Um die anderen Arten von Veröffentlichungen zu diesem Thema anzuzeigen, folgen Sie diesem Link: Corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia.
Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia“
Geben Sie eine Quelle nach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard und anderen Zitierweisen an
Machen Sie sich mit Top-50 Zeitschriftenartikel für die Forschung zum Thema "Corruption – Economic aspects – East Asia" bekannt.
Neben jedem Werk im Literaturverzeichnis ist die Option "Zur Bibliographie hinzufügen" verfügbar. Nutzen Sie sie, wird Ihre bibliographische Angabe des gewählten Werkes nach der nötigen Zitierweise (APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver usw.) automatisch gestaltet.
Sie können auch den vollen Text der wissenschaftlichen Publikation im PDF-Format herunterladen und eine Online-Annotation der Arbeit lesen, wenn die relevanten Parameter in den Metadaten verfügbar sind.
Sehen Sie die Zeitschriftenartikel für verschiedene Spezialgebieten durch und erstellen Sie Ihre Bibliographie auf korrekte Weise.
1
ESCRIBANO, ALVARO, J. LUIS GUASCH, MANUEL DE ORTE und JORGE PENA. „INVESTMENT CLIMATE ASSESSMENT IN INDONESIA, MALAYSIA, THE PHILIPPINES AND THAILAND: RESULTS FROM POOLING FIRM-LEVEL DATA“. Singapore Economic Review 54, Nr. 03 (August 2009): 335–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0217590809003379.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Investment Climate surveys (ICs) are a recent instrument used by the World Bank to identify key obstacles to country competitiveness and to guide policy reforms and government interventions in developing countries. In this paper, panel data from four ICs of four South East Asian (SEA) countries namely, Indonesia, Malaysia, The Philippines, and Thailand, are pooled to estimate total factor productivity (TFP) and allocative efficiency aspects of firms in each country, using variants of the Olley and Pakes (1996) productivity decomposition. Several economic performance results are disaggregated to obtain country-specific evaluation of the IC impacts. To establish priorities for policy reforms, the corresponding key IC results are organized in five categories: infrastructures, red tape, corruption and crime, finance and corporate governance, quality, innovation and labor skills, and other control variables.
2
Eom, Gu‐Ho. „The corruption structure and economic freedom in East Asia“. Global Economic Review 27, Nr. 3 (September 1998): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12265089808449740.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
3
Sanidas, Elias. „Emerging Economies of East and South East Asia: Some Salient Points about Technology’s Role in Economic Development“. Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 2, Nr. 3 (30.09.2014): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v2i3.9627.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This area of East and South East Asia is characterized by the following traits: very large population; tendency and ability for detail; imitation rather than creation; ability for organization; tendency for corruption; tendency for autocratic regimes; in the process of an industrial revolution; technological imitation; nationalism without boundaries; wide range of GDP per capita and poverty; litter and pollution problems without solutions; natural disasters; exports oriented; high urban development; Chinese culture influence; FTAs (Free trade agreements) and ASEAN; FDI rather high; disparities between East Asia and other Asian areas; production networks through Japan‟s and South Korea‟s roles in international division of labor.
4
Li, He. „China’s economic statecraft toward East Asia“. Social Transformations in Chinese Societies 16, Nr. 2 (16.11.2020): 151–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/stics-04-2020-0010.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Purpose Economic statecraft is a critical aspect of China’s foreign policy and has played a vital role in China’s relations with its Asian neighbors. The Chinese economic ties with Asia are significant not only because China is the second largest economy in today’s world but also because it has an important impact on regional economic co‐operation and international supply chains. Relentless growth in military buildup and more assertive foreign policy led many pundits to focus almost exclusively on political and military aspects of the Chinese grand strategy in Asia. The purpose of this study is to re‐examine this picture by studying China’s economic statecraft in the region. Design/methodology/approach This paper will address following research questions: How does the Chinese foreign economic policy serve its political aspirations in East Asia? Why has China increasingly relied on a combination of economic pressures and incentives to achieve its foreign policy objectives? How effective is China’s economic diplomacy as a strategic weapon? What are the limitations of such policy? What challenges does Beijing face in exercising its economic power in East Asia? Findings Beijing has a comprehensive, long-term grand strategy in Asia, and economic statecraft is a major component of it. Economic statecraft is a double-edged sword. It has given the People’s Republic of China more political influence but frictions and disputes between China and its trading partners are growing as well. Even with the slower growth of the Chinese economy, China will continue to be a game changer for the region. The economic diplomacy has long been part of the foreign policy toolkit used by the People’s Republic of China and will play more important role in the years to come. Research limitations/implications Thus far, China’s expanding economic ties with many countries in the world have not generated significant spillover effects. Although China is the dominant economic partner for every country in East Asia, its “soft power” remains to be weak. With the slower growth of the Chinese economy, another looming issue is whether China is going to be able to make a shift away from a trade- and export-led growth model that brought its dramatic economic success. All these could lead China’s economic statecraft less potent. Meanwhile, it should be noted that Asian economies that once relied on the USA are reaching a turning point as China comes to the fore, a trend that may challenge the existing international order. Should this momentum continue, it could alter the balance of power between Washington and Beijing in the region. Practical implications For Beijing, economic statecraft concerns both the economic dimension of foreign policy and the strategic dimension of economic policy. Although there is a growing literature on China’s soft power and military capabilities, the study of the economic dimensions of China’s foreign policy remains underdeveloped. With rising confidence and sophistication, Beijing has deployed economic resources to achieve geopolitical aims. Originality/value Needless to say, China’s economic statecraft has already triggered heated debate in the United States, Asia and elsewhere in the international community. However, the study of the Chinese economic diplomacy has received relatively little scholarly attention in the English-speaking world. This paper will fill a gap in the analysis and literature.
5
Fedorovskii, A. „Russia and East Asia Challenges“. World Economy and International Relations 60, Nr. 3 (2016): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2016-60-3-58-71.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article deals with the prospects for Russia’s “pivot to the East” taking into account main chances as well as risks in the context of growing challenges in East Asia. The author stresses that national and regional misbalances in East Asia are the results of the dynamic development of East Asian countries during the last 15 years. “Middle class trap” is at the agenda as the main common problem in China and ASEAN member countries. The analysis focuses also on such issues as broad scaled corruption and state-controlled legal system, quality of political, social institutions and social lifts, role of nationalism and culture. Regional misbalances in infrastructure and R&D as well as the crisis of regional institutions are characterized as new challenges to integration trends in East Asia and Asia-Pacific area in general. According to the author’s view, there are three different types of policies to meet the domestic challenges and to overcome “middle class trap”: Japanese, South Korean and Chinese. Prime Minister Ikeda’s “income-doubling plan” accompanied by public activity is described as an effective reform-oriented policy. South Korea’s transition from dictatorship to democratic society and more flexible economy is another type of positive reform policy. According to China’s modern domestic strategy, a lot of attention is paid to administrative measures against corruption, modification of social policy, reforms of banks, etc. At the same time, public activities and legal system, in spite of some improvements, are still under rigid administrative control. Meanwhile, the role of law will be crucial factor of successful development of East Asian countries at the stage of “middle class economy”. To a large scale, the prospects for regional integration depend on growing creative role of China (for example, investments into regional infrastructure and establishment of special bank, initiations of the Asia-Pacific Free Trade Area). At the same time, China will continue cooperation and dialogue with other countries, first of all with the USA. ASEAN members increase their activity to improve sub-regional cooperation and relations with United States and Japan in order to couterbalance China’s influence in East Asia. Finally, the author describes Russia’s policy towards East Asia and the Pacific, including brief history, main trends and key priorities at the current stage. “Free Vladivostok port” and some other initiatives to realize more flexible economic strategy towards East Asia and Pacific will give opportunity for Russia to promote its integration into the Pacific Area. Transition of Russia’s export structure from resources and energy to innovation goods and services is at the agenda.
