provides a profound interrogation of the epistemic status of biopolitics, and it supplements this purely theoretical analysis with a detailed overview of how biopolitics and sovereignty interact in practice through the mechanism of the law, in the context of US counter-terrorist policies after 9/11.

The thesis seeks to provide a rigorous analysis of the various 'human factors' behind effective counter-terrorism, based on primary source interview data, rather than secondary source publications or open source material. Consequently the data is drawn from over 170 interviews with policing, intelligence and military specialists in seven countries: the UK, Ireland, France, Spain, Israel, Turkey and the US. Such 'human factors' can be defined as the sociological aspects associated with counter-terrorism: personal relationships, individual capabilities, effective leadership, technical interface, organisational culture and community resilience.

There are some cases in which terrorists had second thoughts about harming other people. Their conscience, specifically their guilty conscience, forced them to reconsider their plan. This raises thought-provoking questions are there other examples of terrorists pulling back from an operation because of their guilty conscience, and can countries take advantage of this phenomenon to reduce the prevalence of terrorism This thesis will answer these questions in an exploration of how exploiting guilty consciences can be an element of a countrys counter-terrorism strategy that focuses on the personal, psychological component of terrorism.

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.
Thesis research directed by: Dept. of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.

Since 9/11, both in the Middle East and worldwide, the academic, political and religious focus on extreme radicalisation has intensified. The attacks carried out in Riyadh, the capital of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, by Al-Qaeda in 2003, motivated a succession of bombings within and outside of the Kingdom. These events have led to a plethora of general and specific studies to understand the phenomenon of extremism. This thesis investigates radicalisation in Saudi Arabia since 2001, focusing on the impact of Al-Qaeda and its impact on individuals and the state. It specifically focuses on the role of the Mohammed bin Naif Centre for Counselling, Rehabilitation and Care, in this context referred to as ‘the Centre’, analysing its function as a tool for the ‘soft power’ strategy that has been initiated by the Saudi Arabian Government, intended to de-radicalise individuals who are perceived by the state to have been misled. The study uses a detailed literature review to unpack the historical trends regarding the origins of Saudi Arabia, the political differences therein, as well as the different religious interpretations which are attributed as being a root cause of discontent which thereby leads to radicalisation and violent extremism in the region. In this thesis, I trace the various schools of thought regarding the treatment of religion and governance in relation to local and international politics, and how this impacts upon the radicalisation of individuals. A Critical Terrorism Studies (CTS) approach is used to highlight the need to view studies on security from a reflexive perspective, both in the researcher and the researched subject matter, namely the terrorist organisations and the governments against which they are fighting. The concept of governance is analysed and how this either precipitates or prevents dissent that results in violence. In addition, the political and religious solutions to radicalisation are assessed, with a specific focus on the de-radicalisation process, as reflected through a qualitative research on the views and thinking of the practitioners working in the Centre. In this context, I investigate the motives, roles, responsibilities and strategies used in executing their roles, with the aim of seeking possible explanations for the causes of radicalisation and the challenges faced in de-radicalising individuals. Their views are used to form the main basis for the data for this research. This study should be of interest to politicians, security experts, academics, religious leaders, Islamic scholars and interested individuals. It will be a valuable contribution towards an understanding of the causes, consequences and possible solutions to addressing Islamic extremism and radicalisation.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Rafael Biermann. "December 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-98). Also available in print.

Despite claims that state terrorism has been more of a problem than the insurgent variety, the evidence provided by both a content analysis of bibliographies on the topic of terrorism and the opinions of a great number of academics suggests that there is a far smaller amount of academic literature on state terrorism than there is on insurgency terrorism. In addition it has been noted that the literature on state terrorism, like that on terrorism generally, suffers from a lack of work on the definition of the term. Whilst it is difficult to think of any author who has methodically applied a definition to the actions of a particular actor in order to assess whether each constitutes an act of terrorism. This thesis attempts to address each of these issues. However before doing either of these things it attempts to show that the suggested reasons as to why the State cannot commit acts of terrorism can be at least questioned, whilst simultaneously showing that some authors believe that state terrorism has produced far more victims and than the sub-state variety. Then after revealing the explanations for academia's neglect of state terrorism the thesis investigates the notion of (substate) terrorism in order to identify its core meaning, before attempting to incorporate this into a 'comprehensive' definition of terrorism which would enable the political analyst to identify acts of state terrorism committed within the area of the state's jurisdiction and abroad. This definition, along with other definitions of terrorism taken from both the literature and legislation, are then tested by being applied to the 'counter-terrorist' activities of Israel, form which concluding comments on each and the general notion are made. The decision to concentrate solely upon counter-terrorist actions can also be seen to be addressing a gap in the literature, as can the choice of a Western state. The application of various definitions of state terrorism to the counterterrorist actions of Israel within Israel, the administered West Bank and abroad, therefore means that this area provides a novel testing ground for any definition. By examining the issue of state terrorism the thesis aims to raise, if not answer several important questions and issues surrounding the concept of state terrorism. In addition to illustrating the problems facing the production of any definition of the word 'terrorism' such an examination will hopefully illustrate the problems of applying any definition of terrorism. Finally the thesis aims to further the cause of knowledge by accurately describing the legalities of various aspects of Israel's counter-terrorist policies since Israel took over the administration of the West Bank in 1967. As well as using the existing literature this thesis contains both the quantitative and qualitative replies of 120 academics to a pointed questionnaire on the topic. Many of the results of this are scattered throughout the conceptual parts of the thesis including this introductory chapter, and all the quantifiable results and the sampling technique are described in Appendix A.

