Zeitschriftenartikel: „Cooperation and legitimacy“

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Murphy, Kristina, Natasha S. Madon und Adrian Cherney. „Promoting Muslims’ cooperation with police in counter-terrorism“. Policing: An International Journal 40, Nr. 3 (21.08.2017): 544–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-05-2016-0069.

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Purpose Procedural justice is important for fostering peoples’ willingness to cooperate with police. Theorizing suggests this relationship results because procedural justice enhances perceptions that the police are legitimate and entitled to be supported. The purpose of this paper is to examine how legitimacy perceptions moderate the effect of procedural justice policing on Muslims’ willingness to cooperate with police. Design/methodology/approach Survey data from 800 Muslims in Australia are used. Findings This study shows Muslims’ procedural justice perceptions are positively associated with two types of cooperation: willingness to cooperate with police in general crime control efforts; and willingness to report terror threats to police. Muslims’ perceptions of police legitimacy and law legitimacy also influence willingness to cooperate. Specifically, police legitimacy is more important for predicting general willingness to cooperate with police, while law legitimacy is more important for predicting Muslims’ willingness to report terror threats. Importantly, legitimacy perceptions moderate the relationship between procedural justice and both types of cooperation. Specifically, procedural justice promotes cooperation more strongly for those who question the legitimacy of police or the legitimacy of counter-terrorism laws, but the moderation effects differ across the two cooperation contexts. The findings have implications for procedural justice scholarship and for counter-terrorism policing. Originality/value The current paper examines an under-explored aspect of legitimacy; it examines police legitimacy perceptions, but also examines how people view the legitimacy of laws police enforce (i.e. law legitimacy). It is argued that perceptions about law legitimacy can also impact people’s willingness to cooperate with police.

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Johansson, Tobias, Sven Siverbo und Carolina Camén. „Managing cooperation, coordination, and legitimacy“. Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 29, Nr. 6 (15.08.2016): 1012–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aaaj-08-2014-1805.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to create knowledge about what factors explain the design of control systems for contracted public services. Design/methodology/approach – Questionnaire data analyzed with structural equation models. Findings – Legitimacy-seeking is the most important driver in explaining intensity in control of contracted public services. Competition increases the intensity of control which is opposite to standard transaction cost reasoning. Coordination requirements do not affect the design of control systems for contracted public services. Research limitations/implications – The study suffers from limitations in the form of the use of perception and questionnaire data and imposes restrictions on empirical generalization. Practical implications – Supplier competition may add control costs rather than lower them. The strong focus on stakeholder alignment may induce more intensive control than necessary for supplier alignment. Originality/value – The authors add important knowledge on the determinants of control system design for contracted public sector services. The authors conceptualize and measure the control system in use in a more compelling manner than previous research.

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Nix, Justin. „Do the Police Believe That Legitimacy Promotes Cooperation From the Public?“ Crime & Delinquency 63, Nr. 8 (30.07.2015): 951–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011128715597696.

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Tyler’s process-based model of regulation suggests that when citizens perceive the police as a legitimate authority, they are more likely to cooperate in the form of reporting crimes and providing information to the police. Yet most studies have considered citizens’ perceptions of police legitimacy—few studies have asked the police what they feel makes them legitimate in the eyes of the public. Likewise, no studies have considered whether the police believe legitimacy is associated with cooperation from the public. The present study addresses this gap using data from a stratified sample of U.S. police executives. Findings suggest police believe performance, rather than procedural justice, is the key to generating cooperation from the public.

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KATSUMATA, HIRO. „Mimetic adoption and norm diffusion: ‘Western’ security cooperation in Southeast Asia?“ Review of International Studies 37, Nr. 2 (02.09.2010): 557–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000872.

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AbstractThe members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) have been pursuing new cooperative security agendas – namely, confidence-building measures (CBMs), preventive diplomacy (PD), conflict resolution and a set of agendas associated with security communities. The ASEAN members' pursuit of these agendas should be seen as a set of instances of their mimetic adoption of external norms for the sake of legitimacy. They have mimetically been adopting a set of norms associated with the collective management of conflicts, which have been practiced by the participant states of the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). They have been doing so, with the intention of securing their identities as legitimate members of the community of modern states, and of enhancing the status of ASEAN and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) as legitimate cooperative security institutions.

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Thude, Bettina Ravnborg, Egon Stenager, Christian von Plessen und Erik Hollnagel. „Leadership set-up: wishful thinking or reality?“ Leadership in Health Services 32, Nr. 1 (24.01.2019): 98–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/lhs-08-2017-0052.

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Purpose The purpose of the study is to determine whether one leader set-up is better than the others according to interdisciplinary cooperation and leader legitimacy. Design/methodology/approach The study is a qualitative study based on semi-structured interviews at three Danish hospitals. Findings The study found that the leadership set-up did not have any clear influence on interdisciplinary cooperation, as all wards had a high degree of interdisciplinary cooperation independent of which leadership set-up they had. Instead, the authors found a relation between leadership set-up and leader legitimacy. In cases where staff only referred to a leader from their own profession, that leader had legitimacy within the staff group. When there were two leaders from different professions, they only had legitimacy within the staff group from their own profession. Furthermore, clinical specialty also could influence legitimacy. Originality/value The study shows that leadership set-up is not the predominant factor that creates interdisciplinary cooperation; but rather, leader legitimacy also should be considered. Additionally, the study shows that leader legitimacy can be difficult to establish and that it cannot be taken for granted. This is something chief executive officers should bear in mind when they plan and implement new leadership structures. Therefore, it would also be useful to look more closely at how to achieve legitimacy in cases where the leader is from a different profession to the staff.