6
Jalil, Siti Ayu, und Muzafar Shah Habibullah. „Impact of Kyoto Protocol and Institutional Factors on Carbon Dioxide Emissions in Asia-Pacific Region“. Journal of Emerging Economies and Islamic Research 1, Nr. 2 (31.05.2013): 108. http://dx.doi.org/10.24191/jeeir.v1i2.9124.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This study investigates the impact of Kyoto Protocol and four institutional factors i.e. political stability, property rights, corruption and freedom of trade on the growth of per capita CO2 emissions in Asia and the Pacific region for the period of 1971-2009. The region consists of East Asia, South Asia and the Pacific islands are the fastest growing economic region and the source of global greenhouse gas emissions. A dynamic panel data model based on the Generalised Method of Moments (GMM) technique is utilized to examine these impacts. The findings indicate only Kyoto commitment (Kcom), Kyoto Clean Development Mechanism (Kcdm) and Corruption (COR) describe statistically significant positive effects on CO2 emissions.
7
Mel'yantsev, V. „Crisis in Arab World: Economic and Social Aspects“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 10 (2011): 73–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-10-73-83.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article considers macroeconomic and social factors of the upsurge of socio-political instability in the Arab world. The Arab countries are compared with other states in the Arab-Muslim world, as well as with the economically fast-growing economies of East and South Asia. It is concluded that Arab countries loosely fit into the promising growth model of the XX century and they are in need of profound reforms.
8
Ramez, Sayed, Muhammad Farooq und Valliappan Raju. „A Conceptual Framework to Measure Economic Growth of Afghanistan“. Journal of Asian Development 5, Nr. 2 (10.01.2019): 25. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jad.v5i2.14210.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Afghanistan is the least developed country in Asia which is under war from the previous 20 years. After the end of the partial war, many aspects of Afghan economy are improving, for instance, the GDP has advanced 2.5% from 2016 to 2017. However, Per Capita Income is very low, safety, health and education are the areas which needs improvement. The exports of Afghanistan are on the decline. The natural currency reserve of Afghanistan is decline despite having many mineral assets. One of the core apparent behind all these decline aspects is corruption in Afghanistan. As transparency international the corruption of Afghanistan has increased in 2017 compared to 2016. It is of the most corrupt countries in the world. Due to war and less developments Afghanistan is least studied country. To fill this gap in this study the research has explored multiple secondary data source to review existing economic situation in Afghanistan. After exploring the economy of afghanstan the study also provides a conceptual framework for future reseachers to review economic growth of afghanistan using given framework. The study is useful for the policy makers to improve policies and prosperity of the country by identifying the role of crime.
9
Gamerman, Evgenii Vyacheslavovich. „Migration and security in Northeast Asia: political and economic aspects“. Международные отношения, Nr. 2 (Februar 2020): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2020.2.28836.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The subject of this research is the migration processes with regards to national, regional and international security. The author examines threats to security of the Far East related to external and domestic migration; as well as similar processes in the countries of Northeast Region and their impact upon the state of regional security overall. The goal of this work is to analyze this phenomenon in Northeast Asia, and the influence of migration processes upon regional security. The link between migration and security is bilateral. On one side is security of the countries and societies directly affected by migration; while on the other – security of actual people who comprise the migration flows. The research employs the comparative and historical approaches, which allow analyzing the peculiarities of formation of the “agenda” of regional security in the Northeast Asia, including the questions of migration, as well as trace the transformation of national approaches towards ensuring regional security along with the threats themselves in the sphere of migration. The Russian political science does not currently contain works that view the problems of migration in Northeast Asia in the context of regional and international security (despite the fact, that there is multiple research on migration overall). Migration is a not a potential challenge, it is a real threat to security. None of the countries in the region was able to avoid the influence of at least separate aspects of migration processes.
10
Batalla, Eric Vincent C. „Interests, Identities, and Institutions in the Politics of Regional Economic Construction in East Asia“. Philippine Political Science Journal 31, Nr. 1 (21.12.2010): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-03101003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This essay examines the politics of regional economic construction in East Asia based on the comparative politics framework of Kopstein and Lichbach (2009). The framework highlights three important aspects of domestic politics, namely: interests, identities, and institutions and relates these aspects to the global (or regional) context. The essay stresses the importance of domestic politics to regional affairs and therefore, should be considered in future assessments of the prospects of regional economic construction. It suggests a research agenda in aid of ongoing regionalization processes.
11
Sabol, Steven. „Martha Brill Olcott, Kazakhstan: Unfulfilled Promise. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for Peace, 2002, xii, 321 pp. + appendices. Washington, DC.“ Nationalities Papers 31, Nr. 2 (Juni 2003): 240–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0090599200020869.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Pessimism and skepticism dominate this most recent work by Martha Brill Olcott, one of the leading scholars of Central Asia and the Eurasian realm. Her central theme is that, even with abundant natural resources, an educated population, and a situation between East and West, Kazakhstan's seemingly bright future and promised prosperity failed to materialize. In short, political and economic corruption has dominated the transition from Soviet dependency to post-Soviet independence.
12
Teslenko, S. S. „Political practices of transformation of East and Southeast Asia countries“. Актуальні проблеми політики, Nr. 67 (25.05.2021): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/app.v0i67.1162.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article considers models of political transformation in East Asian countries. The analysis of political practices of transformation of the countries of East and South-East Asia is carried out in the study. The research contains the factors that influenced the successful implementation of modernization projects in the states of the region. The specific features of the political transformations of the states of the region associated with the formation of non-Western democracies on the basis of “development authoritarianisms” are revealed. Carrying out large-scale transformations is connected with the need to establish sovereignty in the postcolonial period and ensure national security in the current geopolitical conditions. The success of the East Asian model of transformation is also associated with the preservation of elements of traditional regulation, a unique synthesis of traditions and innovations based on a special, synthetic way, non-Western and nonmobilization type. Governments and national leaders play a special role in the political practices of non-Western modernization, ensuring the planning of modernization strategies. A separate role in the transformation belongs to the competent bureaucracy with a minimum degree of corruption. And the transformations were carried out by authoritarian methods. Non-Western modernization is of interest both from a theoretical and empirical point of view, especially given the effect of the non-Western approach to transformation, embodied in the so-called Asian economic miracle and contributing to national consolidation in Southeast and East Asia. For developing countries, it is important to choose the ways of their socio-political and economic development, especially in the context of globalization. The study of the experience of the countries of Southeast and East Asia allows us to identify the main directions of their development that have transformed societies, and to determine an acceptable development strategy for the state. Back in the 1990s, concepts were put forward according to which the 21st century would be the era of domination of the Asia-Pacific civilization, which replaces the Euro-Atlantic one. The modernization of the countries of Southeast Asia is becoming a factor in reformatting the established world order, creating a new balance of power in the international arena and new centres of influence in political and economic relations.
13
EZEIBEKWE, OBINNA FRANKLIN. „FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES“. Global Economy Journal 20, Nr. 03 (September 2020): 2050016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2194565920500165.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
What are the economic, political, institutional, socio-cultural, and geographical determinants of financial development in developing countries? This paper uses the two-way fixed effects (with clustered standard errors) and annual panel data from 1980 to 2018 for 69 developing countries in sub-Saharan Africa, Middle East and North Africa, East and South Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean to address this question. The principal component analysis is employed to construct a financial development index based on three financial development indicators. This study builds on the previous studies by introducing new potential determinants of financial development such as the perception of corruption, and by exploring important quadratic and interaction effects. The results show that national income, trade openness, indices of political stability and Polity2 (a democracy score), perception of corruption, the predominant religion in the countries, and geographical factors such as territorial access to the sea explain the differences in the levels of financial development across countries and regions. A rise in national income leads to a higher level of financial development and countries with a high perceived level of corruption have a lower level of financial development. There is strong evidence of threshold effects as trade openness has a diminishing marginal effect on financial development while the auxiliary growth regressions show that financial development has an increasing marginal effect on national income. Of the five regions studied, East and South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa have the highest and lowest levels of financial development, respectively. Also, fuel-exporting countries, least developed countries, and landlocked countries tend to have lower levels of financial development. These results have relevant policy implications for developing countries in their continued efforts to achieve better financial development and ultimately, sustainable economic development.
