Dissertationen zum Thema „Cooperation and legitimacy“

Using the IAEA as a case for focused study, this thesis argues that the construction and reconstruction of the Secretariat’s legitimacy has been dependant upon several different legitimating influences at different stages in the IAEA’s evolution. In brief, it will be demonstrated that early on, in the absence of clear non-proliferation norms, power wielded by critical and self-interested actors functioned as the primary legitimator – promoting early development and insulating the organization from outside pressures. However, based upon this particular case, I will also argue that state power alone is insufficient to guarantee legitimacy and the exercise of international public authority, especially in light of the degree to which these institutions are increasingly expected to challenge the territorial sovereignty of member states. In order for an organization to acquire adequate legitimacy to exercise public authority over the long term, it must develop beyond the point at which state power is instrumental, and assume a degree of organizational autonomy. This happened with the evolution of organizational expertise recognizing the IAEA’s bureaucracy as an authority, development of specific nonproliferation rules and norms that placed the IAEA in authority, and “right” processes within the bureaucracy that reinforced these and other substantive norms, positioning the Secretariat as a trusted agent within international society. Thus, the development of a professional identity, successful norms and rules, and the elaboration of a “right” process were key to the creation of legitimacy, and as a consequence, the Secretariat’s exercise of public authority in support of the safeguards regime.

This thesis investigates how peace operations work. It contributes to the larger study of peace operation effectiveness by analysing the processes through which these institutions influence local actors in postconflict societies. Looking beyond traditional concerns with mandates and resources, it aims to understand how a peace operation seeks to achieve its goals, focusing on why local populations might cooperate with or obstruct its activities. The thesis draws on theories of social power, compliance and legitimation to answer four central questions: what power do peace operations have to achieve their objectives? From where do peace operations derive power? How do local perceptions of an operation enable or constrain its effectiveness? How are peace operations legitimised at the local level, and with what effect? It begins by critically reviewing the academic literature, arguing that existing approaches are unable to account for important dimensions of peace operation effectiveness because they neglect the local setting in which operations pursue their goals, and the extent to which the achievement of those goals requires local cooperation. It then develops an analytical framework to examine the processes of coercion, inducement and legitimacy through which peace operations seek to shape the decisions and actions of local actors. This power-legitimacy framework is applied to study the effectiveness of the United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia (UNTAC) and the Regional Assistance Mission in Solomon Islands (RAMSI). By comparing variation in local cooperation between and within these cases, the thesis shows that the way a peace operation is locally perceived is an important but often overlooked determinant of its effectiveness. In particular, when local actors perceive a peace operation to be legitimate, they are more likely to behave in ways that assist the operation to achieve its goals. The thesis concludes by discussing the implications of this finding for the future study and practice of peace operations.

The concept of partnership has emerged to highlight donor-recipient relationships within international development, where both large and small actors has adopted the concept that defines a contractual relationship on equality where partners have chosen to work collaboratively with agreed objectives, roles, and responsibilities. However, a common cited constraint to the formation of partnerships is the distorted power relationship in the form of e.g. differences in resources, motives and control between Northern and Southern partners. The overall aim of this study is to show how the partnership rhetoric is reflected in the development cooperation between Swedish Forum Syd and two of their partner organisations in Tanzania under prevailing circumstances. In doing so, the study focuses on theories of legitimacy, resource-dependency and social control. Linked to the empirical results of the studied partnerships, the thesis attempts to examine whether a desired authentic partnership discourse really has been possible to accomplish on the ground or not. Three qualitative methods have been used in this study, semi-structured interviews, ethnographic text analyses, and participant observations. The results that have been analysed with the theoretical framework of choice, shows that it is difficult to form any "authentic partnership" when there are differences regarding power, motives, needs and access to information between the partners, which in turn are the result of scarcity of resources and the dependency on them.

Saudi Arabia is being challenged by increasing demands for democratic reform. Although many Saudi citizens desire such change, in order to maintain stability, dramatic and rapid reform is not considered prudent. Nor is the adoption of a Western model of democracy seen as a way forward. Indeed, such a shift would be counterproductive for most Islamic nations. A more measured approach, introducing reforms that build on traditional Islamic democratic ideals, would help to maintain stability and legitimacy for the various stakeholders involved. Consequently, attention has been turned to the ‘Majlis Al Shura’ or the Al-Shura Council, an Islamic Advisory Council that ensures policies and laws follow the principles of Islam. Shura, developed from the Holy Quran, is an ancient practice that has profound significance in Arab culture and history. It provides a framework which ensures scholars and experts from a variety of backgrounds are consulted on issues related to governance. Currently, the role the members play in governance of the Saudi State is decided by the King, who appoints individuals to the Council according to their perceived suitability. However, the Saudi Arabian Al-Shura Council is a highly respected institution. Allowing citizens to elect members, rather than having the King holding the authority to appoint them, would not only be well received, but would create a more effective check on governmental power, help satisfy the demand for more citizen input into public affairs, and pave the way for future, more substantial reform, if desired by Saudi society.

A common discussion within the international development cooperation discourse is that of ownership and dependency. A discussion which has become of great significance within the context of Myanmar as more and more international and foreign development agencies and organizations have been aloud into the country during the major structural reform process Myanmar is currently undergoing. When the state, as a public service provider, is not able to supply what is needed within the villages around Myanmar these international and foreign organizations and agencies become of great importance as they have access to the necessary funds to provide these services. The support to the villages is often distributed through the most deeply rooted and inclusive forum there are within these villages, namely community committees. This study investigates how the vertical relationship between the INGOs, their local partner NGOs and the community committees affect the role and possibly the legitimacy of the community committees. This is done through a case study of a village that is currently provided support through its two community committees by two INGOs and their local partner NGO. To understand the role and legitimacy interviews have been conducted with the legitimizing environment of the community committees as well as with the community committees and the local NGO themselves to try to identify the affects of the aid on the perceived role and legitimacy of the community committees. The study found that the relationship does have a significant affect on the role and legitimacy of the community committees. It seems that the relationship does, through a top-down approach, influence the community committees to monopolize the definition of development within their village. Due to this the community they are based within also considers the community committees legitimate.

