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1
Massolin, Philip A. "What's past is prologue, Canadian intellectuals, the Tory tradition and the challenge of modernity, 1939-1970." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape17/PQDD_0008/NQ34810.pdf.
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Windscheffel, Alex Christian. "Villa Toryism? : the making of London Conservatism, 1868-1896." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.341251.
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Iler, Sarah M. "The Libertarian Sage: The Conservatism of George S. Schuyler." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1289585457.
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Swarts, Craig Allen. "The John Birch Society: A New Perspective on Far-Right Conservatism." The Ohio State University, 1997. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1392975738.
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Young, Thomas Chesnutt. "Russell Kirk's Column "To the point": Traditional Aspects of Conservatism." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2004. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0714104-151923/unrestricted/YoungT080504f.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004.<br>Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-0714104-151923 Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.
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Evans, Daniel Carson. "Disputing an Analytic Construct of Philosophical Conservatism." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/539.
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This paper examines and ultimately objects to a version of political Conservatism as described in Geoffrey Brennan and Alan Hamlin’s paper “Analytic Conservatism.” Brennan and Hamlin’s argument makes several claims about economic forecasting and societal risk-aversion that ultimately uphold the status quo within society. This paper examines these claims and refutes them, while also considering counter-arguments Brennan and Hamlin could use to defend their theory. In conclusion, this paper supports the analytic dimension of Brennan and Hamlin’s theory while criticizing the trivial and arbitrary nature of valuing the status quo.
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Stein, Eric 1973. ""Living right and being free" : country music and modern American conservatism." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21267.
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The rising popularity of country music in the United States since WWII is a cultural phenomenon intimately related to the ascendance of conservative values, leaders, and movements over the same period. By routinely celebrating themes like heterosexual love, the patriarchal nuclear family, hard work, individualism, freedom, patriotism, religion, and small-town life, country music provided the soundtrack for the insurgent conservatism of politicians like George Wallace, Richard Nixon, and Ronald Reagan. In the sixties and seventies, while other forms of popular music (rock, folk, soul) articulated the values of liberals, socialists, hippies, war protestors, feminists, and civil rights activists, country music alone stood for the "traditional" values cherished by the so-called "silent majority" that powered the rise of the Right. The spread of both country music and conservatism is also a reflection of the "southernization" of America---the diffusion across the nation of cultural and political traits long associated with the South.
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Hulbert, Matthew C. "Politics of the Black Flag: Guerrilla Memory and Southern Conservatism in the New South." NCSU, 2010. http://www.lib.ncsu.edu/theses/available/etd-03262010-202225/.
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This thesis explores the intersection of Civil War memory and the history of conservative politics in the New South through two critical phases and its historiographic context. Phase one examines the partisan constructs of guerrilla honor, defeat, and extra-legal violence presented in Noted Guerrillas, Or, The Warfare of the Border (1877) by fire-eating Democratic newspaperman John Newman Edwards. Through his creation of âguerrilla memory,â Edwards kindled a significant counter-narrative to traditional strands of early-Lost Cause mythology. More importantly, by harnessing class-based bushwhacker imagery and violence, Edwards expanded the socio-economic reach of the conservative Lost Cause and adjoined a newly important political function to social memory during Reconstruction. Phase two addresses broader concepts of race, gender, citizenship, and commemoration by tracing how guerrilla memory and its bushwhackers-turned-authors adapted to shifting standards of conservatism in the New South and attempted to situate themselves snugly within its elite ranks. While highlighting how turn-of-the-century bushwhacker memoirs adapted to increasingly powerful women, subsequent wars, and changing racial attitudes, practical light is also shed on the fundamental processes of memory itselfâthat is, the theoretical means by which strains of memory are created, updated, and even destroyed. Finally, this thesis includes a sweeping historiographic analysis of guerrilla memory; how historians and propagandists waged a partisan struggle over the memory of William C. Quantrill as an avenue to controlling guerrilla memory as a whole; and how the fallout from this debate shapedâfor better and worseâthe study of Confederate guerrillas for decades. In the process of surveying these sources, methodological conclusions regarding the treatment of primary materials, allegedly âtaintedâ by the forces of social memory, are also addressed and put to rest. Overall, âPolitics of the Black Flag: Guerrilla Memory and Southern Conservatism in the New Southâ seeks to illuminate that deeper understanding of the ways in which southern conservatism has been remembered will, in turn, lead to equally better understanding of the forces and environment that shaped it.