14
Kawasaki, Kenichi, Badri G. Narayanan, Houssein Guimbard und Arata Kuno. „Analysis of the Role of Tariff Concessions in East Asia“. Margin: The Journal of Applied Economic Research 13, Nr. 2 (25.03.2019): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973801018812524.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
While many studies focus on the impact of trade agreements, the literature has not focused on the extent of their implementation, in terms of the aspects agreed upon therein. In this article, we identify the past achievements of economic partnership agreements (EPAs) in the East Asian region in terms of tariff removals and suggest room for further economic benefits from trade liberalisation in the region. Second, we incorporate the HS6-level tariff concession dataset, which distinguishes between tariff removals agreed in these EPAs in East Asia but not yet implemented, from existing overall tariffs in 2011, in the Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Database, which only incorporates enforced tariff reductions through the base-year applied tariffs. To analyse future trade integration, we include commitments that are not yet implemented. This allows us to analyse partial versus full enforcement of tariff concession commitments. Our results suggest that taking those commitments into account matters economically in East Asia. JEL Classification: D58, F13, F14, F15, F17
15
Zhiznin, S. Z., und V. M. Timokhov. „Geopolitical and Economic Aspects of Nuclear Energy“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 4(43) (28.08.2015): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-64-73.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Nuclear power in its present form was created during the Cold War and is its heritage. The main objective of nuclear energy at that time, along with energy, was the creation and accumulation of nuclear materials. To this aim a existing nuclear power plants based on uranium-plutonium cycle. Everything else - the processing of radioactive waste and spent nuclear fuel, storage, recycling themselves nuclear power plant after its end of life, the risks of proliferation of nuclear materials and other environmental issues - minor. It was also believed that the nuclear power plant - the most reliable and safe plant. During the last twenty years all over the world the number of new orders for nuclear aggregates has decreased. That happens for a number of reasons, including public resistance, that the construction of new NPP and the excess of energy utilities in many markets, which is mainly connected with high market competition in energy markets and low economic indicators of the current nuclear utilities. The technology that consists of low capital costs, a possibility for quick construction and guarantied exploitation quality is on the winners side, but currently this technology is absent. However, despite abovementioned downsides, as the experience of state corporation "Rosatom"has shown, many developing countries of the South-east Asia, The middle East, African regions express high interest in the development of nuclear energy in their countries. The decision whether to develop nuclear energy or to continue to develop is, in the end, up to the choice of the tasks that a country faces. The article describes these "minor" issues, as well as geopolitical and economic problems of the further development of nuclear energy.
16
Francois, Joseph F., und Ganeshan Wignaraja. „Economic Implications of Asian Integration“. Global Economy Journal 8, Nr. 3 (29.07.2008): 1850139. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1524-5861.1332.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Asian countries are once again focused on options for large, comprehensive regional integration schemes. In this paper we explore the implications of such broad-based regional trade initiatives in Asia, highlighting the bridging of the East and South Asian economies. We place emphasis on the alternative prospects for insider and outsider countries. We work with a global general equilibrium model of the world economy, benchmarked to a projected 2017 sets of trade and production patterns. We also work with gravity-model based estimates of trade costs linked to infrastructure, and of barriers to trade in services. Taking these estimates, along with tariffs, into our CGE model, we examine regionally narrow and broad agreements, all centered on extending the reach of ASEAN to include free trade agreements with combinations of the northeast Asian economies (PRC, Japan, Korea) and also the South Asian economies. We focus on a stylized FTA that includes goods, services, and some aspects of trade cost reduction through trade facilitation and related infrastructure improvements. What matters most for East Asia is that China, Japan, and Korea be brought into any scheme for deeper regional integration. This matter alone drives most of the income and trade effects in the East Asia region across all of our scenarios. The inclusion of the South Asian economies in a broader regional agreement sees gains for the East Asian and South Asian economies. Most of the East Asian gains follow directly from Indian participation. The other South Asian players thus stand to benefit if India looks East and they are a part of the program, and to lose if they are not. Interestingly, we find that with the widest of agreements, the insiders benefit substantively in terms of trade and income while the aggregate impact on outside countries is negligible. Broadly speaking, a pan-Asian regional agreement would appear to cover enough countries, with a great enough diversity in production and incomes, to actually allow for regional gains without substantive third-country losses. However, realizing such potential requires overcoming a proven regional tendency to circumscribe trade concessions with rules of origin, NTBs, and exclusion lists. The more likely outcome, a spider web of bilateral agreements, carries with it the prospect of significant outsider costs (i.e. losses) both within and outside the region.
17
Lai Cao Mai, Phuong. „Corruption and stock market development in EAP countries“. Investment Management and Financial Innovations 17, Nr. 2 (01.07.2020): 266–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/imfi.17(2).2020.21.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Using macroeconomic factors as control variables, this paper examines the impact of corruption on the development of the stock market in East Asia and the Pacific (EAP) from 2008 to 2018. The research model uses GMM techniques to estimate panel data on two sub-sets of data, including five developed markets and seven emerging markets, and a dataset of both market groups. The market capitalization and the stock transaction value relative to GDP represent the development of the stock market, and the corruption control index represents the corruption factor. The empirical results found that corruption has a positive impact on the EAP stock market capitalization with the entire sample data set, which positively affects both size of the market capitalization value and value of stock transactions in underdeveloped markets. However, it is not statistically significant in explaining the development of developed stock markets. Besides, macroeconomic factors such as inflation, interest rates, savings, and credit affect some stock markets at EAP. Compared to previous studies, the article’s results found that corruption affects stock market capitalization and has a positive impact on stock liquidity in underdeveloped stock markets. Corruption affects more underdeveloped stock markets than developed stock markets. This may be due to the implicit relationship of economic benefits between large enterprises and officials in underdeveloped markets.
18
Walsh, John. „Management Challenges of Post-Authoritarian Developmentalist Industrial Geography in East Asia“. Journal of Economics and Behavioral Studies 4, Nr. 7 (15.07.2012): 390–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.22610/jebs.v4i7.340.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The origin of contemporary East Asian economic development coincided with and was to some extent caused by the consequences of the Cold War. It was characterized by state-led developmental models focusing on import-substituting, export-oriented manufacturing with low labour cost competitiveness. States generally designated specific areas in which these activities could take place and regulated all aspects of their conduct and the distribution of profits resulting from them. As at least some of the states involved have moved towards a post-authoritarian stage of development, the places in which industrial development has taken place have broadened in scope and followed private rather than public sector priorities. This paper examines this trend and then identifies the principal management challenges arising from it.
19
Muranova, Anna P. „Income Inequality and Tax Tools to Reduce it in the South-East Asian Countries“. South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, Nr. 1(50) (2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-055-065.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Since the end of the twentieth century. In most countries of the world, there is an increase in economic inequality in its various forms - income inequality, wealth inequality and inequality of opportunity. This article examines aspects of the inequality problem in Southeast Asia, such as income inequality at the intercountry and intracountry levels and the fiscal instruments used by governments to reduce inequality.
20
Kessler, Christl. „Democratic Citizenship and Labour Migration in East Asia Mapping Fields of Enquiry“. European Journal of East Asian Studies 8, Nr. 2 (2009): 181–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805809x12553326569597.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThe contribution explores the implications of international migration on the research of democratisation processes. It focuses on the notion of democratic citizenship as a set of rights. Democratisation processes are thus conceptualised as processes in which rights are acquired, institutionalised and expanded. Expansion has two aspects: one is the inclusion of new groups of persons into the community of those entitled to rights, the other is the inclusion of new types of rights such as liberal, political, social, economic or cultural rights. Citizenship, which links the entitlement of rights to national belonging, must be rethought in the light of international migration.The repercussions of migration on citizenship rights and citizenship concepts have been explored in the context of labour immigrant incorporation within Western liberal democracies. For East Asia, however, these issues are largely unexplored. Labour migration in East Asia differs in several aspects from the Western template: labour-receiving countries in East Asia include authoritarian regimes as well as democracies in different states of consolidation. Furthermore, labour migration is predominantly temporary. Drawing on the theoretical insights of 'Western' debates, the article identifies the legitimate democratic representation as well as the conditions, the characteristics and the effects of struggles for migrants' rights as important fields of research on the nexus between labour migration and democratisation in East Asia.