The current scholarly literature on the international mediation of armed conflicts predominantly draws on a rationalist-materialist perspective. This perspective suggests that the ticket to mediation success is the material manipulation of the bargaining environment by third parties with a high degree of economic and military resources. In this dissertation I argue against those that highlight material power when explaining outcomes of international mediation processes. Indeed, this dissertation shows that legitimacy, far more than capacity, determines outcomes of mediation. The reason why legitimacy matters so much is that if a mediator has legitimacy, it can continue to look for a mutual satisfactory outcome and try to pull the conflict parties towards compliance, but if a mediator loses legitimacy, no amount of material resources will prove sufficient in mediating the conflict. In other words, material capacity in the form of economic and military resources may be useful to successfully mediate a conflict, but it is rarely sufficient. Through scrutinising international mediation processes in civil wars in Africa, I develop a theory that explains how mediators are effective because of a high degree of legitimacy rather than military or economic capacity. More specifically, I show how legitimacy matters through comparing the effectiveness of African and non-African third parties. African third parties are typically referred to as ineffective because of a low degree of economic and military capacity. However, African third parties are effective in mediating civil wars in Africa because of a high degree of legitimacy, which is a result of a strong conviction within the African society of states that African mediation is the most desirable type of mediation in conflicts in Africa. Drawing on data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program supplemented with unique data, which together cover all mediation efforts in Africa between 1960 and 2012, I find quantitative evidence supporting the effectiveness of African third parties. Compared to non-African third parties, African third parties are far more likely to conclude peace agreements and these peace agreements are more likely to be durable. Two case studies, in which several mediation efforts in civil wars in Sudan are examined, further probe the causal mechanisms that I put forward to explain the effectiveness of African mediation. While I do not claim causal generalisability on the basis of these two case studies, the mediation efforts in Sudan nevertheless suggest that third party legitimacy is central to mediation success. This is the first systematic study that compares African and non-African mediation efforts. Theoretically, this study deviates from much of the literature that solely puts forward rationalist-materialist explanations of mediation success. By bringing legitimacy to the forefront, this dissertation overcomes key limitations in the current mediation literature, in which material sources of power are emphasised and social structures are ignored.

Police legitimacy is fundamental to the relationship between the state, citizens and their police, and this is nowhere more challenging than in public order policing contexts. Procedural Justice (PJ) and the Elaborated Social Identity Model (ESIM) have gained dominance in UK policing as the means of establishing greater perceptions of police legitimacy and public compliance and cooperation with the police and the law. Much of the theorising and empirical research in this field has been conducted with regard to police reform, complaint handling, crime reduction and sporting event policing. However, there are limitations to both PJ and the ESIM approaches within public order contexts. PJ and the ESIM assume that violence and disorder stem from a failure of policing to create perceptions of police legitimacy. However, this is problematic for the policing of protest and public order for three interrelated reasons. Firstly, there are occasions when violence occurs despite the police use of PJ and ESIM approaches. Secondly, ignoring or underplaying this detail serves to demoralise the police and undermines their trust in using PJ and the ESIM. Thirdly, an insistence on police use of PJ and ESIM as the exclusively legitimate means of dealing with violence and disorder, ignores different approaches to police legitimacy that are not found within the PJ or ESIM literature. The findings presented in the thesis suggest that PJ and the ESIM do not necessarily work in protest contexts, because protesters’ self-policing, a key claim of the ESIM, does not necessarily equate to compliance with the law and authority. Personal values and moral legitimacy are important aspects of protest contexts that feature less prominently than required within the PJ and ESIM research. The thesis argues that police legitimacy, defined empirically, needs to be understood with regard to the policing context. It is in this respect that the thesis claims an original contribution by identifying and explaining contextually based influences associated with the construction and shaping of protester perceptions of police legitimacy and their attitudes to compliance and cooperation. The thesis uses a mixed method approach to examine the claim of PJ and the ESIM that fair and respectful treatment garners increased perceptions of police legitimacy and creates compliance and cooperation with the law and the police. The empirical research comprises an exploratory quantitative survey (n=40), qualitative interviews (n=79) and non-participant observations at thirteen protest events in London between 2010 and 2015. The findings establish that while the general claims of PJ hold and that social identity forms part of perceived police legitimacy, protesters’ perceptions need to be understood contextually. A contextually driven model of police legitimacy (CDM) developed from empirical data is presented, it suggests that additional influences other than fair and respectful policing play a determining role in constructing and shaping protester perceptions of police legitimacy and their attitudes to compliance and cooperation. The theoretical implications are considered and professional practice recommendations for the policing of protest are presented.

All Norwegian regions are represented with permanent offices and are engaged in different activities in the EU capital. This thesis investigates the regional and network level of EU policy-making, and asks the questions of what Norwegian regions are doing in Brussels; if are they are able to influence EU policy; and what effect participation in transnational policy networks have on their abilities to influence EU policy. To answer this, it applies a theoretical framework comprised of multi-level governance and the policy network approach to conduct an analysis of empirical data collected through interviews with different actors in Brussels. The present thesis argues that participation in transnational policy networks improve Norwegian regions' abilities to influence EU policy through being 'representations of scale'.

Le droit à la santé est un droit universel des peuples, reconnu internationalement par l’Organisation mondiale de la santé et en France par le code de la santé publique. Mais l’évolution de la démographie et de l’épidémiologie expliquent les volontés de rationalisation des politiques publiques et de maîtrise des coûts des systèmes de santé. L’hôpital, institution multiséculaire, a toujours tenté d’adapter son organisation pour répondre aux besoins sanitaires des populations ; il occupe une place centrale du dispositif de santé et sa pharmacie un rôle clé dans la bonne gestion du médicament, en partenariat avec les services cliniques utilisateurs.La littérature en sciences de gestion présente de précieuses grilles de lecture pour éclairer le fonctionnement de l’hôpital. La théorie socio-économique propose un traitement des dysfonctionnements organisationnels et une approche managériale intégrée. Les théories de la coopération et de la légitimité organisationnelle complètent les concepts académiques mobilisés au service de la reconnaissance et de l’efficience de la pharmacie à usage intérieur de l’hôpital.La recherche des terrains d’observation a été guidée par la posture épistémologique et le choix méthodologique ; la recherche-intervention a favorisé une approche globale du terrain, facilité l’intégration d’autres outils de management et participé à renforcer le processus médico-pharmaceutique à travers diverses actions menées avec les acteurs du service pharmacie, à destination des utilisateurs du médicament. Ce travail a permis la mise en évidence de couples de « coopération-légitimité » permettant de mieux identifier les zones de coopération et de légitimité traditionnelle, fonctionnelle, relationnelle et décisionnelle de la pharmacie hospitalière avec les parties prenantes
The right to health is a universal right of peoples, internationally acknowledged by the World Health Organization and , in France, by the Code of Public Health. But, the evolution of demography and epidemiology explains the will to rationalize public policies and to master the costs of health systems. Hospitals, centuries old institutions, have always tried to adapt their organizations to meet the health needs of populations ; they occupy central places in health systems and their pharmacies play key roles in the good management of medicines, in partnership with clinical services.The literature of management sciences provides precious reading grids to shed light on the running of hospitals. The socio-economic theory provides a way of dealing with organization misgovernments and an integrated management approach. The theories of cooperation and legitimacy in organizations supplement the academic concepts summoned up in favour of the recognition and the efficiency of pharmacies inside hospitals.The research of fields of observation was guided by an epistemiological posture and a methodogical choice; intervention-research favoured a global approach of those fields, made the integration of other management tools easier and took part in the strengthening of the medico-pharmarceutic process via various actions taken with pharmacy service actors aimed at medicine users.This work provided help to bring to the fore “cooperation-legitimacy” couples and to make possible a better identification of zones of cooperation and legitimacy at the same time traditional, functional, relational and involving decisions as well , in hospital pharmacies with the interested parties