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Sun, Ivan Y., Yuning Wu, Rong Hu und Ashley K. Farmer. „Procedural Justice, Legitimacy, and Public Cooperation with Police“. Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency 54, Nr. 4 (01.06.2017): 454–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022427816638705.

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Objectives: The principal objective of the current study is to test the applicability of Tom Tyler’s process-based model of policing in China. A secondary objective of this research is to examine the internal consistency and discriminant validity of key composite constructs in Tyler’s model. Methods: Using survey data collected from approximately 1,000 residents in a Chinese city, ordinary least squares regression was employed to assess the direct and indirect (through legitimacy) effects of procedural justice, specific distributive justice, and police effectiveness on willingness to cooperate with the police. Results: The internal consistency and discriminant validity of key composites in Tyler’s original model appear questionable with the Chinese data. Procedural justice, just like in the West, plays a significant role in predicting Chinese views on police legitimacy and willingness to cooperate with the police. Meanwhile, the strongest predictor of Chinese perceptions of police legitimacy is police effectiveness. The impact of both distributive justice and effectiveness on Chinese willingness to cooperate is mainly indirect through police legitimacy. Conclusions: Key arguments of Tyler’s model are largely supported by the Chinese data. Future research needs to develop culture-specific measures to further elaborate Tyler’s process-based model of policing.

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Langenbach, Pascal, und Franziska Tausch. „Inherited Institutions: Cooperation in the Light of Democratic Legitimacy“. Journal of Law, Economics, and Organization 35, Nr. 2 (27.05.2019): 364–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jleo/ewz004.

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Abstract We experimentally investigate whether the procedural history of a sanctioning institution affects cooperation in a social dilemma. Subjects inherit the institutional setting from a previous generation of subjects who either decided on the implementation of the institution democratically by majority vote or were exogenously assigned a setting. In order to isolate the impact of the voting procedure, no information about the cooperation history is provided. In line with existing empirical evidence, we observe that in the starting generation cooperation is higher (lower) with a democratically chosen (rejected) institution, as compared to the corresponding, randomly imposed setting. In the second generation, we find no positive effect of the democratic procedural history on cooperation when the institution is implemented. Yet, the vote-based rejection of the institution leads to (marginally) less cooperation in the second generation.

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Garduno, L. Sergio, und Deborah G. Keeling. „Correlates of perceptions of police legitimacy: Do perceptions of neighborhood crime matter?“ International Journal of Police Science & Management 23, Nr. 3 (03.06.2021): 231–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14613557211014915.

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Police legitimacy promotes trust and cooperation between members of the public and the police. Because the police require cooperation from the public to prevent and solve crimes, having high levels of legitimacy is an important asset for them. Researchers have explored policing strategies as well as individual and neighborhood characteristics that explain levels of police legitimacy. However, no study has explored whether perceived neighborhood crimes affect perceptions of police legitimacy. This study addresses this gap in the literature by analyzing the effect that perceiving four types of neighborhood crime as a problem had on levels of police legitimacy among 1773 respondents from a city in the Appalachians. Results obtained from a series of Ordinary Least Squares models indicate that perceptions of neighborhood crime have no significant effect on police legitimacy once police performance is accounted for. Research and policy implications are discussed.

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Krämer, Mario. „Neither despotic nor civil: the legitimacy of chieftaincy in its relationship with the ANC and the state in KwaZulu-Natal (South Africa)“. Journal of Modern African Studies 54, Nr. 1 (09.02.2016): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x1500083x.

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AbstractAre South African chiefs rural and peri-urban despots or have they transformed to legitimate representatives of local interests in the post-apartheid era? This article argues that the legitimacy of chieftaincy in KwaZulu-Natal is not only based on constitutional and legal recognition, but that chieftaincy may rely on different forms of ‘basic legitimacy’. Chieftaincy is neither despotic nor civil but occupies an intermediary position between local citizens and the state. This junction position provides chiefs with specific opportunities to gain power but also requires a navigation between cooperation and conflict in the relationship with the ANC and the state.

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Nyman-Metcalf, Katrin, und Ioannis Papageorgiou. „The Right for Regional Integration Organisations to Protect Democracy: Legitimacy at the Regional Level?“ Baltic Journal of European Studies 6, Nr. 1 (01.02.2016): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2016-0002.