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Starkey, Joseph. "Renouncing the left : working-class conservatism in France, 1930-1939." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/72795/.
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Histories of the working class in France have largely ignored the existence of working-class conservatism. This is particularly true of histories of the interwar period. Yet, there were an array of Catholic and right-wing groups during these years that endeavoured to bring workers within their orbit. Moreover, many workers judged that their interests were better served by these groups. This thesis explores the participation of workers in Catholic and right-wing groups during the 1930s. What did these groups claim to offer workers within the wider context of their ideological goals? In which ways did conservative workers understand and express their interests, and why did they identify the supposed ‘enemies of the left’ as the best means of defending them? What was the daily experience of conservative workers like, and how did this experience contribute to the formation of 'non-left' political identities? These questions are addressed in a study of the largest Catholic and right-wing groups in France during the 1930s. This thesis argues that, during a period of left-wing ascendancy, these groups made the recruitment of workers a top priority. To this end, they harnessed particular elements of mass political culture and adapted them to their own ideological ends. However, the ideology of these groups did not simply reflect the interests of the workers that supported them. This thesis argues that the interests of conservative workers were a rational and complex product of their own experience. They were formed by a large range of materials, from preconceived attitudes to issues such as gender and race, to the everyday experience of bullying and intimidation on the factory floor. This thesis shows that workers could conceive of their interests in a number of different ways, and chose from a range of different groups to try and further them.
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Seppänen, A. (Annariina). "“The problem is, nobody has defined what being conservative means.”:the status of American conservatism in the rhetoric of Republican primary election debates in 2008 and 2012." Master's thesis, University of Oulu, 2016. http://urn.fi/URN:NBN:fi:oulu-201605191808.
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This Pro Gradu Thesis examines the Republican Party (GOP) presidential nomination campaigns in the United States of America. The data for the study consists of fifteen (15) debates held during the 2008 and 2012 primary election seasons. The focus is on studying American conservatism as well as the relationship between the Republican Party and the American conservative movement as they are presented in the GOP candidates’ debate rhetoric. American conservatism is typically connected to the Republican Party, and most polls conducted in recent years have confirmed that approximately 70 percent of self-proclaimed Republicans call themselves conservative. The primary election debates are an important forum to define and refigure the party’s national agenda and political ideology. How the Republican Party defines its agenda and ideology is, of course, significant for the wider American political system. Moreover, if elected to the White House, the Republican Party’s agenda also concerns the wider world. Evidently, the status of American conservatism in the Republican Party is an important issue that deserves scholarly attention. The primary election races studied in this thesis are interesting both historically and politically. In 2008, the United States witnessed the deepest financial crisis since the Great Depression of the 1930s. Furthermore, the Republican President George W. Bush’s two four-year terms had been traumatic for the unity of the American conservative movement. The Republicans lost the 2008 presidential elections, and the election of the Democratic candidate, Barack Obama, raised questions about the future of the Republican Party as well as the unity of the American conservative movement. Republican primary debates offer a relatively unexplored data for research as very little analysis has been conducted on the rhetoric in presidential primary debates. This research has a multidisciplinary approach as it combines the study of rhetoric and persuasion with the study of history and political ideology. The method used in this study is qualitative