The aim of this study has been to get a better understanding of school counselors experience of their room for maneuver in a pedagogical environment. Consequently, examine the meaning of legitimacy and cooperation with other professions within the school. Our study emanates from six semi-structured qualitative interviews with school counselors that have been analyzed from a thematic analysis. The study consists mainly of three key concepts room for maneuver, cooperation and legitimacy. The result shows that there is a duality around their perception of these key concepts. School counselors find both strengths and difficulties in their profession and role at the school. Our conclusion is that school counselors need a clearer job description and support from mainly principals to enable the work more health-promoting and preventive in school. The school counselors described a desire for a central manager with an educational background more similar to theirs in order to make it easier for them to find their role at the school. ,

L’identification et l’examen des différentes facultés de poursuite des chefs d’État en droit international enregistrent de nombreuses mutations intervenues dans le système de protection que leur reconnaît le droit international. Réelles ou apparentes, ces mutations marquent une forme de rupture avec l’illusion qui fait croire que le souverain est irresponsable. En effet, depuis le XXe siècle, et de façon plus significative depuis le XXIe siècle, l’implication des détenteurs de l’autorité de l’État dans la commission de nombreuses atrocités a introduit des variables dans le régime des immunités, rendant ainsi possible leur mise en accusation sur le fondement du principe de non-immunité. Celle-ci peut être ouverte, pour crimes graves, devant certaines juridictions pénales internationales, dont la plus emblématique est la Cour pénale internationale, ou par le biais de mécanismes ambitieux, comme la compétence universelle, et innovants, comme les juridictions mixtes. Toutes ces institutions pénales constituent, en fait, des pôles d’évaluation du principe de non-immunité. La mise en cause des gouvernants pour corruption ou crimes économiques et financiers est considérée par le sujet, même si l’état du droit en la matière est plus modeste. Il faut donc imaginer à cet égard, de lege feranda, une contribution de l’irresponsabilité au développement de la responsabilité pour crime de «vol contre l’humanité». Dans l’ensemble, on ne saurait négliger l’important rôle joué par les règles du droit international humanitaire ainsi que par la montée en puissance d’une certaine éthique mondiale dans la gestion du pouvoir d’État. Mais en toutes ces matières, la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale des chefs d’État recèle d’importantes difficultés, cristallisées notamment par les débats autour de l’équité, la légitimité et de l’universalité de la justice pénale internationale ainsi que de la coopération des États. Aussi, l’idée d’une certaine évolution du droit des immunités pénales devant les juridictions internationales (Partie 1) et celle d’une évolution aléatoire devant les juridictions internationalisées et nationales étrangères (Partie 2) retiennent particulièrement l’attention. Au demeurant, entre l’effet d’annonce que la qualité officielle de chef d’État n’exonère en aucun cas de la responsabilité pénale et le droit vivant, il existe un hiatus qui fait dire que l'évolution du droit international n'a pas radicalement entamé le "pronostic" vital" des immunités pénales
The identification and the scrutiny of the prosecutions of heads of State in international law show that there have been many developments in the system of protection that international law grants them. Real or apparent, these developments represent a type of break with the illusion that allows us to believe that the sovereign is irresponsible. Indeed, during the 20th century, and in a more significant way in the 21st century, the involvement of high-ranking state officials in the commission ofnumerous atrocities has introduced variables into the immunities system, allowing for their indictment on the basis of the principle of non-immunity. So, they can be indicted, for serious primes, by international criminal jurisdictions, the most symbolic of which is the International Criminal Court, or by means of ambitious mechanisms such as universal, or even innovative as mixed jurisdictions. All of them provide, in fact, grounds for evaluating the principle of non-immunity. The indictment of high-ranking state officials for corruption or economic and financial crimesis considered, even if the scope of the law is more modest. It is thus necessary to imagine in this respect, de lege feranda, that the irresponsibility of heads of State may contribute to the development of the responsibility for “Theft Crimeagainst Humanity”. Overall, the important role played by humanitarian international law as well as by the increase in agreed ethics in the management of State power cannot be neglected. But in all these subjects, the implementation of the criminal responsibility of heads of State presents significant challenges, crystallized in particular by the debates around the equity, the legitimacy and the universality of the international criminal justice system aswell as the cooperation from States. So, the idea of a certain evolution of the law of criminal immunities before the international jurisdictions (Part 1) and that of a random evolution before the internationalized and foreign national jurisdictions (Part 2) particularly holds our attention. Finally, between the announcement that the official capacity as a head of State can in no case exempt them from criminal responsibility and the living law, there is a hiatus which can make us think that the evolution of international law has not radically affected the criminal immunities