In the wake of the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States (U.S.), many states, responding to United Nations (UN) Security Council Resolutions, began to adopt an increased array of counter-terrorism measures.The Security Council had not in the beginning pre-empted the risk of counter-terrorism measures violating counter-terrorism human rights as it failed to immediately refer to states‟ duty to respect human rights in their responses to terrorism. It was only in 2003, in Resolution 1456, that the Security Council stated such duty by providing that „states must ensure that any measures taken to combat terrorism must comply with all their obligations under international law, in particular international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law".
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nii A. Kotey, Faculty of Law, University of Ghana. Ghana. 2010.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

This thesis investigates the presence of counter-terrorist security within the everyday life of cities. It emerges from, and contributes to, ongoing debates concerning the place of security in contemporary urbanism, and discussions regarding the increased saturation of urban spaces with a diverse range of security interventions. Drawing on this work, this thesis argues that in order to better understand the urban geographies of security, instead of exclusively conceiving security as only imposed on urban spaces, we must ask how processes of securing cities are ʻlivedʼ. In doing so this study responds to the lack of attention to the complex relations between processes of security and lived everyday urban life. This thesis explores the neglected everyday life of security through a case study of an emerging form of counter-terrorist security apparatus within cities in the UK, examining the broadening of the National Security Strategy of the United Kingdom and the continuing development of CONTEST, the United Kingdomʼs counter-terrorist strategy. Taking London as a named example, the study concentrates on the security interventions of two research sites, the Southbank and Bankside area of the South Bank, and the Victoria Line of the London Underground, to examine how security addresses the everyday life of the city and how such practices are experienced as part of lived everyday urban life. In sum, this thesis focuses, first, on the processes through which the everyday city is secured and, second, it draws attention to and describes how those processes of securing are encountered and enacted, as they become part of the everyday life of cities.

Africa has for a long time been embattled by differing acts of terrorism, with divergent manifestations such as suicide bombing, killings and hijacking. Accordingly, the Organisation of African Unity and subsequently the African Union took up the responsibility of developing strategies to counter the menacing trend of terrorism on the continent. To this end, several counter terrorism interventions were created. The first of Africa's interventions was developed as early as 1992, when the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) member states adopted a Resolution to strengthen cooperation and coordination among African states against different manifestations of extremism. Although, there is abundance of scholarly literature on the subject of understanding of terrorism and its human rights implications and also on the impact of terrorism on political pluralism, there is a dearth of scholarly writings on the activities of the African Union in relation to terrorism in Africa, particularly on whether the Union is responding positively to its counter terrorism agenda. Yet, the role of the African Union in this regard on the continent cannot be over emphasised. This study is therefore carried out to scrutinise the counter terrorism agenda of the African Union and explore its counter terrorism activities from inception till date. In ascertaining the necessity for the African Union to develop ways to adequately implement its counter terrorism agenda, the study carries out an assessment of the agenda and established its link with the United Nations counter terrorism framework. Recommendations about how best the agenda can be realised concludes the study. Specifically, the research explores the activities of the African Union with the aim of determining whether the agenda was merely paved with good intentions. While many weaknesses of the agenda were discovered and discussed in depth, the research concludes, that despite the gap that exists between the agenda and its implementation and the problem of resources bedevilling the implementation of the agenda, it will be unfair to describe the African Union counter terrorism agenda as merely paved with good intentions in the lights of numerous positive steps that have been taken towards translating the agenda into full implementation.
Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
gm2014
Centre for Human Rights
unrestricted