21
Lama, Mahendra P. „Power Trading in South Asia: Some Aspects of Benefits“. Journal of International Affairs 3, Nr. 1 (24.05.2020): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/joia.v3i1.29088.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Of having immense regional capacity of 395,096 MW as of mid-2018, South Asia is gradually emerging as a fulcrum of electricity exchange and powers trading so, bilateral exchanges are occurring, as evident in the noteworthy Bhutan-India power flow of 1,410MW. India and Bangladesh have four historic power trading practices in place and the Power Purchase Agreement of 2014 between Nepal and India, these two countries exchange up to 350 MW of electricity. All these have triggered immense possibilities opening the scope for multilateral power flows. A huge jump from the present total cross-border trading of hardly 2500 MW is very possible. Nepal could potentially be the biggest beneficiary in this game. If harnessed steadily, its power could be sold across South and South East Asia, with wheeling facilities provided by Indian national grids. A Bangladesh–Bhutan–India trilateral hydroelectric power-generation agreement is likely to be signed soon. Energy secretaries of Bangladesh and Nepal have decided to develop hydropower projects in Nepal through government-to-government investment and then export the electricity thus produced to Bangladesh through the Indian transmission system Power trade would change the composition of the export baskets of power exporting countries and help them address their adverse balance of trade and balance of payment. Additional income from power export and an enhanced level of economic activity can be invested in social infrastructure.
22
Magtulis, Prinz P., und Sauk-Hee Park. „The Lagged Effects of Corruption Control, Business Environment and Economic Growth on Foreign Direct Investment in the Philippines“. Asian Journal of Social Science 45, Nr. 1-2 (2017): 176–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685314-04501008.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Despite vast natural resources and geographic advantages in the Asia-Pacific region, foreign direct investment (FDI) in the Philippines was ranked among the lowest in the region for the past 30 years. Some challenges, including high-level public corruption, low economic development and the government’s inability to establish a good business environment, are seen to have reduced FDI. Moreover, the Philippines still remains lagging in the South East Asian region in terms of FDI despite recent developments, such as good GDP figures and the reforms put in place by President Benigno Simeon Aquino III. This may imply an interval between the reforms made and their impact on FDI. Thus, this study investigates the lagged effects of the government’s anti-corruption stance, reforms undertaken to facilitate business and economic growth on FDI in the Philippines. In the process, it draws on both qualitative and quantitative data: The latter utilises an auto-regressive distributed lagged model to find possible time intervals on the impact of variables with each other, while the former provides support through a narration of historical developments, trends and explanations rooted on theoretical foundations.
23
Salygin, V. I., und S. V. Berezinskiy. „Modern Political and Economic Aspects of the Oil and Gas Complex in the Southeast Asia Region“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 4(37) (28.08.2014): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-54-59.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstracUThe article reviews the problems caused by the conflict of interests between certain Southeast Asian countries and other states, China foremost, which aroused from oil and gas field development on disputable offshore sections. At the same time the positions of the region's leading transnational corporations in the field of oil and gas policy and their relationships with the countries-ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) members are outlined. Separately are represented the foreign policy stands of Indonesia, Vietnam, Brunei, Philippines and Malaysia on territorial disputes over offshore oil and gas fields. These processes are pushing both European and American business to abandon the conventional schemes and accept the new conditions of their activity in Southeast Asia.
24
Bala, Dr Kiran. „India And South East Asia: Continuty And Changes In A Globalised World“. History Research Journal 5, Nr. 4 (26.09.2019): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/hrj.v5i4.7743.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The paper basically aims to critically examine and analyze the relationship that dwells between India and the South East Asian nations in the globalized inter connected world. The paper specifically tries to cater to look into the matter with respect to the inception of the process of globalization and how that has evolved with the process of time there by leading to a complete metamorphosis of South East Asian region as a whole. The traditional aspects, concerns of economic nationalism, the region emerging as a powerful geopolitical entity, issues of cultural homogeneity are the points of focus, however major emphasis has also seen laid to study the evolution of the individual as a potent agent in the process of globalization studies since it tries to look beyond the institutional approach so that the same can be looked from a new angle.
25
He, Alex. „The Belt and Road Initiative: Motivations, financing, expansion and challenges of Xi’s ever-expanding strategy“. Journal of Infrastructure, Policy and Development 4, Nr. 1 (20.04.2020): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.24294/jipd.v4i1.1180.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The paper examines the motivations, financing, expansion and challenges of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The BRI was initially designed to address China’s overcapacity and promote economic growth in both China and in countries along the “Belt” and “Road” through infrastructure investment and industrial capacity cooperation. It took into account China’s strategic transition in its opening-up policy and foreign policy to pay more attention to the neighboring countries in Southeast Asia and Central and West Asia when facing greater strategic pressure from the United States in East Asia and the Pacific region. More themes have been added to the initiative’s original framework since its inception in 2013, including the vision of the BRI as China’s major solution to improve international economic cooperation and practice to build a “community of shared future for mankind”, and the idea of the Green Silk Road and the Digital Silk Road. Chinese state-owned enterprises and policy and commercial banks have dominated investment and financing for BRI projects, which explains the root of the problems and risks facing the initiative, such as unsustainable debt, non-transparency, corruption and low economic efficiency. Measures taken by China to tackle these problems, for example, mitigating the debt distress and improving debt sustainability, are unlikely to make a big difference anytime soon due to the tenacity of China’s long-held state-driven investment model.
26
Witkowska, Janina. „Foreign Direct Investment in the New European Union Member States and Developing Countries of Asia under Conditions of the Global Financial and Economic Crisis: Comparative Aspects“. Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 12, Nr. 4 (30.12.2009): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10103-009-0026-3.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The objective of this article is a comparative analysis of the changing position of new European Union member states and the developing countries of Asia in global and regional FDI flows as well as an assessment of the impact of the global crisis on the position of these regions and selected countries in terms of FDI. The analysis encompasses European Union member states that received membership as a part of the enlargement of 2004 and 2007 as well as the developing sub–regions of Asia—i.e. East, South-East, and South Asia. The conducted analysis demonstrates that the position of the developing countries of Asia is significantly stronger than that of the new European Union member states, which is mainly determined by the scale of the economies of countries such as China and India. Subject to conditions of global crisis, Asia and Oceania as a whole noted growth in the inflow of FDI in 2008 by almost 17%, where the European Union member states saw a 2% fall. The situation inside the analyzed regions is extremely varied in terms of noticeable effects of the crisis in the FDI sphere. It is dependent on not only processes of economic growth, but also on the character of investments made in the individual countries and sub– regions as well as motives behind the actions of investors.
27
Sultoni, Yahya, und Khoirul Efendi. „The Existence Of Refugees And Immigrants From Middle East In Southeast Asia“. UMRAN - International Journal of Islamic and Civilizational Studies 7, Nr. 3 (04.10.2020): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.11113/umran2020.7n3.440.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Refugees and immigrants are the people who move from a region to another region crossing the countries border for surviving purposes. The reason they migrate to another place moslty because of conflict in their own country, also due to welfare and economic problems. The majority of refugees and immigrant in Indonesia go to Christmas Island, Australia as the final destination seeking the asylum or protection. Automatically they passed the area of the countries in Southeast Asia. It takes a long time for the moving process to the destination country until the status of the determination process for asylum or refugee by UNHCR. Because of the long time, there are fears that the immigrants will impact the stability of national security, economy, social, culture and other aspects. It also considered as demographic problems while increasing population in a country which is traversed by refugees and immigrant. It is important to analyze the influence of the existence of refugees and immigrants, as well as their potential in Southeast Asia Countries. Managing the existence of refugees and immigrant also considered for helping the government and other stakeholders to make the right policy for handling refugees and immigrants.
28
Dalinczuk, Lana. „Organized crime as a threat to national security“. Doctrina. Studia społeczno-polityczne, Nr. 17 (15.03.2021): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/doc.2020.17.01.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
All kinds of illegal trafficking, prostitution, pornography, gambling, fraud and counterfeiting, computer crime, corruption, piracy, illegal immigration and many other criminal activities can pose a threat to national and even international security if conducted by larger criminal groups or organizations. The phenomenon of organized crime has acquired a transnational character due to the increasing globalization of financial markets and communications as well as technological development. The three countries of East Central Europe – The Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland – can be of interest in terms of organized crime as recent political and economic developments in these countries have made them attractive to such criminal activities. Another problematic region in terms of organized criminal activities is the region of Central Asia which includes several countries of the former Soviet Union – Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan.