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AbstractRecently there have been several examples of different regional integration systems intervening to prevent unconstitutional events. The interventions can be based on explicit powers or be developed in response to events. This happens despite most regional integration systems having economic cooperation rather than explicit democratisation aims. Organs that issue laws or take constraining decisions must have a clear right to do this and a basis for exercising power-in other words, be legitimate. Where legitimacy comes from is debated, but as most countries today are democracies or purport to be, it somehow emanates from the people. National governments have a higher degree of legitimacy than regional integration organisations, possibly except the European Union. Regional integration organisations have to prove their legitimacy. The article examines if, to what extent, and on what basis regional integration systems have the right to exercise an independent role on the global stage. Legitimacy is a precondition for effective application of decisions of the organisation. Given the frequent lack of strong enforcement mechanisms, the question of legitimacy becomes even more important. With strong legitimacy, decisions taken by the regional integration organisation will be followed to a large extent even despite absence of effective enforcement mechanisms.

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Kuwabara, Ko, und Siyu Yu. „Costly Punishment Increases Prosocial Punishment by Designated Punishers: Power and Legitimacy in Public Goods Games“. Social Psychology Quarterly 80, Nr. 2 (24.05.2017): 174–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0190272517703750.

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A classic problem in the literature on authority is that those with the power to enforce cooperation and proper norms of conduct can also abuse or misuse their power. The present research tested the argument that concerns about legitimacy can help regulate the use of power to punish by invoking a sense of what is morally right or socially proper for power-holders. We tested this idea in a laboratory experiment using public goods games in which one person in each group was selected to be a “designated punisher” who could give out material punishment that was either costly or costless to the punisher. Results show that costly punishment is perceived as more legitimate (proper) than costless punishment and that designated punishers engaged in more proper (“prosocial”) punishment and less abusive (“antisocial”) punishment when punishment was costly. These results highlight the importance of legitimacy in both motivating and regulating the enforcement of cooperation.

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Claassen, Rutger, und Anna Gerbrandy. „Doing Good Together: Competition Law and the Political Legitimacy of Interfirm Cooperation“. Business Ethics Quarterly 28, Nr. 4 (02.08.2018): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/beq.2018.2.

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ABSTRACT:Demands have been growing upon firms to take actions in the interests of workers, the environment, local communities, and others. Firms sometimes have felt they could best discharge such responsibilities by cooperating with other firms. This, however, is suspect from the point of view of a purely economic interpretation of competition law, since interfirm agreements may raise prices and thus lower welfare for consumers. Should competition law remain focused on competition enhancing economic welfare, or be reformed to allow for acts of cooperation that are socially beneficial? To answer this question, the article provides a philosophical reevaluation of the deep-seated view that firms are merely private actors. It argues that demands of political legitimacy should also be addressed at firms cooperating together, and that standard views of democratic accountability should be broadened, introducing a model of delegated, sequential decision making which allows regulatory agencies and parliaments to control interfirm agreements.

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Hensengerth, Oliver. „Vietnam's Security Objectives in Mekong Basin Governance“. Journal of Vietnamese Studies 3, Nr. 2 (2008): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2008.3.2.101.

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The paper examines Vietnam's foreign policy as it translates into strategies toward subregional cooperation in the Mekong Basin. Using transboundary water cooperation as an example, the article argues that Vietnam's prime motivation in Mekong River cooperation is economic development for performance legitimacy. Environmental issues are raised, but only in relation to powerful upstream countries, while Vietnam itself poses similar challenges to less powerful downstream countries. The need for performance legitimacy thus conveys all relevance to the economically oriented Greater Mekong Subregion, while the Mekong River Commission, a basin organization with a mandate to combine economic development with environmental considerations, is sidelined.

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Holdo, Markus. „Power Games: Elites, Movements, and Strategic Cooperation“. Political Studies Review 18, Nr. 2 (08.08.2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919864778.

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Cooperation between movements and political elites are frequently associated with the risk of cooptation. Because it undercuts contentious actors, cooptation may seem rational for elites that seek to protect their interests. However, recent scholarship questions whether this view is empirically valid. Adding to these debates, this article demonstrates that even if we accept, for the sake of argument, that elites always act to maintain power, cooptation may often not be the rational choice of strategy. This article presents a typology of elite responses that focuses on three phases of elite–movement interaction: preparatory, term-setting, and confrontation phases. In each phase, elites’ choice between cooptation and conditional cooperation depends on whether legitimacy appears instrumental to achieve their goals. Cooperation, as opposed to cooptation, generates legitimacy and can, therefore, be used strategically by movements.

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Dagan, Tsilly. „International Tax and Global Justice“. Theoretical Inquiries in Law 18, Nr. 1 (01.01.2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/til-2017-0002.

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AbstractInequality, as well as the scope of the duty of justice to reduce it, has always been a central concern of political justice. Income taxation has been seen as a key tool for redistribution and the state was the arena for discussions of justice. Globalization and the tax competition it fosters among states change the context for the discussion of distributive justice. Given the state’s fading coercive power in taxation and the decreasing power of its citizenry to co-author its collective will due to global competition, we can no longer assume that justice can be realized within the parameters of the state. International tax policy in an effort to retain justice often opts for cooperation as a vehicle to support distributive justice. But cooperation among states is more than a way for them to promote their aims through bargaining. Rather, it is a way for states to regain legitimacy by sustaining their very ability to ensure the collective action of their citizens and to treat them with equal respect and concern. The traditional discussion in international taxation seems to endorse a statist position — implicitly assuming that when states bargain for a multilateral deal, justice is completely mediated by the agreement of the states. In contrast, this Article argues that such a multilateral regime intended to provide the state with fundamental legitimacy requires independent justification. Contrary to the conventional statist position, I maintain that cooperating states have a duty to ensure that the constituents of all cooperating states are not treated unjustly because of the agreement. I argue that not only cosmopolitanism but political justice too requires that a justifiable cooperative regime must improve (or at least not worsen) the welfare of the least well-off citizens in all cooperating states. I explain that cooperation alone is no guarantee of improved welfare and that certain transfer payments between rich and poor countries might be required to ensure this.