and American conservatism is discussed in relation to extracts chosen from the debates. The references to conservatism are first identified, then explained and discussed in relation to their context and in historical perspective. In addition to focusing on the definitions of conservatism, the attention is also on rhetorical detail and persuasion. The primary campaigns are compared and contrasted with each other, and the possible differences and development are analysed. Campaign tactics are also taken into consideration, and the aim is to identify the intentions underlying the candidates’ rhetoric. The analysis confirms that conservatism is seen as the heart and soul of the Republican Party and that political ideology plays a pivotal role in the candidates’ debate rhetoric. In fact, the Republican primary debates seem to have become contests to see who is the most ideologically pure of the candidates. The analysis shows that there are various and visibly different strands in the American conservative movement and therefore, it is difficult to find a comprehensive definition for the GOP conservatism. However, despite the fact that the concept of conservatism is rather vague, it does not prevent the candidates to use it in their debate rhetoric as a tool to emphasise their own political positions and values as well as a weapon against the other Republican candidates and the Democratic opponents<br>Tutkimukseni käsittelee Yhdysvaltain republikaanipuolueen esivaaliehdokkaiden väittelyretoriikkaa. Aineistoni koostuu viidestätoista (15) väittelystä vuosien 2008 ja 2012 esivaaleissa. Tutkin, miten republikaanipuolueen ja amerikkalaisen konservatismin välinen suhde näyttäytyy ehdokkaiden retoriikassa. Amerikkalainen konservatismi liitetään usein republikaanipuolueeseen, ja mielipidemittausten mukaan noin 70 prosenttia republikaaneista pitää itseään konservatiiveina. Esivaalit saavat suurta kansallista ja kansainvälistä huomiota, ja väittelyitä seuraavat miljoonat tv-katsojat. Esivaaliväittelyillä on tärkeä rooli puolueen agendan ja poliittisen ideologian määrittelyssä. Sillä, miten republikaanipuolue määrittelee ideologiansa ja agendansa on suuri merkitys koko Yhdysvaltain poliittiselle järjestelmälle. Yhdysvallat on kiistatta maailman merkittävin suurvalta, ja jos republikaanien edustaja valitaan Yhdysvaltain presidentiksi, puolueen agendan merkitys laajenee käsittämään entistä vahvemmin myös kansainvälisiä asioita. Amerikkalaisen konservatismin rooli republikaanipuolueessa on tärkeä ja ajankohtainen aihe, joka kaipaa tutkimusta. Tutkimani esivaalikampanjat ovat tärkeitä niin poliittisesta kuin historiallisesta näkökulmasta. Vuonna 2008 Yhdysvallat joutui rankimman talouskriisin kouriin sitten 1930-luvun Suuren laman. Lisäksi republikaanipresidentti George W. Bushin kaksi kautta olivat traumaattisia amerikkalaisen konservatiiviliikkeen yhtenäisyydelle. Republikaanit hävisivät vuoden 2008 presidentinvaalit, ja demokraatti Barack Obaman valinta herätti kysymyksen republikaanipuolueen tulevaisuudesta sekä amerikkalaisen konservatiiviliikkeen yhtenäisyydestä. Tutkimukseni on monitieteistä, ja hyödynnän gradussani niin historiantutkimuksen kuin kielitieteen menetelmiä. Tutkimukseni on laadullista, ja analyysini pohjautuu esivaaliväittelyistä poimittuihin katkelmiin. Etsin aineistosta kohtia, joissa ehdokkaat viittaavat tavalla tai toisella konservatismiin. Tämän jälkeen pyrin selittämään viittausten merkityksen ja tarkastelemaan niitä laajemmassa historiallisessa ja poliittisessa kontekstissa. Konservatismin määritelmien tutkimisen lisäksi tarkastelen esivaaliehdokkaiden käyttämiä retorisia strategioita ja suostuttelun ja taivuttelun keinoja. Lisäksi vertaan esivaalikampanjoita toisiinsa ottaen huomioon mahdolliset eroavaisuudet sekä kehityksen. Tutkimukseni osoittaa, että amerikkalainen konservatismi nähdään republikaanipuolueen sieluna, ja siitä keskustellaan aktiivisesti esivaalikampanjoiden aikana. Ehdokkaat korostavat konservatismin merkitystä retoriikassaan ja pyrkivät esittämään itsensä joukon vankkumattomimpana konservatiivina. Näkyvästä roolistaan huolimatta amerikkalaisen konservatismin määritelmä on hyvin epäselvä, ja puolueen sisällä on selkeitä ristiriitoja siitä, mitä konservatismi ylipäätään on. Sisäiset ristiriidat ovat selkeästi esillä vuosien 2008 ja 2012 esivaaliväittelyiden retoriikassa
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Deng, Yuan. "Conservatism within Women's Revolutions: The CCP's Marriage Reforms and Women's Movements." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1493224796269504.