29
Hossain, Arif. „Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil)“. Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, Nr. 1 (26.03.2013): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371- c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a 'New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i1.14264 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(1):9-19
30
Hossain, Arif. „Peace, Conflict and Resolution (Good vs. Evil) Part 2“. Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 4, Nr. 2 (09.09.2013): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The immense structural inequalities of the global social /political economy can no longer be contained through consensual mechanisms of state control. The ruling classes have lost legitimacy; we are witnessing a breakdown of ruling-class hegemony on a world scale. There is good and evil among mankind; thus it necessitates the conflict between the good and evil on Earth. We are in for a period of major conflicts and great upheavals. It's generally regarded that Mencius (c.371-c.289 B.C) a student of Confucianism developed his entire philosophy from two basic propositions: the first, that Man's original nature is good; and the second, that Man's original nature becomes evil when his wishes are not fulfilled. What is good and what is evil? Philosophers of all ages have thought over this question. Each reckoned that he had solved the question once and for all, yet within a few years the problem would re-emerge with new dimensions. Repeated acts of corruption and evil action makes a man corrupt and takes away a man from his original nature. Still now majority of the people of the world give compliance to corruption because of social pressures, economic pressures, cultural pressures and political pressures. The conflict between good and evil is ancient on earth and is prevalent to this day. May be the final confrontation between the descendants of Cain and Abel is at our doorsteps. During the 2nd World War America with its European allies went into world wide military campaign to defeat Germany, Italy and Japan. When the Second World War ended in 1945 the United States of America came out as victorious. America was the first country to detonate atomic bomb in another country. During that period Russia fell into competition with America in politically colonizing countries after countries. With the fall of Communism Russia terminated its desire wanting to be the champion of the oppressed of the world. The situation in Russia continues to deteriorate, a country which until only a few years ago was a superpower. Russians are deeply disillusioned today with the new politicians in Russia, who they says "promise everything and give nothing." The Russians still strongly oppose a world order dominated by the United States. If anyone looks at or investigates the situations in other countries it can be seen that at present almost all countries of the world are similar or same in the forms of structures of corruption and evil. The Worldwide control of humanitys economic, social and political activities is under the helm of US corporate and military power. The US has established its control over 191 governments which are members of the United Nations. The last head of state of the former Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev on December 2012, at a conference on the future of the Middle East and the Black Sea region in the Turkish city of Istanbul, has warned the US of an imminent Soviet-like collapse if Washington persists with its hegemonic policies. Mass public protest occurred against US hegemony are mainly from Muslim countries of South East Asia, South Asia, Central Asia, West Asia, North Africa and Africa. The latest mass protests erupted in September 2012 when the divine Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) was insulted by America and Israel. There were strong mass protests by people from Indonesia to Morocco and in the European countries by mostly immigrants and Australia were there are Muslim populations. This worldwide protest had occurred while the rise of the masses is ongoing against corrupt rulers in West Asia and North Africa. The masses of the people are thirsty and desperate for justice, dignity, economic welfare and human rights. Most major religions have their own sources of information on the Last Age of Mankind or the End of Times, which often include fateful battles between the forces of good and evil and cataclysmic natural disasters. Humans are evolving to a final stage of their evolution towards a ?New Age that is to come which the corrupt does not understand. At present times a final battle of good versus evil on Earth will ensue. The World powers (leaders) and their entourages who are really detached from the masses have organized to keep aloft the present world order that degenerates the masses in corruption, keeps the people in unhappiness, and deprives the masses from economic well being, education and keeps promoting wars and conflicts to support corruption and evil. We are at the ?End of Times?. The Promised Messiah will come to set right what is wrong, no doubt. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v4i2.16372 Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 2013; 4(2) 9-21
31
Yarmuhamedova, N. A., K. S. Djuraeva, U. X. Samibaeva, Z. D. Bahrieva und D. A. Shodieva. „CLINICAL AND EPIDEMIOLOGICAL ASPECTS OF NEUROBRUCELLOSIS ACCORDING TO THE INFORMATION OF SAMARKAND MUNICIPAL INFECTIOUS DISEASES HOSPITAL“. Інфекційні хвороби, Nr. 3 (04.12.2020): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.11603/1681-2727.2020.3.11554.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Brucellosis is a particularly dangerous and socially significant infection that causes considerable economic damage and leads to a high level of patients’ disability (Vershilova P. A., 1961, Beklemishev N. D., 1965).
Brucellosis is a global problem for medical and veterinary health services (Corbel M. J., 1997, Boschiroli M. L., 2001).
According to the information of WHO Joint Expert Committee on Brucellosis (1986), this disease is registered among animals in 155 countries around the world.
Mostly Brucellosis is spread in the Mediterranean countries, Asia Minor, South and South-East Asia, Africa, Central and South America (Sauret I. M. E., 2002; Ergonul O. E. A., 2004; Karabay O. E. A., 2004; Getinkaua Z. E. A., 2005; Alim A., Tomul Z. D., 2005; Onishchenko G. G., 2005)
These indices are ten times higher in countries of Central Asia. The registered cases of this disease here are compounded 116 cases per 1 million people in Kazakhstan and 362 in Kyrgyzstan. In Uzbekistan, there are 18 cases per 1 million people. In the Russian Federation there are 4.1 cases per 1 million people, Greece – 21 cases, Germany and the United Kingdom – 0.3 cases.
32
Салем, Д. Н. „The Middle East as a reserve for migration to Western countries and the migration center in Asia“. Grani 22, Nr. 4 (26.06.2019): 25–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171940.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Migration is the most common social phenomenon in the modern world. First of all it helps people to improve their financial situation and living conditions. Besides, the decision on migration can be taken due to the unstable safety in the country. The paper presents the migration process from and to the Middle East, in particularly the process of emigration to Western Europe (mainly illegal emigration of refugees, emigration of elite and religious minorities). Moreover, it shows the migration process to the countries of the Middle East, especially in the context of economic migration in the Persian Gulf, taking into consideration features, forms, sources and consequences of this phenomenon. The main hypothesis of the presented concept is the assumption that migration directly affects international relations and is often associated with risk. The issue of migration in many Western countries has become an important and urgent issue related to security and terrorism. Therefore, the European Union began to perceive the flow of illegal migrants as a source of risk that could be a threat to European safety. One should realize that analyzed phenomenon affects almost all aspects of the functioning of society. Moreover, we should emphasize the inestimable economic potential brought by immigrants, especially because of the society aging in Western Europe. Consequently, it is necessary to establish agreements between EU countries and countries-exporters of immigrants, not only on a bilateral basis, but also at a multilateral level. In the countries of emigrants there is no elaborated migration policy, besides there are no signs of improvement in the political, economic and social situation in the Middle East – on the contrary the situation is worsening, that will certainly contribute to an increase of emigrants who want to leave the region.
33
Park, Chong-Min. „Quality of governance and regime support“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 2, Nr. 2 (03.11.2016): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891116675769.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In this article I examine public evaluations of quality of governance in East Asia and analyze the effects of perceived governance quality on regime support. I distinguish between two modes of governance, democratic and law-based, and examine which mode of governance matters. It was found that East Asian democracies suffered various governance deficits in the eyes of their publics. It was also revealed that a weak rule of law remained the most notable governance malaise across much of the region. The micro-level analysis shows that perceived quality of governance shaped regime allegiance and institutional confidence but not all aspects of governance mattered. It was shown that law-based governance served as the major source of regime support regardless of regime types. On the whole, public support for the prevailing system of government across much of the region depended on quality of law-based governance as well as national economic performance. Yet, evidence indicates that democratic governance encourages citizen skepticism of the ongoing political order, supporting the thesis of assertive citizenship. Overall, the findings suggest that establishing a strong rule of law constitutes one of the major challenges to regime consolidation across much of East Asia.