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Aiello, Michael F., und Brian A. Lawton. „Campus Police Cooperation and Legitimacy: Extending the Procedural Justice Model“. Deviant Behavior 39, Nr. 10 (22.03.2018): 1371–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01639625.2017.1410618.

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Zürn, Michael. „Global Governance and Legitimacy Problems“. Government and Opposition 39, Nr. 2 (2004): 260–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2004.00123.x.

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AbstractWhereas traditional institutions used to be seen as an international complement to a dominantly national paradigm, today's international institutions are an expression of political denationalization. The new international institutions are much more intrusive into national societies than the traditional ones. They increasingly contain supranational and transnational features and thus undermine the consensus principle of international cooperation. When society and political actors begin to comprehend this change, they begin to reflect on the features of a legitimate and effective political order beyond national borders. As a result, denationalization becomes reflexive and thus politicized. At the same time, the politicization of international politics harbours the potential for resistance to political denationalization, which increases the need – both from a normative and descriptive perspective – for the legitimation of such international institutions.

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Tyler, Tom R. „A National Survey for Monitoring Police Legitimacy“. Justice Research and Policy 4, Nr. 1-2 (Dezember 2002): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3818/jrp.4.1.2002.71.

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Most police departments do not currently measure their subjective legitimacy via surveys of the public. This article argues that such information is valuable, since public cooperation with the police is linked to the legitimacy of the police in the eyes of the public. Approaches to measuring subjective legitimacy are reviewed, and examples of items used in prior studies to tap different, potentially important aspects of legitimacy are presented and discussed. These can serve as the starting point for future efforts to design and validate measures of legitimacy that can be the basis for police efforts to better understand how they are viewed by the members of the public in their communities.

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Yitzhak, Ronen. „The Question of the Legitimacy of the Hashemite Regime in Jordan: the Islamic Radical Organizations, the Western Territories and Israel“. Oriente Moderno 100, Nr. 1 (18.06.2020): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340228.

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Abstract This article explores the question of the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime in Jordan. Jordanian public opinion, on the one hand, recognizes the regime, in large part because of its genealogical descent from the Prophet Muhammad. Radical Islamic organizations, on the other hand, reject it for its ties to the West and Israel. The article examines how the views of Islamic movements towards the Hashemite regime have evolved. The Muslim Brotherhood originally recognized the legitimacy of the Hashemite regime, but changed that position in response to Jordan’s 1994 peace treaty with Israel. al-Qāʿidah and ISIS have never recognized Hashemite rule as legitimate. They have tried to undermine its political stability and, indeed, to overthrow it, rejecting its secularism and cooperation with Israel and the West. The terrorist organizations al-Qāʿidah and ISIS find support and sympathy among Jordanians, but as they committed more terrorist attacks, the Jordanian public has turned away from them and its support for the Hashemite regime has grown. The Hashemite regime thus remains stable and strong and enjoys legitimacy in the eyes of the majority of Jordanians.

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Saunders, Jessica, Allsion Ober, Dionne Barnes-Proby und Rod K. Brunson. „Police legitimacy and disrupting overt drug markets“. Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies & Management 39, Nr. 4 (21.11.2016): 667–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/pijpsm-02-2016-0014.

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Purpose Overt drug markets are particularly difficult to address using traditional law enforcement tactics alone; disrupting these markets often requires substantial community cooperation. Enhancing police-community relations has been offered as a promising strategy for closing overt markets, demonstrating sustained success in several settings. The purpose of this paper is to examine theoretical mechanisms hypothesized to create immediate and sustained disruption in overt drug markets, focusing on the role of strengthened police/community relations, and greater police legitimacy. Design/methodology/approach The manuscript describes a series of focus groups with community residents across three sites over 15-months after a drug market intervention. A repeated cross-sectional design enabled in-depth analysis of study participants’ views regarding mechanisms of change over time. Findings Study participants remained ambivalent about police legitimacy; they expressed appreciation regarding local policing efforts to improve neighborhood conditions, but maintained many negative feelings about the overall policing profession. Further, residents worried that the increased police presence might lead to greater harassment. Regardless of their misgivings, however, the findings reveal increases in police cooperation and improvements in some previously identified components of police legitimacy. Practical implications There is partial support for several underlying mechanisms of change over time. Study participants perceived a more focused police response, resulting in disruptions of the market and sustained improvements in neighborhood conditions. Originality/value This reflects original work not published elsewhere. It contributes to a growing body of literature on the role of police legitimacy in problem-solving interventions.