Syftet är att undersöka Läns-SLAKO, samrådsorganet inom vård- och omsorgsområdet mellan kommunerna och landstinget i Östergötland. Målsättningen är att ge kunskap om de bakomliggande orsakerna till uppbyggnaden av Läns-SLAKO, att ge kunskap om hur samrådet fungerar idag samt möjliga förklaringar till varför samverkan fungerar eller inte. Fokus ligger på att undersöka vilken betydelse tillit mellan de ingående parterna har, för att åstadkomma en fungerande samverkan. Syftet är också att undersöka huruvida graden av tillit påverkar legitimiteten för Läns-SLAKO som politiskt organ.   Studien har utförts som en fallstudie med Läns-SLAKO som enda undersökningsobjekt. Det är en lämplig metod när syftet är att undersöka en nutida företeelse på djupet och i dess verkliga sammanhang. Den empiriska undersökningen bygger på skriftlig dokumentation, huvudsakligen sammanträdesprotokoll, och på samtalsintervjuer.   Undersökningen visar ett klart samband mellan parternas ömsesidiga förtroende för varandra och en fungerande samverkan som kommer medborgarna till del. Nödvändigheten av att nå konsensus i Läns-SLAKO försvåras av att såväl kommuner som landsting är komplexa organisationer med sinsemellan olika styrlogiker. Statliga beslut inom vård-och omsorgsområdet påverkar såväl vilka uppgifter Läns-SLAKO arbetar med som hur väl samrådet fungerar och detta har varierat över tid. För närvarande står frågan om överflyttning av hemsjukvården från landstinget till kommunerna på agendan. Om Läns-SLAKO misslyckas att finna en konsensuslösning kan det få allvarliga följder för den fortsatta samverkan. Om tilliten försvinner mellan parterna kan processen att återuppbygga den bli både lång och mödosam.
The purpose was to examine Läns-SLAKO as a model for cooperation in healthcare issues for municipalities and the County Council of Östergötland, Sweden. The study aimed at increasing the knowledge concerning the forming and development of Läns-SLAKO. The study also aimed at finding relevant factors to explain why or why not the cooperation is successful. The study focuses on evaluating if the      organization of the network   the      degree of trust and reciprocity the      link between trust and legitimacy are factors of relevance. The study was designed as a case study. The method is suitable for an empirical study investigating a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context. The empirical study is based on interviews with key-persons and mainly on meeting protocols.   The study suggests a clear connection between reciprocity and trust and successful cooperation. The influence of the precondition to reach consensus highly increases complexity. The participants need to have the same weight of mandate within their own organizations. With a lower degree of trust and reciprocity the cooperation may be at risk although the participants know they may benefit. The trust and reciprocity is currently under pressure by the central decision to transfer part of the responsibility for the home based care from the county council to the municipality. The government has left the organizations to find an agreement. If Läns-SLAKO fails a severe lack of trust may result. This may impact future cooperation. To loose trust may be a quick process. To regain trust takes time.

This thesis challenges two key assumptions made in the current Islamic banking literature. Firstly, this thesis challenges and empirically invalidates the assumption that all Islamic banks are indistinguishable from their conventional counterparts and are thus equally unIslamic. To do so, this thesis uses the profit and loss sharing (PLS) criteria, which is central to the philosophy of Islamic banking and is the key principle differentiating Islamic from conventional banking, in theory and practice. By investigating variation in PLS levels between Islamic banks and comparing with conventional banks with and without Islamic windows, this thesis illustrates that the Islamic banking industry does not comprise a homogeneous group of banks that are all indistinguishable from their conventional counterparts. Rather, a typology of Islamic banks exists, comprising of three distinct groups of banks, each one following a different business model. While one group can genuinely be considered indistinguishable from conventional banks, another group shows clear evidence of pursuing PLS-oriented strategies in formulating its asset portfolio, differentiating itself from the purely debt-based intermediation model adopted by conventional banks. As such, empirical evidence shows that some Islamic banks are, in practice, operating closer to the PLS principle and can thus be considered more Islamic than others. Further investigation illustrates that the institutional environment matters for the provision of ideal PLS Islamic financing instruments. Secondly, this thesis overcomes two methodological issues to compare the corporate social performance (CSP) of Islamic and conventional banks. In doing so, this thesis challenges the second identified assumption from the literature, that religion-specific category of corporate social responsibility (CSR) is particular to Islamic banking, and invalidates it on conceptual, theoretical and empirical basis. A novel CSP Index based on the evidence-based disclosure criteria, comprising of 6 dimensions and 25 social performance indicators is constructed and complemented with three Social Performance Quantitative Indicators (SPQIs) to compare the CSP of Islamic and conventional banks. From this comparison, this thesis concludes that, contrary to the industry s claims and expectations held of it, Islamic banking does not offer an ethical alternative to conventional banking. Differences in the level and composition of CSP between the two industries are more subtle and require a nuanced approach to be studied.

Afin de remédier aux difficultés liées à la complexité de l’organisation territoriale de l’échelon communal et face à l’échec des politiques de fusion des communes pourtant adoptées par la plupart des pays européens, le législateur s’est engagé dans la voie de la coopération intercommunale à fiscalité propre avec la loi du 31 décembre 1966 relative aux communautés urbaines. Ce choix, matérialisé par la création d’établissements publics de coopération intercommunale à fiscalité propre, est marqué du sceau du compromis conciliant la nécessaire optimisation de l’action publique territoriale et le souhait de préserver l’entité communale, si chère aux administrés et aux élus locaux.Toute la philosophie de la construction de ce nouvel échelon territorial, généralisée avec la loi du 12 juillet 1999 relative au renforcement et à la simplification de la coopération intercommunale, puis intensifiée à compter de la loi du 16 décembre 2010 de réforme des collectivités territoriales, est imprégnée de la tentative de conciliation entre ces deux volontés antagonistes. Pour preuve, alors que le processus continu de construction des établissements publics de coopération intercommunale à fiscalité propre, avec le concours des préfets, est fondé sur le transfert progressif du pouvoir d’action des communes au profit des structures intercommunales, le législateur s’est toujours refusé à sacrifier l’échelon communal. Or, cette renonciation hypothèque l’aboutissement du processus. L’obstination du législateur à faire de la coopération intercommunale à fiscalité propre un modèle institutionnel pérenne capable de procéder à une réorganisation efficace de l’échelon communal n’est plus compatible avec les moyens conférés aux E.P.C.I. Le résultat ne peut donc être qu’inabouti. Désormais concurrencée par de nouveaux modèles institutionnels, la construction de la coopération intercommunale reste inachevée. Surtout, le cadre juridique qui est applicable à l’E.P.C.I. n’est plus en adéquation avec l’outil qu’il est censé être. A cet égard, la loi du 27 décembre 2019 « Engagement et Proximité » conforte l’idée selon laquelle, en l’absence d’évolution de qualification juridique, cette construction serait, en toute hypothèse, inachevable. Le succès quantitatif des établissements publics ne suffit plus à masquer leurs manquements substantiels. Tout laisse à penser alors que la coopération intercommunale ne serait qu’un modèle institutionnel transitoire, destiné à faire émerger les conditions favorables à une généralisation d’un modèle plus radical, celui de la fusion des communes
As a solution to the difficulties inherent to the complexity of territorial organizations within municipalities as well as to the failure of policies adopted by most European countries to merge communes, legislators enacted inter-municipal cooperation with specific taxation with the 31 December 1966 law relative to urban communities. With the creation of public establishments for inter-municipal cooperation with specific taxation, lawmakers chose to compromise between the necessary optimisation of territorial public action and the wish to preserve municipal bodies, so dear to administrators and local elected officials. The entire philosophy supporting the development of this new territorial body, first generalized with the 12 July 1999 law related to reinforcing and simplifying inter-municipal cooperation, then consecrated with the 16 December 2019 law reforming territorial communities, is marked by the attempt to reconcile these two opposing views. Indeed, even while the ongoing process to build public establishments for inter-municipal cooperation with specific taxation, via prefect competitive exams, is based on the progressive transfer of power from municipalities to inter-municipal structures, legislators have always refused to abandon communal bodies, jeopardizing the success of the process. The legislator’s will to develop inter-municipal cooperation with specific taxation into a sustainable institutional model capable of efficiently reorganising communal bodies is no longer compatible with the means granted to PEICs. As such, the outcome is unfinished. With the advent of new institutional models, the development of inter-municipal cooperation remains incomplete. Furthermore, the applicable legal framework is no longer aligned with its purported use. The 27 December 2019 law “Engagement and Proximity” solidifies the idea that in the absence of legal status transformation, this development will always remain unachievable. The quantitative success of public establishments is no longer sufficient to mask their substantial failings. There is every reason to believe that inter-municipal cooperation is in fact a transitional institutional model, intended to foster the conditions favourable to the generalisation of a more radical model, the merging of communes