While the limited number of scholars in the field of EU intelligence cooperation tend to have a rather state-centric view and focus on the normative (trust) or the functional (efficieny) dimension of intelligence cooperation, this study contributes to the field by focusing solely on the institutional structure of Europol. The purpose of this study is to examine why the Europol established the European Counter Terrorism Centre and why it is not addressing the interconnectedness between terrorism and organized crime. In order to address these questions, the theoretical framework of historical institutionalism has been applied and the notion of path dependency plays a vital role.  The study rests on a qualitative single case study design and the disciplined configurative-model is used to fulfill the research objective. The researcher traces the process in a historically chronological order and uses pre-existing materials in order to uncover explanatory findings. The study concludes that the theoretical framework of historical institutionalism and the notion of path dependency can explain the research problem and the research questions. The findings prove that Europol is a highly reactive institution in terms of its counter-terrorism arrangements and that historical perceptions play a significant role and inevitable leads the institution onto a path dependent track.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Strindberg, Anders ; Shapiro, Jacob. "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Al-Qaeda; FBI; human intelligence sources; recruitment of sources; risk and commitment; part-time and full-time jihadists; instrumental and emotional aggression; Social Intensity Syndrome; terrorism; counter-terrorism; counter-ideological. Includes bibliographical references (p. 121-128). Also available in print.

Data and information of the highest quality are critical to understanding and countering acts of terrorism. As a tool, database technologies are becoming integral to the field of terrorism studies. The intelligence failings of September 11th 2001 illustrate the need for timely, relevant and accurate data, derived from a plethora of complex intelligence sources. This thesis will argue that, at least until 9/11, the academic study of terrorism and counter-terrorism databases has been limited and that the subject lacks an overall coherency and direction. The thesis asks: what is the quality and practical value of database technologies in the field of terrorism and counter-terrorism post 9/11? The study will provide a cross-disciplinary approach, specifically from the disciplines of political science and computer science. It will present an understanding of the conceptual, design, operation, strengths and weaknesses of terrorism and counterterrorism databases. The ramifications of post 9/11 and its impact upon the intelligence community, and the areas of security, privacy and emerging technologies in data mining and terrorism informatics are assessed. This study will examine mainly open source information on terrorism and counterterrorism databases. The research methodology will be carried out using a series of case studies, from the ITERATE, RAND/MIPT, WITS, and GTDB data sets. Primary sources, for example, codebooks, and secondary source materials such as Library of Congress and GAO reports are used. A comparative sampling of relational databases and terrorism data sets is undertaken. The thesis will illustrate that with increased federal funding, new terrorism database technologies, post 9/11, operate under sophisticated schemata, requiring complex and systematic synthesis. In addition, issues of data sharing, fusion, interoperability and ethical concerns will be addressed. Implications for future terrorism database technologies will be articulated. These require rigorous design methodologies be adopted, while safeguarding ethical and privacy concerns. The thesis provides a coherent systematic analysis of terrorism and counter-terrorism databases, from what to date has been a disaggregated subject field.

Although both Canada and the United Kingdom had experienced terrorism prior to the attacks that occurred in the United States on September 11, 2001, Roach has argued that the events of that day ‘produced a horrible natural experiment that allows us to compare how international institutions and different countries responded’. Arguably, the most significant international response post-9/11 was the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1373, which set a 90-day deadline for states to implement measures in accordance with the Resolution. Despite the fact that both Canada and the United Kingdom already had in place extensive provisions to deal with terrorism, both countries responded swiftly and their legislative responses reflect the histories and legal, political and social cultures of each country. This thesis tests the hypothesis that national security remains a bastion of national sovereignty, despite the force of international legal instruments like UN Security Council Resolution 1373 and, as such, the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in different jurisdictions is best analyzed and understood as a product of local institutional structures and cultures. To test this hypothesis, this thesis engages in comparative analyses of legal and political structures and cultures within Canada and the United Kingdom. It analyses variations in the evolution of counter-terrorism policies in the two jurisdictions and explores the domestic reasons for them. In its analysis of security certificates and bail with recognizance/investigative hearings in Canada, and detention without trial, control orders and TPIMs in the UK, this thesis reveals how domestic structures and cultures, including the legal system, the relative stability of government, local human rights culture, and geopolitical relationships all influence how counter-terrorism measures evolve.

Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd / Smetanovo nábřeží 6, 110 01 Praha 1 info@fsv.cuni.cz, tel: 222 112 111 www.fsv.cuni.cz V Praze dne 09.06.2021 Jméno a příjmení studenta: Stefanie Schmidt Identifikační číslo studenta: 80760757 Identifikační číslo studia: 486229 Jazyk práce: angličtina Název práce v jazyce práce: Terrorist Attacks as "Policy Windows": A Discourse Network Analysis of German Parliamentary Debates Název práce v českém jazyce: Teroristické útoky jako politické příležitosti: Diskurzivní analýza německých parlamentních debat Vedoucí práce: PhDr. Vít Střítecký, M.Phil., Ph.D. Oponent práce: prof. Volker Schneider, Dr. Abstract in English is not available.