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Bouma, Jetske A., K. J. Joy, Suhas Paranjape und Erik Ansink. „The Influence of Legitimacy Perceptions on Cooperation – A Framed Field Experiment“. World Development 57 (Mai 2014): 127–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2013.12.007.

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Sohn, Injoo. „Asian Financial Cooperation: The Problem of Legitimacy in Global Financial Governance“. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 11, Nr. 4 (03.08.2005): 487–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01104006.

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Schneider, Thomas. „"Perceived Legitimacy, Trust and Cooperation in Stakeholder Networks: An Experimental Approach"“. Academy of Management Proceedings 2014, Nr. 1 (Januar 2014): 11866. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2014.11866abstract.

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Sun, Ivan Y., Luye Li, Yuning Wu und Rong Hu. „Police Legitimacy and Citizen Cooperation in China: Testing an Alternative Model“. Asian Journal of Criminology 13, Nr. 4 (07.07.2018): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11417-018-9270-4.

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Pallas, Christopher L., und Johannes Urpelainen. „NGO monitoring and the legitimacy of international cooperation: A strategic analysis“. Review of International Organizations 7, Nr. 1 (03.06.2011): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-011-9125-6.

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Zalewska-Bujak, Małgorzata. „Współpraca nauczycieli z rodzicami uczniów – przez pryzmat nauczycielskich narracji“. Kwartalnik Pedagogiczny, Nr. 65/2 (09.10.2020): 154–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-6007.kp.2020-2.9.

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The paper aims to present the issues related to the cooperation between teachers and pupils’ parents. Considering the importance and legitimacy of its occurrence in various forms and manifestations, the author conducted a qualitative study in an attempt to answer the following question: What is the image of this collaboration emerging from the teachers’ narrations as a partof the qualitative interviews conducted with them? The picture reveals teachers’ perspective on their pupils’ parents and cooperation with them, indicating some discrepancy and inadequacy in this area.

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Martin, Lenore G. „The Prospects for Turkish – Chinese Bilateral and Multilateral Security Cooperation“. Sociology of Islam 4, Nr. 1-2 (15.04.2016): 113–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00402004.

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Using a paradigm of five interrelated variables the paper examines the opportunities and challenges for security cooperation between Turkey, a predominantly Muslim society, and China, a society still dominated by the Communist Party. The five variables consist of military capabilities, economic capabilities, essential natural resources, ethnic and religious tolerance, and political legitimacy. The paradigm demonstrates that their interests help to promote security cooperation between Turkey and China, but also lead to strains in their relations along every variable. Both states are concerned about separatist groups but the Turkish public and some politicians are supportive of the Uighurs. Trade is growing but is unbalanced. They compete for energy sources but cooperate on development of alternative energy. Each of the variables in turn affects the political legitimacy of both regimes. Despite these instances of divergence in their national interests, Turkey and China can make policy choices that would strengthen their security relationship.

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Cheng, Kevin Kwok-yin. „Legitimacy in a Postcolonial Legal System: Public Perception of Procedural Justice and Moral Alignment Toward the Courts in Hong Kong“. Law & Social Inquiry 43, Nr. 01 (2018): 212–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12253.

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Legitimacy is said to be comprised of two underlying constructs: obligation to obey and moral alignment. However, legitimacy studies are mainly derived from contexts where the legal system has evolved naturally and is said to reflect the values of society. There is a paucity of research measuring public perceptions of legitimacy in postcolonial settings such as Hong Kong where the legal system was initially transplanted and many of its values may not reflect those of the local population. Procedural justice has been asserted to be a primary antecedent by which legal authorities improve their legitimacy and moral alignment. This study examines whether procedural justice is positively associated with legitimacy and moral alignment with the courts. Moreover, this study tests whether legitimacy is positively associated with cooperation with the courts. Using a random survey of the Hong Kong general population, both questions are answered in the affirmative. Implications are discussed.

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Fravel, M. Taylor. „Regime Insecurity and International Cooperation: Explaining China's Compromises in Territorial Disputes“. International Security 30, Nr. 2 (Oktober 2005): 46–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016228805775124534.

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Since the 1995-96 Taiwan Strait crisis, scholars and policymakers have become increasingly concerned about China's territorial ambitions. Yet China has also used peaceful means to manage conficts, settling seventeen of its twenty-three territorial disputes, often with substantial compromises. This article develops a counterintuitive argument about the effects of domestic confict on foreign policy to explain China's behavior. Contrary to the diversionary war hypothesis, this argument posits that state leaders are more likely to compromise in territorial disputes when confronting internal threats to regime security, including rebellions and legitimacy crises. Regime insecurity best explains China's pattern of compromise and delay in its territorial disputes. China's leaders have compromised when faced with internal threats to regime security, including the revolt in Tibet, the instability following the Great Leap Forward, the legitimacy crisis after the Tiananmen upheaval, and separatist violence in Xinjiang.

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Tankebe, Justice. „Cooperation With the Police Against Corruption: Exploring the Roles of Legitimacy, Deterrence and Collective Action Theories“. British Journal of Criminology 59, Nr. 6 (03.05.2019): 1390–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azz030.