34
Makin, Al. „FEARS OF AN OPEN MARKET: CITIZENS’ VOICES OF THE ASEAN ECONOMIC COMMUNITY (AEC)“. ADDIN 10, Nr. 2 (07.11.2016): 317. http://dx.doi.org/10.21043/addin.v10i2.1726.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
This article presents the way in which Indonesian citizens responded to the idea of the open market in the South East Asian country established by the AEC. The article chooses some opinions published by the Indonesian media: Kompas, Dakwatuna, Koran Muria, Koran Yogya, Islam Pos, Hizbut Tahrir website, and Jawa Pos from 2014 to 2016 which show fears of and resistance against the free market. In the arguments they exhibit the fears which are motivated by the citizens’ sentiments of nationalism and religion. The article also finds that the AEC is not well understood by the citizens of Indonesia, perhaps due to the lack of socialization by the government. Indeed, the AEC documents do not show any aspects outside economy as the main enterprise of the community, such as religion and nationalism which indeed motivated the fears of the Indonesian citizens. This led to difficulty by Indonesians to accept the idea of the free market who are mostly religious and hold nationalism in high regard. This paper also presents the detailed reasons and the arguments of the fears of the free market in the South East Asia.
35
Mukhtarova, Akbikesh. „Central Asia performance review in land governance indices and assessment frameworks“. Central Asian Journal of Water Research 7, Nr. 2 (30.12.2021): 74–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29258/cajwr/2021-r1.v7-2/74-96.eng.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Academic scholarship captures different land governance dimensions while focusing mainly on agrarian, legal, and economic aspects. However, little to no attention is paid to land governance consideration through public policy lenses. In particular, this holds for Central Asian (CA) countries where there is a noticeable lack of academic works on land governance effectiveness and anti-corruption strategies in the land sector. This review paper analyzes the question of how Central Asian countries are presented in land governance indices and assessment frameworks such as the World Bank’s Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF), Global Property Rights Index (Prindex), Global Land Governance Index (LANDex), and The Open Data Barometer. The paper uses the integrative review of academic works and the author’s empirical data on Central Asian performance in land governance indices and assessment programs. The findings revealed that while the Prindex results for the region are promising, the underperformance and lack of active engagement of Central Asian countries in the Open Data Barometer, LANDex, and LGAF are still visible. This fact could be explained by various reasons, including the lack of institutional and legal capacities in CA countries and the limitation in methodology and data collection techniques observed in present land indices. Considering that the subject is understudied, it is anticipated that this review paper will give both scholars and practitioners from the region and abroad the impetus to improve Central Asian performance in global land governance indices and assessment programs.
36
Baksheeva, S. E. „Socio-economic aspects of the production of building ceramics in the states of Central Asia and the Far East in the Middle Ages“. ОЙКУМЕНА. РЕГИОНОВЕДЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ, Nr. 1 (2019): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1998-6785/2019-1/56-66.
Der volle Inhalt der Quelle
37
Lukyanets, Artem S., Canh Toan Nguyen und Evgeniya M. Moiseeva. „Economic efficiency of the nuclear power industry and social aspects of its development“. RUDN Journal of Economics 26, Nr. 4 (15.12.2018): 598–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2018-26-4-598-608.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article attempts to develop a system of parameters for an objective and comprehensive assessment of the efficiency of the nuclear power industry in terms of its contribution to the country’s economic and social development, as well as its environmental well-being and its geopolitical position. Currently, nuclear power industry makes up a significant part of the energy supplies in the developed countries throughout the world. However, in the developing economies, including those of East and Southeast Asia, it plays a less prominent role. Nevertheless, in recent years, China has been the leader in commissioning new atomic facilities, thanks to the consistent implementation of its state program for the development of the nuclear power industry. Forecasts indicate that in the near future, the share of atomic energy will remain stable and account for about 10 % of all global energy capacity, which is confirmed by the estimates made during the study. However, in the long term nuclear energy cannot be ignored as an economically efficient and environmentally friendly source of energy, as well as a factor in improving the quality of life of the population when developing a strategy for the sustainable development of a country. The article examines the already existing assessment criteria for the economic efficiency of nuclear power plants (NPPs), and proposes new standards for the assessment of its contribution to the development of the community and a country’s stance on the global political stage. The article also identifies the main obstacles to the further development of the industry in the modern world. The research showed that the main specific feature of an NPP operation from the economic point of view is extremely high initial construction and commissioning costs, with relatively low further operation costs, which determines long payback lines and liquidity shortages reducing the attractiveness of such projects for potential investors. These peculiarities determine the leading role of state authorities in the launch, operation and modernization of nuclear power facilities.
38
Lowe, Sid. „Culture and Network Institutions in Hong Kong: A Hierarchy of Perspectives. A Response to Wilkinson: 'Culture, Institutions and Business in East Asia'“. Organization Studies 19, Nr. 2 (März 1998): 321–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084069801900208.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In response to Barry Wilkinson's (1996) criticisms of the culturalist and institutionalist explanations of the structure of business in East Asia, this paper examines the influence of culture at the macro- and meso-level of business activity in Hong Kong. Aspects of Wilkinson's critique are criticized as unhelpful, whereas other aspects of it are taken as valid and are addressed. A theoretical framework is outlined which synthesises culturalist and institutionalist explanations constituted by combinations of models from formal market and hierarchy perspectives and informal network perspectives. This enables sufficient complexity to identify cultural influences, and reflects a general submission that only complex models contain the multiple social, political, economic and other influences inherent in cultural investigation. Simple organizational models, based upon assumptions of the market, are shown to be culture-bound in Anglo-Saxon ethnocentrism and of little validity in the Hong Kong context. The considerable methodological problems and research issues associated with this desirable synthesis of the culturalist and institutionalist explanations are discussed. Particular emphasis is placed upon the relevance of a 'network' approach, along with implications for 'strategy'. In addition, the implications for the promotion of 'intercultural' and interdisciplinary approaches amongst social scientists interested in Hong Kong and other 'Confucian Dynamic' economies are outlined.
39
KIM, Mansu. „ASPECTS OF KOREAN LITERATURE ACCORDING TO THE STAGE OF ECONOMIC GROWTH: FOCUSED ON THE VIEWS OF AMERICA“. International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 2 (29.11.2016): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2016.02.01.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The main topic of this paper is how the economic growth has changed the aspect of Korean novel in the viewpoints of the theory of W. W. Rostow. But the additional topic is Korean's viewpoint on American which had been reflected in Korean novels. Korea has made a long relationship to the United States since 1882. Korea have kept friendly and cooperative relationship to American. But sometimes the relationship was changed rapidly to the opponent or critical attitudes. It should be the universal phenomenon that the people of weak nations begin to have strong nationalistic feelings with the pace of economic growth and gather to show a strong enmity against the strong nation especially against the United States. According to this universal patterns, Korean admired American at first. But after rising to the stage of ‘take-off’, they began to turn to the opponent and critical attitudes. Finally at the age of high mass consumption, they will not compare to America any more because they belong to the similar economic situation. The economy of Japan, Korea and China rose up to higher level at the rapid speed. But the strong nationalistic feelings remained incessantly among their nations. The “European Dream” is one of the attitudes in which individuals find security not through individual accumulation of wealth, but through connectivity and respect for other nations. Our neighbouring countries and Korea must learn the attitudes of European Dream and try to establish this system in East Asia.