A l’instar des juridictions qui l’ont précédé dans la répression des crimes internationaux, la Cour pénale internationale a besoin de la coopération des Etats pour exister. C’est une condition d’effectivité de l’action de la Cour qui se traduit par la participation des Etats à la procédure pénale internationale et par l’harmonisation des législations nationales. Toutefois, en dépit de son affirmation dans le Statut, les Etats parties exécutent difficilement l’obligation de coopération. Ces difficultés s’observent tant au niveau de leur participation à la procédure initiée par la Cour que dans l’exercice de la justice au niveau national. De fait, pour un respect des engagements internationaux devant la Cour, l’institution doit surmonter l’obstacle de la souveraineté nationale. Pour atteindre les objectifs fixés, elle doit amener les Etats à dépasser les critères traditionnels de compétence dans le domaine pénal et à taire les résistances souverainistes en la matière. C’est seulement à ce titre qu’elle peut être fonctionnelle, en opposant aux Etats une conception plus étendue de la justice pour laquelle ils se sont engagés
Following the example of the jurisdictions which preceded her in the repression of the international crimes, the International Criminal Court needs the cooperation of States to exist. It is a condition of effectiveness of the action of the Court that is translated by the participation of States in the international criminal procedure and by the harmonization of the national legislations. But in spite of its assertion in the Status, States execute with difficulty the obligation of cooperation. These difficulties observe as long at the level of their participation in the procedure in front of the Court that in the exercise of the justice at the national level. Actually, for a respect for the international commitments in front of the Court, the institution has to surmount the obstacle of the national sovereignty. To reach the fixed objectives, she has to bring States to exceed the traditional criteria of skill in the penal domain and to keep silent about the resistances of states on the subject. It is only as such that she can be functional, by setting to States a more vast conception of the justice for which they made a commitment

Notre thèse retrace le parcours inédit de solidarisation entre les États et les peuples européens que constitue le processus de l’intégration européenne. Elle interroge les conditions, les justifications et les obstacles de ce que Robert Schuman identifiait comme le passage d’une « solidarité de fait à une solidarité de production », c’est-à-dire d’une solidarité négative entendue au sens d’interdépendance, à une solidarité positive, souhaitée, choisie. Cet objectif ambitieux souffre de nombreux obstacles. Progressivement, la solidarité européenne s’est vue dépolitisée pour devenir une entreprise technique, suivant la méthode fonctionnaliste, engendrant une perte de sens et des finalités du projet européen. Dès lors, la question des justifications légitimes de la solidarité européenne est devenue impérieuse, tout comme la recherche des conditions d’un renouvellement du consentement des États et des peuples à la solidarité européenne. En effet, pourquoi et comment les États ont-ils consenti par le passé à un projet d’intégration qui impliquait des sacrifices en termes de souveraineté, et pourquoi et comment pourraient-ils à nouveau y consentir demain ? La crise de confiance et de légitimité que traverse l’UE est révélatrice d’une crise plus profonde de la solidarité intra-européenne. Nous identifions ainsi les conditions normatives et empiriques de la solidarité que nous confrontons à l’expérience européenne. Puis, par l’identification des finalités de la solidarité européenne, nous définissons les contours d’un cadre d’intégration capable de répondre aux attentes des européens en matière de solidarité, moyen de protection complémentaire des solidarités nationales
Our thesis traces the unprecedent path of solidarity between European States and Peoples made possible by the process of European integration. It questions the conditions, the justifications and the obstacles of what Robert Schuman identified as the transition from “de facto solidarity to production solidarity”, that is to say from negative solidarity understood in the sense of interdependence, to positive, desired, chosen solidarity. This ambitious goal encounters many obstacles. Gradually, European solidarity has been depoliticized and thus became a technical enterprise, following the functionalist method, which caused a loss of meaning and of the aims of the European project. Consequently, the question of legitimate justifications for European solidarity has become imperative, as has the search for conditions for a renewal of the consent of States and Peoples to European solidarity. Indeed, why and how have States consented in the past to an integration project that involved sacrifices in terms of sovereignty, and why and how could they consent to it again tomorrow? The crisis of trust and legitimacy in the EU is indicative of a deeper crisis of intra-European solidarity. We thus identify the normative and empirical conditions of solidarity that we confront with the European experience. Then, by identifying the purposes of European solidarity, we define the contours of an integration framework capable of meeting the expectations of Europeans in terms of solidarity, a means of added protection