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Abstract In explaining public willingness to cooperate with the police, researchers have disproportionally emphasized legitimacy. Deterrence is presumed to be irrelevant; where it is considered, the approach appears perfunctory. Using survey data from 530 young adults in Ghana, this study examines the relative importance of deterrence and legitimacy perceptions in shaping willingness to report corruption transactions to the police. The results showed that perceptions of legitimacy did not affect the young adults’ willingness to report corruption to the police. The most important and consistent predictors of willingness to report corruption to the police were deterrence-based perceptions, specifically, of the certainty of being apprehended for engaging in corrupt transactions, of the severity of sanctions against such transactions and of the perceived cooperative intentions of other citizens. Deterrence proved particularly salient among those who claimed ignorance of where to report corrupt transactions.

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Brenner, Philip S. „Can Phishing Tank Survey Response Rates? Evidence from a Natural Experiment“. Field Methods 31, Nr. 4 (11.09.2019): 295–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1525822x19872443.

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In today’s survey climate, many individuals doubt the legitimacy of survey invitations. Phishing, an Internet-based fraud that tricks users into disclosing private information, has the potential to further erode the perceived legitimacy of e-mailed survey invitations and harm cooperation. However, no study has tested the effect of phishing on response rates. This article reports on a natural experiment examining phishing’s effect on survey response. University faculty and staff received an invitation to participate in an annual web survey on satisfaction with information technology (IT) services followed by a request to participate in a second “survey” ostensibly sent by another university department. However, the second survey invitation was a simulated phishing attack sent by the IT department. Analysis of response rates and the timing of responses from each of the last five years of the legitimate survey suggests that the phishing simulation dramatically reduced response compared to predictions based on previous years.

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Ferguson, Eamonn, und Philip Corr. „Blood, sex, personality, power, and altruism: Factors influencing the validity of strong reciprocity“. Behavioral and Brain Sciences 35, Nr. 1 (31.01.2012): 25–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0140525x11001245.

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AbstractIt is argued that the generality of strong reciprocity theory (SRT) is limited by the existence of anonymous spontaneous cooperation, maintained in the absence of punishment, despite free-riding. We highlight how individual differences, status, sex, and the legitimacy of non-cooperation need to be examined to increase the internal and ecological validity of SRT experiments and, ultimately, SRT's external validity.

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Jackson, Jonathan, und Ben Bradford. „Blurring the Distinction Between Empirical and Normative Legitimacy? A Methodological Commentary on ‘Police Legitimacy and Citizen Cooperation in China’“. Asian Journal of Criminology 14, Nr. 4 (01.06.2019): 265–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11417-019-09289-w.

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Leslie, Ellen M., Adrian Cherney, Andrew Smirnov, Helene Wells, Robert Kemp und Jake M. Najman. „Willingness to cooperate with police: A population-based study of Australian young adult illicit stimulant users“. Criminology & Criminal Justice 17, Nr. 3 (02.10.2016): 301–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1748895816671382.

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While procedural justice has been highlighted as a key strategy for promoting cooperation with police, little is known about this model’s applicability to subgroups engaged in illegal behaviour, such as illicit drug users. This study compares willingness to cooperate with police and belief in police legitimacy, procedural justice and law legitimacy among a population-based sample of Australian young adult amphetamine-type stimulant (ATS; i.e. ecstasy and methamphetamine) users and non-users. We then examine predictors of willingness to cooperate among ATS users. ATS users were significantly less willing to cooperate with police and had significantly lower perceptions of police legitimacy, procedural justice and law legitimacy, compared to non-users. However, belief in police legitimacy independently predicted willingness to cooperate among ATS users. We set out to discuss the implications of these findings for policing, including the role of procedural justice in helping police deliver harm reduction strategies.

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Kerr, Christa-Gaye. „Sovereign Immunity, the AU, and the ICC: Legitimacy Undermined“. Michigan Journal of International Law, Nr. 41.1 (2020): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.36642/mjil.41.1.sovereign.

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This note examines how the International Criminal Court’s indictment of African leaders has led to a breakdown in the relationship between the Court and the African Union and offers solutions to repair this relationship. In particular, the ICC’s blanket rejection of sovereign immunity and its close relationship with the UNSC delegitimize the Court. As an organization that relies on the cooperation of states across the world, this is something the Court cannot afford. The ICC’s decade-long fight with the African Union over the disproportionate number of charges leveled against African nationals has weakened its stature with African states. This has led the AU to call for a mass withdrawal of African nations from the ICC and to propose the implementation of its own regional court to handle international matters. As a solution to repair its relationship with the AU, this note proposes that the Court sever or lessen its relationship with the United Nations Security Council, which causes it to be more political than its original mandate intended; return to the broad principles of justice that convinced African nations to sign the Rome Statute; and work with the legal and cultural institutions of the region to help foster cooperation among interested parties.

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Postel-Vinay, Karoline. „Globalization 4.0 and New Modes of International Cooperation“. International Organisations Research Journal 15, Nr. 2 (01.06.2020): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/1996-7845-2020-02-04.