40
Sigit, Sigit. „MALAYSIA AND MAHATHIR IN THE GLOBAL CHALLENGE“. Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 12, Nr. 23 (29.06.2020): 42. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v12i23.2484.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
<p>The aim of this study is to analyze Mahathir’s policy through a historical approach to the political developments and challenges in Malaysia. In addition, the author uses secondary data in order to collect several resources related to the topic. The comeback of Mahathir Mohammad, the Father of Malaysian modernization, in the Malaysian 14<sup>th</sup> general election after leaving the political stage for more than a decade draws many global eyes. As the great critics of the corruption and downturn of Malaysian economic conditions, he decided to run in Malaysia once again. During his previous administration, his mega-project named Pembangunan Putra Jaya and his famous foreign policy “Look East Policy” became a part of his identity. The “Look East Policy” was developed in order to increase domestic economic growth and because Malaysia needed to learn and adopt cultural features from Japan and Korea, such as discipline and hard work. Through this policy, Malaysia began cooperating with East countries (Japan and Korea). In addition, Mahathir had been opposing Western values and deemed them incompatible with Asia. The West considers Mahathir to be an obstacle in uniting Western and Asian countries following the emergence of Asian values since the 1990s. Overall, this study suggests that Mahathir is only focused on his country’s national interest and sovereignty and maintaining Malaysia’s international standing.</p><p><strong>Bahasa Indonesia Abstract</strong>: Tujuan <em>paper</em> ini adalah untuk menganalisis kebijakan Mahathir melalui perspektif sejarah terhadap perkembangan politik dan tantangan di Malaysia. Selain itu, Penulis menggunakan data sekunder untuk mengumpulkan berbagai literatur terkait dengan topik tersebut. Kembalinya Mahathir Muhammad, Bapak Modernisasi Malaysia, dalam Pemilihan Umum ke-14 setelah meninggalkan panggung politik lebih dari satu dekade telah menarik perhatian masyarakat global. Sebagai kritikus pada korupsi dan kemunduran ekonomi Malaysia, dia memutuskan untuk maju dalam pemilihan umum sekali lagi. Selama pemerintahan sebelumnya, Mahathir dengan proyek megah yaitu Pembangunan Putra Jaya dan kebijakan luar negerinya, terkenal dengan <em>“Look East Policy”</em> menjadi bagian dari identitasnya. Kebijakan <em>“Look East</em><em> Policy</em><em>”</em> dikembangkan untuk meningkatkan pertumbuhan ekonomi domestik dan karena Malaysia perlu belajar dan mengadopsi budaya dari Jepang dan Korea, seperti kedisiplinan dan kerja keras. Melalui Kebijakan tersebut, Malaysia telah melakukan kerjasama dengan negara Timur (Jepang dan Korea). Selain itu, Mahathir menolak penerapan nilai-nilai Barat dan menganggap bahwa nilai Barat tidak sesuai dengan Asia. Negara-negara Barat menganggap Mahathir sebagai penghalang persatuan negara Barat dengan negara Asia sejak berkembangnya paham <em>“Asian Values”</em> pada tahun 1990an. Secara Keseluruhan, <em>paper</em> ini berpendapat bahwa Mahathir hanya fokus kepada kepentingan dan kedaulatan negaranya dan menjaga eksistensi Malaysia di dunia internasional.</p><p> </p>
41
Luzyanin, S. G. „Bound by One Belt“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 9, Nr. 6 (24.07.2018): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2016-9-6-41-59.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article contains an information about the alignment of the Silk Road Economic Belt with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Russian integration projects the main of which is the Eurasian Economic Union. Complex Chinese initiative has many different aspects and dimensions relating to trade, investment, transport infrastructural, cultural and humanitarian issues. The author considers the problem of alignment in many aspects including the current state of Russian academic expertise and the possible ways of using the project in order to improve socioeconomic situation in the Russian territories in the Central Asia, Siberia and the Far East. The author stresses the security concerns, which seemed to be underestimated by China on the early stages of the program implementation. In this context, the author pays special attention to the threats of international terrorism, the rais ing instability in the states-participants, transnational crime and drug market. The author concludes that the project will not bring positive consequences unless Chinese authorities will closely cooperate with Russia and the regional organizations it associated with. As a result, it is possible to reach a partner cooperation between the states (although different in their economic potential), under which China will benefit effective using of its resources and overcome the current economic isolation of the Сentral Asian states. From the other hand, Russia will get a chance to improve the situation of economic inequality between its internal regions. Russian military and political power may guarantee successful assimilation of Chinese financial investments.
42
Kim, Soon-yang. „Reappraisal of the Developmental Welfare State Theory on the Underdevelopment of State Welfare in East Asian Growth Economies: The Case of South Korea“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, Nr. 4 (05.11.2019): 568–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619886679.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The purpose of this article is to re-examine the perspective on the relationship between East Asia’s growth economy and its underdevelopment of state welfare, by analyzing the Korean case between the 1960s and the 1980s, when active governmental intervention in the economy led to rapid economic growth. This article aims to answer the questions ‘Was state welfare genuinely underdeveloped under the growth economy of East Asia?’ and ‘If so, which factors hindered its development?’ To this end, this article first refutes the perspective regarding the underdevelopment of state welfare in East Asian growth economies, through an empirical analysis of the following: overlooking diverse indices in measuring the level of state welfare, a comparison without considering different budget systems, negligence of output aspects, giving undue value to quantitative methods and paying little attention to welfare beneficiary aspect. The article traces the reasons why the growth economy experienced the underdevelopment of state welfare using comprehensive frameworks: large-scale resource distribution to defense and education, low level of electoral competition, underdevelopment of socialist political parties, political authoritarianism and weak opposition, lack of social citizenship and preservation of family values, underdevelopment of trade unionism, and inactivation of civil society.
43
Oyen, Meredith. „“Artless Dealing: The First Year of Trump’s Relations with China”“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 25, Nr. 2 (04.07.2018): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02502005.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Entering the presidency, Donald J. Trump made clear his primary agenda with respect to the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was altering the trade relationship between the two countries. As the challenge of a nuclear North Korea came to dominate his interactions with Chinese leader Xi Jinping, however, Trump was forced temporarily to put his economic complaints on the backburner. Despite his fiery rhetoric, prolific tweeting, and early missteps with respect to Taiwan, other aspects of the relationship looked to maintain the status quo. By the end of the year, Trump’s incoherent policy neither had improved nor irrevocably damaged Sino-American ties, but it did have the effect of altering the leadership position of the United States in East Asia, ceding a great deal to an increasingly internationally engaged China.
44
Lwin, May, und Jochen Wirtz. „GULFSTREAM AEROSPACE CORPORATION — PENETRATING ASIA'S CORPORATE JET MARKET“. Asian Case Research Journal 05, Nr. 01 (Juni 2001): 97–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0218927501000056.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
In January 2000, Gulfstream was reviewing its plan to enter the East and Southeast Asian markets. Gulfstream Aerospace Corporation was well known for reliability, performance and innovative features of its business jets. Its existing clientele came mainly from North and South America and Europe. With the Asian markets recovering from an economic crisis, Gulfstream wanted to solidly position itself as the market leader in Asia. The company's major concern was how to sell the idea of travelling in corporate-owned business jets rather than in first or business class in commercial planes. Essentially, Gulfstream needed to devise a marketing strategy that would allow it to capture a leadership position in the Asian market. The case provides an understanding of the unique features of business buyer behavior and the unique aspects of industrial marketing.
45
Бровко, Пётр, Борис Карастелёв und Юрий Якубовский. „Территориальные и отраслевые аспекты инновационного подхода технологического развития вертолётостроительного производства Дальнего Востока России“. ИЗВЕСТИЯ ДАЛЬНЕВОСТОЧНОГО ФЕДЕРАЛЬНОГО УНИВЕРСИТЕТА. ЭКОНОМИКА И УПРАВЛЕНИЕ, Nr. 3 (2019): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2311-2271/2019-3/115-125.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
В работе представлено обоснование необходимости пере-хода вертолётостроительного производства Дальнего Востока России на инновационный подход технологического развития, который позволит преодолеть влияние территориальных и отраслевых негативных факторов и закрепиться на динамичных рынках Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. Обозначены перспективы роста экономики России и вертолётостроения, в частности, за счет выхода на рынки Азиатско-Тихоокеанского региона. В качестве организационного инструмента, способствующего продвижению инновационных технологий в вертолётостроительном производстве, предлагается создание центра технологических компетенций. It was found that the far East of Russia has unique competitive advantages, the main of which is the neighborhood with the dy-namically developing countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the economic rate of which over the past decade exceeds the global average. The strategic task facing the Russian economy is inte-gration into consolidation in the markets of the Asia-Pacific region, as producers of high-tech products. This necessitates the development of high-tech industries in the Russian far East, which include helicopter construction. In the helicopter industry in Russia there is a lag the world's leading companies in the use of innovative technologies of design, production and after-sales service. In addition, the work found that there are several prob-lems in the industry: the limited size of the domestic market, the reduction of public funding for new developments, the lack of competence of staff to work in the global market. In the far East, this situation is complicated by the influence of negative regional factors: high costs in the economy, a long, outflow of population, remoteness from traditional markets and suppliers, the raw material nature of the economy. The paper substantiates the need for the transition of helicopter production in the Far East of the Russian Federa-tion to an innovative approach to technological development, which will overcome the influence of ter-ritorial and sectoral negative factors. The components of the proposed innovative approach are the introduction into production of products with high export potential, building cooperation with partners from the Asia-Pacific region, technological renewal of the production system, establishing cooperation with scientific and educational institutions, small and medium-sized businesses. A tool for the imple-mentation of a new approach to the technological development of helicopter production in the Far East of Russia will be the creation of a center Of technological competencies, which will allow for coopera-tion between the production enterprises of the region and scientific and educational institutions, which will contribute to the generation of new knowledge and its practical use in production activities The rapid introduction of innovative technologies will increase the competitiveness of the Russian helicopter industry, which will strengthen its position in the Asia-Pacific region.