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In the context of the discussion about sustainable development emerges a paradigm based on social and environmental values, derived from the conscious and responsible use of natural resources, whose premise is to reach the satisfaction of the needs of the present generation, in a way that does not compromise the ability to attend the demands of future generations. In this sense, organizations have adopted more sustainable strategies and practices to minimize environmental and social impacts, in addition to achieving economic-financial gains and achieving legitimacy in the face of stakeholders. In view of this, this dissertation aims to analyze how is the sustainability management for organizational legitimacy in front of the pressures of the stakeholders in an agricultural cooperative in western Paraná. A theoretical model based on Stakeholder Theory, Legitimacy Theory and the Triple Bottom Line was developed, which presupposes that organizations are pressured by their stakeholders through the power, legitimacy and / or urgency to adopt sustainability practices economic, environmental and social, in order to gain, maintain and / or regain legitimacy in the face of these pressures. With a qualitative approach, it was aimed to explain these relationships through the case study procedure in an agricultural cooperative, in this way, interviews were conducted with managers and main stakeholders. From the content analysis, the research propositions were confirmed: stakeholders pressure organizations to adopt sustainability practices, through power, legitimacy and / or urgency; sustainability involves the balance of economic, environmental and social dimensions; organizations seek strategies to win, maintain and / or regain legitimacy. Therefore, it was concluded that there are pressures for adoption of sustainable practices by the main stakeholders, nevertheless, the cooperative has a proactive position in adopting economic, environmental and social practices, since it does more than is required by the legislation. This has brought financial benefits, as well as minimizing environmental impacts and demonstrating social responsibility, which is reflected in the image and reputation to its stakeholders and to a greater competitive advantage
No contexto de discussão acerca do desenvolvimento sustentável emerge um paradigma baseado em valores sociais e ambientais, provenientes do uso consciente e responsável dos recursos naturais, cuja premissa consiste em alcançar a satisfação das necessidades da geração presente, de forma que não comprometa a capacidade de atender as demandas das futuras gerações. Neste sentido, as organizações têm adotado estratégias e práticas mais sustentáveis para minimizar os impactos ambientais e sociais, além de obter ganhos econômico-financeiros e alcançar legitimidade perante os stakeholders. Diante disso, essa dissertação tem como objetivo analisar como é a gestão da sustentabilidade para legitimidade organizacional frente às pressões dos stakeholders em uma cooperativa agropecuária do oeste do Paraná. Para tanto, foi desenvolvido um modelo teórico embasado na Teoria dos Stakeholders, Teoria da Legitimidade e no Triple Bottom Line, o qual pressupõe que as organizações são pressionadas pelos seus stakeholders por meio do poder, legitimidade e/ou urgência, para adotar práticas de sustentabilidade econômica, ambiental e social, a fim de ganhar, manter e/ou recuperar legitimidade frente a estas pressões. Com uma abordagem qualitativa, objetivou explicar estas relações por meio do procedimento de estudo de caso em uma cooperativa agropecuária, dessa maneira, foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores e principais stakeholders. A partir da análise de conteúdo confirmaram-se as proposições da pesquisa: os stakeholders pressionam as organizações para adotar práticas de sustentabilidade, por meio do poder, legitimidade e/ou urgência; a sustentabilidade envolve o equilíbrio das dimensões econômica, ambiental e social; as organizações buscam estratégias para ganhar, manter e/ou recuperar a legitimidade. Portanto, concluiu-se que existem pressões para adoção de práticas sustentáveis pelos principais stakeholders, apesar disso, a cooperativa tem um posicionamento proativo na adoção de práticas econômicas, ambientais e sociais, visto que faz além do que é exigido pela legislação. Isso tem trazido benefícios financeiros, além de minimizar os impactos ambientais e demonstrar a responsabilidade social, o que se reflete na imagem e reputação perante seus stakeholders e em maior vantagem competitiva.

Denna uppsats behandlar företags ansvar och samarbeten för ”Corporate Social Responsibility” (CSR) mellan frivilligorganisationer och företag. Arbetet är en fallstudie utförd i Argentina med syftet att studera frivilligorganisationers syn på företags ansvar. Syftet är även att undersöka om ett samarbete skulle kunna innebära att ett företags CSR-arbete stärks. Metodvalet för studien är semi-strukturerade intervjuer med representanter för NGO:s i Argentina som arbetar med CSR. Intervjuerna har analyserats med hjälp av kategorianalys utifrån de teorier för företags ansvar som presenterats. Precis som många av teorierna definierar informanterna företags ansvar utifrån de behov och rättigheter som ett företags ”stakeholders” kan sägas ha. Studien visar vidare att ansvaret sträcker sig längre än att endast följa lagen, företaget ska även vara en god ”coporate citizen”. Ett samarbete är dock inte problemfritt eftersom organisationens legitimitet och självständighet sätts på spel i utbyte mot möjligheten att påverka företaget inifrån. Av de fyra organisationerna i studien menar representanterna för tre av dem att ett företags CSR-arbete stärks genom ett samarbete och att det kunskapsutbyte som är resultatet av samarbetet är mycket värdefullt. Den fjärde organisationen ser inte samarbete som ett alternativ utan har istället valt att påverka staten för att få den att skapa ett strängare kontrollsystem för företags verksamhet.
This essay deals with the responsibilities of corporations and partnerships for “Corporate Social Responsibility” (CSR) between NGO:s and companies. The work is a case-study taking place in Argentina with the purpose to study the view NGO:s has on corporate responsibility. Further on the purpose is to investigate if partnerships could mean a strengthening of a company´s work for CSR. The method of choice is semi-structured interviews with NGO representatives in Argentina that work with CSR. The interviews have been analyzed through a category-analysis based on the theories on corporate responsibility presented. Just like many of the theories the interviewees define a company´s responsibility through the needs and rights that could be considered given to a company´s stakeholders. The study also shows that the responsibility goes further than obeying the law, the company should also be a good corporate citizen. A partnership is though not without problems since the legitimacy and independence of the organization are put in jeopardy in exchange for the possibility to influence the company from the inside. Of the four organizations in the study the representatives of three of them consider that a company´s work for CSR is strengthened through a partnership and that the exchange of knowledge that is the result of the partnership is greatly treasured. The fourth organization doesn´t see cooperation as an alternative but has chosen to influence the state to have it create a stronger system of control for a company´s operation.

Each year, students who are newly enrolled in the University of Ottawa Cooperative Education Programs prepare for their first co-op work terms. In this period of pre-employment, students ask themselves important questions like, “What do I have to do to get a job?” and “What do I want to be?” As a co-op practitioner I am exposed to students’ experiences and the dilemmas they face but I still wondered what was hidden from my view and outside of my understanding. Thus, during one-on-one interviews that occurred prior to their first co-op work terms, six co-op students shared the photographs and stories of their co-op experiences with me and I shared my photographs and stories with them. Goffman’s (1959) theory of dramaturgy provided the theoretical framework to present, interpret, and understand the words and pictures that emerged from these interviews. What resulted were dramas, narratives, and allegories: six participant descriptions written as mini-biographies, verbatim transcripts prepared as a reader’s theatre script, and a set of five themes composed with vivid symbolism. The five metaphoric themes of co-op student experience are (a) journey, (b) circus, (c) metamorphosing, (d) anglers at sea, and (e) warriors. Taken together, what emerged was a deeper seeing and a richer understanding of what’s “really going on” in the time prior to students’ first co-op work terms (Goffman, 1974, p. 8) particularly with regards to legitimate peripheral participation, reflection, and experiential learning.