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Since the late 19th century, the international scene has witnessed several waves of globalization that have transformed regulation and cooperation between nations. The current wave – that economists have defined as “globalization 4.0” – is shaped by an industrial revolution that combines digital, physical and biological transformations. Digital technology has a deep structural impact on public and private goods such as health, education, transportation or energy, which changes the terms of the global condition. It disrupts both the organization of societies and the relation between individuals and globalization. Compared to previous waves of globalization, globalization 4.0 affects the international system and runs throughout the global social fabric by increasing throughout the world the level of inequalities and by triggering subsequent polarization and fragmentation. In this global context, our current modes of cooperation and regulation are facing growing issues of legitimacy and efficiency, that are not entirely new, but that are now becoming particularly acute. Those issues of legitimacy and efficiency are furthermore complicated by a shared experience of disconnection from globalization – the rise of the globalization’s so-called “left-behinds” – that could be characterized as a form of anomy at the international level. This complex challenge has not yet been fully embraced by the major institutions of global governance. There have been however responses at the sub-global level: connectivity politics, launched by China and followed by the European Union, is one illustration of the new paths that might be taken by global policy makers.

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Kim, Hyo Jin, Woo Yeol Jung und Soo Chang Lee. „Fostering Public Cooperation with the Police : Testing the Impact of Police Legitimacy“. International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology 4, Nr. 4 (30.12.2016): 38–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17703/ijact2016.4.4.38.

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Stuenkel, Oliver. „The Financial Crisis, Contested Legitimacy, and the Genesis of Intra-BRICS Cooperation“. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and International Organizations 19, Nr. 4 (19.08.2013): 611–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19426720-01904008.

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Giegerich, Bastian, und Eva Gross. „Squaring the Circle? Leadership and Legitimacy in European Security and Defence Cooperation“. International Politics 43, Nr. 4 (September 2006): 500–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8800170.

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Kochel, Tammy Rinehart, Roger Parks und Stephen D. Mastrofski. „Examining Police Effectiveness as a Precursor to Legitimacy and Cooperation with Police“. Justice Quarterly 30, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2013): 895–925. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2011.633544.

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Daoudy, Marwa. „Water weaponization in the Syrian conflict: strategies of domination and cooperation“. International Affairs 96, Nr. 5 (01.09.2020): 1347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa131.

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Abstract How do actors weaponize water in intrastate conflicts? Existing typologies of water weaponization make deterministic differentiations between state and non-state actors and invoke opaque labels like ‘terrorism’. Furthermore, these typologies ignore how various actors engaged in violent conflict also cooperate over water, and whether water weaponization occurs beyond war. I propose a new typology for water weaponization in an analysis of the case of Syria, drawing on the leaked ‘ISIS papers’ as well as primary sources and interviews. The study begins by charting how the Ba'athist regime used water as a weapon of domination and legitimacy against its Kurdish population with infrastructure that would later facilitate the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria's (ISIS) ability to take hold of northeast Syria. I then turn to how non-state armed groups like ISIS and the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) have adopted strategies of water weaponization similar to the Syrian government by targeting and channelling water systems with major tactical implications. Finally, I show how enemy parties such as ISIS and the al-Assad regime weaponized cooperative water agreements to advance their mutual interests with violent implications for civilians. As such, I sort strategies of water weaponization into four categories: domination and legitimacy, military tools, military targets, and cooperation. In doing so, this new typology makes three main contributions, by: 1) accounting for how water is weaponized in state-society relations outside conflict; 2) refining existing definitions of water as a military tool and target; and 3) appraising the weapon-like effects of water cooperation.

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SLAUGHTER, STEVEN. „The prospects of deliberative global governance in the G20: legitimacy, accountability, and public contestation“. Review of International Studies 39, Nr. 1 (11.04.2012): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000058.

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AbstractThis article contends that the ‘G’ system struggles to play a legitimate and effective role in global governance and argues that the G20 could play a important role if the forum was more publically accountable. This article argues that because of increasing forms of public contestation, the broadening agenda of the G8 and G20 and the uncertain status of global cooperation, that the legitimacy of the ‘G’ system is being questioned. As such, it is appropriate to consider deliberative avenues whereby public views could be considered by the G20 in a systematic way to foster forms of accountability. This consideration is animated by deliberative democracy theory and republican theory which advance a normative agenda which seeks to transform governance structures by enhancing the role of deliberation and public reasoning in political life. The article outlines the development of the ‘G’ system's legitimacy, considers possible modes of accountability and public involvement with respect to the G20 and examines the implications of more formalised public deliberation with respect to the G20.

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Hamm, J. A., R. Trinkner und J. D. Carr. „Fair Process, Trust, and Cooperation: Moving Toward an Integrated Framework of Police Legitimacy“. Criminal Justice and Behavior 44, Nr. 9 (13.06.2017): 1183–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0093854817710058.

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Positive public perceptions are a critical pillar of the criminal justice system, but the literature addressing them often fails to offer clear advice regarding the important constructs or the relationships among them. The research reported here sought to take an important step toward this clarity by recruiting a national convenience sample to complete an online survey about the police in the respondent’s community, which included measures of the process-based model of legitimacy and the classic model of trust. Our results suggest that although both are predictive, the models can be integrated in a way that allows the strengths of each model to address the weaknesses of the other. We therefore present this model as a first step toward an Integrated Framework of Police Legitimacy that can meaningfully incorporate much of the existing scholarship and provide clearer guidance for those who seek to address these constructs in research and practice.