46
Daniels, Timothy P. „New Faiths, Old Fears“. American Journal of Islam and Society 23, Nr. 2 (01.04.2006): 95–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1623.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Bruce Lawrence’s book, New Faiths, Old Fears: Muslims and Other AsianImmigrants in American Religious Life, seeks to remedy theoretical gaps bycorrecting the emphasis on East Asians within Asian-American studies andby describing Asian Americans in relation to other minorities and dominantAnglos within the prevailing ethno-racial system (p. xiv). As a religiousstudies scholar with “a lifelong engagement with Islam, and an exuberantattachment to South Asia” (p. 38), he discusses post-1965 immigration andunderscores its religious and cultural dimensions. The range of controversialtopics broached in this book promise to appeal to a broad readership.Topics covered include historical and politico-economic aspects of immigration, racial prejudice, cultural and religious fundamentalism, argumentsover multiculturalism, transnational identities, and media representations ofreligion. Consequently, New Faiths, Old Fears is highly significant forthose interested in religious studies, sociology, anthropology, history, andcultural studies – and especially for those interested in immigration andAsian Americans ...
47
Yoshino, Ryozo. „Trust and National Character: Japanese Sense of Trust, Cross-National and Longitudinal Surveys“. Comparative Sociology 4, Nr. 3-4 (2005): 417–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156913305775010142.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
AbstractThis paper overviews people's sense of trust as it is reflected in the response data of questionnaire surveys. I will study the variability of people's trust systems in order to explore the stability over time and the change due to the short-term changes of economic and political conditions. To begin with, I will explain briefly the history of our longitudinal and cross-national survey on national character. Secondly, I will summarize some aspects of people's sense of trust in our longitudinal survey of Japanese national character. Thirdly, I will present cross-national comparative analysis of trust in our seven-country survey and our East Asia survey. Fourthly, I will consider the acculturation of the Japanese immigrants in Brazil, Hawaii, and the West Coast of USA. Finally, I will provide some comments on cross-national scaling of trust for our future research.
48
Trubina, Elena. „The Global East and the Globe“. Sotsiologicheskoe Obozrenie / Russian Sociological Review 19, Nr. 3 (2020): 102–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1728-192x-2020-3-102-129.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The article is a detailed response to the text by Martin Müller “In Search for the Global East”, written on the basis of the experience of a scientist specializing in post-socialist realities, and included in the global circulation of social and humanitarian knowledge. It deals with the possibility of reflection of the place of the post-socialist part of the world in the world as a whole, from the point of view of a community formed by those who live in the post-socialist space and those who explore different aspects of post-socialist life. The genealogy of discussions about the Global South and the Global North, which are fundamental for such disciplines as geography (political, economic, and human) and urban studies, as well as the formation of the conceptual link of “development = the global South” in the political history of the second half of the twentieth century and in the intellectual history of this period is discussed. It is argued that the Global South is actively discussed in the global debates of geographers, urbanists, and historians. It also occupies a prominent place in transnational, big stories about what is happening in the world, and with the world. At the same time, the post-socialist world (Müller proposes the name “Global East” for it) occupies an insignificant place in these narratives. “Development” (no matter how different and controversial it may be) in relation to that part of the “global” which is comprised from Eastern Europe, Russia, and Central Asia, is understood as a task of national governments, and which must be solved by following Western recipes. The article explains the reasons for the lack of understanding of what this region means today, as well as the difficulties of conducting and popularizing research about it, in particular, the ongoing post-colonial decentralization of the West as a privileged place of knowledge production. The conclusion of the article is that much more research is needed in which different perceptions of the global are compared, including the ones generated in/by the “Global East”.
49
Ara, Aniba Israt, und Arshad Islam. „East India Company Strategies in the Development of Singapore“. Social Science, Humanities and Sustainability Research 2, Nr. 3 (06.09.2021): p37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sshsr.v2n3p37.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Singapore in the Malay Peninsula was targeted by the British East India Company (EIC) to be the epicentre of their direct rule in Southeast Asia. Seeking new sources of revenue at the end of the 18th century, after attaining domination in India, the Company sought to extend its reach into China, and Malaya was the natural region to do this, extending outposts to Penang and Singapore. The latter was first identified as a key site by Stamford Raffles. The EIC Governor General Marquess Hastings (r. 1813-1823) planned to facilitate Raffle’s attention on the Malay Peninsula from Sumatra. Raffles’ plan for Singapore was approved by the EIC’s Bengal Government. The modern system of administration came into the Straits Settlements under the EIC’s Bengal Presidency. In 1819 in Singapore, Raffles established an Anglo-Oriental College (AOC) for the study of Eastern languages, literature, history, and science. The AOC was intended firstly to be the centre of local research and secondly to increase inter-cultural knowledge of the East and West. Besides Raffles’ efforts, the EIC developed political and socio-economic systems for Singapore. The most important aspects of the social development of Singapore were proper accommodation for migrants, poverty eradication, health care, a new system of education, and women’s rights. The free trade introduced by Francis Light (and later Stamford Raffles) in Penang and Singapore respectively gave enormous opportunities for approved merchants to expand their commerce from Burma to Australia and from Java to China. Before the termination of the China trade in 1833 Singapore developed tremendously, and cemented the role of the European trading paradigm in the East.
50
Huaigao, Qi, und Li Kaisheng. „The Shifting Power Structure of Northeast Asia and China’s Strategic Choices in the 2020s“. Journal of International Analytics 11, Nr. 2 (07.11.2020): 45–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-2-45-67.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
The Northeast Asian (NEA) power structure demonstrates a weakening unipolarity of the United States (U.S.), which will evolve into a power structure with “multilateral co-opetition of two superpowers (China and the U.S.) and three regional great powers (Russia, Japan, and South Korea)” during the 2020s. In the context of this shifting power structure, the other fi ve NEA states will adjust their diplomatic policies. Japan, Russia, and South Korea, which occupy the second tier of the NEA power structure, will pursue regional great power diplomacy and regional interests. Russia will maintain a careful balance with China and the U.S., and will use investments from the other NEA states pragmatically to develop its Far East region. Japan will seek to maximize its security guarantees from the U.S. while actively obtaining economic benefi ts from China, and will try to remain fl exible in terms of its NEA strategic choice. South Korea will implement the so-called “two superpowers diplomacy” in relation to the U.S. and China in order to enhance its strategic autonomy. With relatively weak national power, North Korea and Mongolia occupy the third tier of the NEA power structure, and they will try to ensure the survival of their respective regimes and promote national security. China’s strategic choices for NEA in the next decade are likely to include fi ve aspects: 1) to avoid a “new Cold War” and achieve a strategic balance with the U.S.; 2) to maintain friendly and close strategic ties with Russia; 3) to actively promote economic cooperation with the other NEA countries; 4) to promote the establishment of a regional security mechanism in the future that includes all the NEA states, for example, a “Northeast Asia Peace and Cooperation Organization” (NEAPCO); and 5) to construct a collective NEA identity.