In this article I develop a normative theory of the subsidiarity principle in international adjudication, which seeks to offer a balanced answer to the question of to what extent is it legitimate for a body such as the European Court of Human Rights to interfere with the national criteria in the face of a complaint on conventional rights violation. In contrast with demands for greater deference to states in both Europe and Latin America, based on a statist idea of subsidiarity, I articulate a «cooperative» understanding of the ideas of human rights and the principle of subsidiarity, linking them to Buchanan’s notion of ecological legitimacy. The proposal I defend leads to a division of institutional labor within regional human rights systems that increases the legitimacy of all the institutions involved. At the same time, I devote the last part of the paper to implement such cooperative view, on the one hand, showing the importance of an incremental logic in the effective protection of human rights and, on the other hand, offering a rationalized version of the national margin of appreciation doctrine.
En este trabajo desarrollo una teoría normativa del principio de subsidiariedad en la adjudicación internacional que pretende ofrecer una respuesta equilibrada a la pregunta de hasta qué punto es legítimo para un órgano como el Tribunal Europeo de Derechos Humanos interferir en el criterio estatal cuando valora una denuncia por violación de derechos convencionales. Frente a las demandas de una mayor deferencia hacia los Estados que encontramos tanto en Europa como en Latinoamérica, basadas en una idea estatista de la subsidiariedad, articulo una concepción «cooperativa» de los derechos humanos y del principio de subsidiariedad, uniéndolas a la idea de legitimidad ecológica sugerida por Buchanan. La propuesta que defiendo conduce a una división del trabajo institucional dentro de los sistemas regionales de derechos humanos que aumenta la legitimidad de todas las instituciones involucradas. Al mismo tiempo, desarrollo una forma de implementar esta concepción cooperativa, por una parte, mostrando la importancia de una lógica incremental en la protección efectiva de derechos humanos y, por otra parte, ofreciendo una versión racionalizada de la doctrina del margen de apreciación estatal.

Department of International Relations School of Social Sciences
The formulation of International Law has been greatly driven by Western principles. These principles have been applied to the world at large as a result of the continuing hegemony of the global north. Consequently, what is deemed to be just and unjust, legitimate and illegitimate in international relations is dictated by these set standards that have been reified throughout history. Sovereign states, as realist theorist tend to emphasize, are at the core of international relations. One of the basic premises of Realism is that the absence of central authority in the international system is bound to lead to conflict. Various international relations theorists have contributed to this literature in their attempts to unpack causes, solutions and justifications for war. The United Nations Charter provides perhaps the most concrete guidelines and codifications of proper state conduct in the pursuit of peace and order and the resolution of conflicts. However, with the progression of history, the nature of conflict in international relations has experienced various changes. One of these changes worth analysing is the shift away from states as single most important actors in a conflict-prone international context. As a matter of fact, the recent history of international relations has been marked by the rise of non-state actors. This research paper seeks to investigate this shift by revisiting Just War Theory against non-state actors in conflict in Africa using the cases of the Mai Mai Bakata Katanga in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the Pirates in Somlia’s Gulf of Aden.

Tese de doutoramento em Marketing e Estratégia
A investigação desenvolvida deriva da pouca literatura de redes aplicada ao turismo e da existência de lacunas quanto ao estudo da estrutura, conteúdo e qualidade das interações entre os atores em redes de turismo. O principal contributo teórico resulta do caráter inovador decorrente da integração de três vertentes teóricas: (i) a teoria dos stakeholders (interesses/influências), (ii) a análise de redes sociais, e (iii) a teoria do marketing de relacionamento (qualidade das relações) em turismo. Este tipo de investigação que apresenta um caráter integrativo vem trazer um acréscimo de conhecimento à teoria existente, especificamente tendo em conta as conclusões advindas da análise integrada realizada. Acresce o interesse prático e de gestão de aplicar o estudo ao Parque Nacional Peneda-Gerês (PNPG) e ao setor de turismo que representou, em 2009, em Portugal, 11% do PIB e 500.000 postos de trabalho. Neste contexto, este estudo traz um contributo prático a este esforço de aposta e promoção do turismo nacional, até porque as redes turísticas afirmam-se, de forma crescente, como importantes ferramentas de desenvolvimento económico dos países. O problema de pesquisa que orienta este estudo é: Como se configura, quantitativa e qualitativamente, a rede de stakeholders ligada às atividades de turismo do PNPG? Qual a qualidade do relacionamento entre esses stakeholders? Ao percebermos esta realidade é nossa expectativa compreender os impactos sobre o turismo da região e desenvolver um conjunto de propostas de melhoramento para o turismo do PNPG. O estudo incide sobre os stakeholders relevantes envolvidos nas decisões de turismo do PNPG e respetivas redes de relacionamentos. Recorre, simultaneamente, a técnicas qualitativas e quantitativas. Em última análise, o estudo envolverá a análise da estrutura de relacionamentos, a análise do tipo de relações no sentido de planear ações para o turismo, a caracterização dos stakeholders da rede de turismo que integra o PNPG e a avaliação da qualidade do relacionamento entre eles, bem como, algumas análises de correlações. A teoria dos stakeholders interliga-se naturalmente com a análise de redes sociais (ARS) sendo relevante para uma melhor compreensão do fenómeno do turismo. Esta investigação permite evidenciar a sua relevância no seio do turismo do PNPG, ou seja, permite proceder à identificação dos stakeholders procurando perceber os seus atributos, objetivos e interesses, fatores de escolha e subgrugos. Foi apresentada uma categorização dos stakeholders com base no modelo de Mitchell et al. (1997) que permitiu perceber o conjunto de stakeholders discricionários, dependentes e o conjunto de stakeholders definitivos. Estes últimos, traduzem um grupo que possui os três atributos preconizados pelo modelo de Mitchell et al. (1997): poder, legitimidade e urgência. Como tal, estes revelam-se stakeholders prioritários. No tocante à escolha de stakeholders da(s) organização(ões), para efeitos de ações relativas ao turismo no PNPG (implementação de projetos de turismo), constata-se que o enquadramento estratégico e a vontade de implementação são os que revelam uma maior média de respostas. Constatou-se a existência de uma rede complexa que liga esses stakeholders entre si e que gera transmissão de recursos (informação, logística, recursos humanos, formação e recursos financeiros) e de influências diretas ou indiretas entre os mesmos. Este estudo interdisciplinar revela-se útil e inovador no setor de turismo e a aplicação destas realidades e conceitos ao PNPG permitiu revelar uma realidade complexa de interações entre uma multiplicidade de atores.
The research developed derives from the scarce literature on networks applied to tourism and the gaps in the study of structure, content and quality of interactions between actors in tourism networks. The main theoretical contribution results from the integration of three key theories: (i) stakeholders theory (interests/influences), (ii) network analysis, and (iii) relationship marketing (relationship quality) in tourism. This type of investigation brings an additional contribute to the existent theoretical background mainly because of the integrated analysis conclusions. Moreover, the practical and management interest to apply the study to the Peneda-Gerês National Park (PGNP) and in the tourism setor which accounted, in 2009, in Portugal, 11% of GDP and 500,000 jobs. In this context, this study provides a practical contribution to this effort and commitment to promote national tourism because of the increasingly interest on networks, as an important tool of economic development of countries. The research problem is: How are composed, quantitatively and qualitatively, the tourism stakeholders network related to tourism in the PGNP? What is the relationship quality between those stakeholders? Based on this framework, is our expectation to understand the impact on the tourism of the region and develop a set of guidelines for improving the tourism in the PGNP. Basically, the study focuses on the relevant stakeholders involved in PGNP tourism and its networks. It uses both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Finally, the study will involve analysis of the relationship’s structure, kind of relationships in order to plan tourism, the PGNP tourism stakeholder’s network characterization and the relationship quality evaluation as well as some correlation analysis. The stakeholder theory naturally connects with the network analysis and is relevant for a better understanding of the tourism phenomenon. This research gives evidence of its relevance within the PNPG tourism, identifying the stakeholders, seeking to understand their attributes, goals and interests, factors of choice and sub-groups. It presents a stakeholders categorization based on Mitchell et al. (1997) model which allowed the identification of a set of discretionary stakeholders, dependent stakeholders and definitive stakeholders. The last group has the set of three attributes advocated by Mitchell et al. (1997): power, legitimacy and urgency. These stakeholders are considered the priority ones. Regarding the choice of stakeholders for purposes related to tourism in PNPG (implementation of tourism projects), it appears that the strategic framework and will of implementation reveal the higher average of responses. The study reveals a complex network that connects these stakeholders and that generates resources transmission (information, logistics, human resources, training and financial resources) and direct or indirect influences among stakeholders. This interdisciplinary study is helpful and innovative in the tourism sector, applies these concepts to the PNPG realities and has also revealed a complex set of interactions between a multiplicity of actors.