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Luber, Sławomir. „Who needs lobbying? The usefulness of interest representation in the European Union from the European Commission's point of view“. Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 35 (10.06.2021): 69–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.35.5.

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The article addresses issues related to the use of cooperation with lobbying groups for the European Commission. The main subject of the paper is the representation of interests in the European Union arena and the Commission’s exercise of its treaty competences. The analysis focuses on the use of expert knowledge and legitimacy provided by lobbying groups in the context of their usefulness in the process of fulfilling the Commission’s legal obligations. The arguments are classified into four groups: legislative, executive and supervisory, organisational, and legitimacy. In each of the groups, the Commission’s Treaty obligations are analysed, as well as the use of particular goods provided by lobbying groups in the course of their implementation, which allows to determine of the scope of benefits resulting from such cooperation. The purpose of this article is to examine the usefulness of lobbying in fulfilling the Commission’s Treaty functions.

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Heinzelmann Portella de Aguiar, Mônica. „Tripartite periodization of the Antarctic Treaty System from a systemic perspective“. Relaciones Internacionales 28, Nr. 56 (08.08.2019): 37–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/23142766e054.

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In 1959, twelve countries with a strong record of interest in Antarctica signed a Treaty allowing accessibility to all signatories wishing to conduct peaceful scientific research. The Antarctic Treaty established science and international cooperation as its cornerstones but raised controversies because of its hosting of sovereignty claims over Antarctic territory. This research aims to fill a gap in literature proposing a strict periodization of the Antarctic Treaty System under a systemic perspective. The paper also examines Brazil's accession into the Treaty. Using as indicators of legitimacy the increase in membership and the transparency of decision-making processes, the author argues that the Antarctic Treaty System has become recognized as a legitimate international regime.

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Underhill, Geoffrey R. D. „Keeping governments out of politics: transnational securities markets, regulatory cooperation, and political legitimacy“. Review of International Studies 21, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 251–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117681.

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The emergence of transnational markets in securities issuance and trading is a dramatic development in the contemporary financial services sector with larger consequences for national policy-making. The liberalization of access to domestic securities exchanges, the progressive reduction of regulatory restrictions leading to product innovation such as derivatives trading, the growing involvement of transnational banks in securities dealing, and the elimination of capital controls have all combined to yield rapid change over the past fifteen years. The process is, however, relatively poorly researched. Folklore about the global markets abounds but much remains to be done to put the global integration of the markets into perspective and understand its complexity. Specifically, there has been a failure to analyse the consequences of the liberalization and transnationalization of financial markets for democratic political systems in an increasingly global market economy.

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Tyler, Tom R., und Jonathan Jackson. „Popular legitimacy and the exercise of legal authority: Motivating compliance, cooperation, and engagement.“ Psychology, Public Policy, and Law 20, Nr. 1 (2014): 78–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/a0034514.

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Abdenur, Adriana Erthal. „China and the BRICS Development Bank: Legitimacy and Multilateralism in South-South Cooperation“. IDS Bulletin 45, Nr. 4 (Juli 2014): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1759-5436.12095.

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Fedorovsky, A., und V. Shvydko. „Inter-Korean Relations: Political Role of Regional Powers“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 2 (2014): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-2-83-91.

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Missile launches and nuclear tests by DPRK in 2013 undermined inter-Korean cooperation and regional stability. The primary purpose of these activities was to strengthen legitimacy of Kim Jong Un’s administration. South Korean president Park Geun-Hye’s trustpolitik policy focused on improving mutual understanding and developing step-by-step inter-Korean cooperation. Regional powers jointly opposed North Korea’s missile and nuclear programs, but failed to elaborate common understanding on policies to promote security in the Korean peninsula as well as on prospects for the unification of Korea.

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Láncos, Petra Lea. „Flexibility and Legitimacy - The Emissions Trading System under the Kyoto Protocol“. German Law Journal 9, Nr. 11 (01.11.2008): 1625–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200000602.

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In the field of environmental law, be it on the domestic or the international level, it is especially difficult to develop effective regulatory systems and systems for sanctions to enforce obligations. The legal solutions employed under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, as well as the Kyoto Protocol, constitute a fascinating attempt to address these problems, providing “a huge testing ground for the legal instruments of environmental policy, at the international as well as on the lower levels,” mirroring “enormous creativity in the design of regulatory approaches.” Even though the Kyoto Protocol, “if fully implemented, will not … avert or even slow climate change,” it serves as a fine example of emerging international composite administrations, where multiple actors participate in transnational institutions of a multilevel system, serving the common goal of mitigating climate change. The climate change regime's unique regard to flexibility in fulfillment is particularly prominent. This is complemented by especially stringent and complex compliance mechanisms, which have no parallel in other international forms of cooperation. A further significant characteristic of the system is the high degree of legitimacy enjoyed by its institutional organization, its procedures and procedural outcomes. Thus, the international cooperation under the framework of the Kyoto Protocol is a landmark: it achieves not only flexibility but also a high degree of legitimacy and represents a more mature example of the exercise of public authority by international institutions.

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Cooperation and legitimacy“

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