Dissertação de Mestrado em Direito apresentada à Faculdade de Direito
This study centers its attention on the concept of legal standing and its legal nature. Placed in the list of procedural preconditions in the Portuguese Code of Civil Procedure, the legitimacy has always been a highly debated condition in national and international procedural doctrine, with regard to its procedural/substantial nature, considered by some as a procedural precondition and by others as a condition of the action. Restricted to ordinary singular legitimacy, it is pertinent to examine in this study the evolution of the concept of legitimacy and its legal provision, which adopts the positions of the main professors who have dealt with the subject: ALBERTO DOS REIS and BARBOSA DE MAGALHÃES. In parallel with the admissibility of remedying, not only the plural illegitimacy, but also other procedural conditions related to the parties, the need to admit the possibility of overcoming the singular illegitimacy, on the active or passive side, prevails. In accordance with this need are the pillars of today's civil procedure: the principles of cooperation and procedural adequacy and management, which impose the fair settlement of the dispute and the search for material truth. A process that truly attributes primacy to substantive justice, to the detriment of formal justice, is not compatible with the dogma of the impossibility of overcome singular illegitimacy. For this purpose, we rely on the German legal system that supports this position and which presents an institute that can be accommodated, with adjustments, in the Portuguese legal and procedural order.
O presente estudo centra a sua atenção no conceito de legitimidade processual e na sua natureza jurídica. Inserida no elenco de pressupostos processuais presentes no Código de Processo Civil português, a legitimidade processual sempre foi um requisito bastante debatido na doutrina processualista nacional e internacional no que toca à sua natureza processual/substancial: encarado, por uns, enquanto pressuposto processual e, por outros, como condição da ação. Restringindo à legitimidade singular ordinária, afigura-se pertinente analisar a evolução do conceito de legitimidade e da sua previsão legal, que vai adotar as posições dos principais processualistas que se debruçaram sobre o tema: ALBERTO DOS REIS e BARBOSA DE MAGALHÃES. Fazendo um paralelo com a admissibilidade de sanação, não só da ilegitimidade plural, como também de outros pressupostos processuais relativos às partes, impera a necessidade de admitir a possibilidade de suprimento da ilegitimidade singular, seja esta do lado ativo como do lado passivo. Em conformidade com esta carência encontram-se os pilares do processo civil hodierno: os princípios da cooperação e da adequação e gestão processual, que impõem a justa composição do litígio e a busca pela verdade material. Um processo que atribui verdadeiramente a primazia à justiça substantiva, em detrimento da justiça formal, não se compatibiliza com o dogma da insanabilidade da ilegitimidade singular. Para tanto, recorremos ao ordenamento jurídico alemão que suporta esta posição e que apresenta um instituto que pode ser acolhido, ainda que com adaptações, na ordem jurídico-processual portuguesa.

Includes bibliographical references: leaves 201-224
South African authorities formalised their goal to pursue a developmental state with the adoption of the National Development Plan (NDP) in 2012. It is clear from the reading of the NDP that the authorities are convinced that the developmental state approach is a cause for development. The declaration to construct a developmental state is interesting at best or bizarre at worst in that developmental states are often identified by assessing their (economic) performance over a period. They hardly sought out to intentionally build developmental states. The South African governance system has implications for a quest to construct a developmental state. Whereas the literature on East Asian countries tends to focus on the role of central governments in economic development, the South African governance places a huge emphasis on cooperative governance between the three spheres of government. To this end, the constitution spells out the specific developmental objectives that must be pursued by municipalities. This essentially means that the system of cooperative governance, and the extent of effectiveness of local government, will either catalyse or impede the realisation of South African developmental state. Developmental states are often distinguished from others by their structures, roles and outcomes. Their structures and roles are developmental and are a cause for soaring outcomes. This logic was employed to analyse the nature of structures and roles in eight (8) selected municipalities over a 15-year period and how these influenced the actual policy performance. Findings that emerged from over 30 interviews with high ranking officials in various institutions and the thorough analysis of a number of documents confirm that structures and roles in municipalities are far from being developmental. The study also found that informal factors have effectively ‘juniorised’ local government as a sphere of government despite the constitution emphasising the equality of all three spheres. In the final analysis, local government is incapacitated to carry out its developmental mandate. It is against this reality of incapacitation of local government that the study argues that the performance of local government, measured against its constitutional objectives, effectively impedes the realisation of a developmental state in South Africa.
Development Studies
D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)