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Villeneuve, Hubert. "Teaching anticommunism: Fred C. Schwarz, the Christian anti-communism crusade and American Postwar Conservatism." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106350.
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This study constitutes the contextualized and analytical biography of Frederick Charles Schwarz (1914-2009), an anticommunist figure who had a marked influence on American postwar conservatism. Born in Brisbane, Australia, and trained as a physician, Schwarz was a conservative evangelical layman who developed during the WWII years an antipathy for communism. Having acquainted himself with the basics of Marxist-Leninism, he became renowned for his sermons which combined fire and brimstone with scholarly exposés of communist theory. Invited to North America for a lecture tour in 1950, at the peak of McCarthyism, he settled permanently in the United States in 1953 and founded the Christian Anti-Communism Crusade (CACC), which he led until 1998. By the late 1950's, the Crusade had become one of the most important conservative organizations in America, notably due to the well-attended weeklong anticommunism "schools" it held in many cities. The Crusade also extended its activities worldwide to combat communism in several Third World countries. Despite the Crusade's decline from the mid-1960's on, Schwarz and his organization had, during their prime years, a discernable impact on American conservatism. The history of Schwarz and the CACC highlights many elements central to a better understanding of the evolution and durability of the American right to this day.<br>Cette étude constitue la biographie historique et analytique de Frederick Charles Schwarz (1914-2009), une figure anticommuniste ayant eu une influence notable sur le conservatisme américain de l'après-guerre. Né à Brisbane, Australie, et formé comme médecin, Schwarz est un Chrétien évangélique conservateur ayant développé durant la Seconde guerre mondiale une profonde aversion pour le communisme. Après une formation autodidacte sur les éléments essentiels du marxisme-léninisme, il développe une renommée pour ses sermons fusionnant prêches enflammés et exposés intellectuels sur la théorie communiste. Invité à effectuer une tournée de conférences aux États-Unis en 1950, alors que le Maccarthisme atteint son sommet, il y déménage de manière permanente en 1953 et y fonde la Christian Anti-Communism Crusade (CACC), qu'il dirige jusqu'en 1998. Vers la fin des années 1950, la Crusade est devenue l'une des organisations conservatrices les plus importantes en Amérique, connue pour ses populaires « écoles » anticommunistes qu'elle organise dans plusieurs villes. Parallèlement, la Crusade étend ses activités à l'échelle mondiale, combattant le communisme dans de nombreux pays du Tiers Monde. En dépit du déclin de la Crusade à partir du milieu des années 1960, Schwarz et son organisation eurent, durant leur apogée, un indéniable impact sur le conservatisme américain. L'histoire de Schwarz et de la CACC illustrent plusieurs dynamiques majeures mettant en lumière l'évolution et la durabilité de la droite américaine jusqu'à nos jours.
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Stewart, Eric. "The ‘My Lai Massacre’ Narrative in American History and Memory: A Story of American Conservatism." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/32099.
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This thesis uses the referent “My Lai Massacre” to refer to the mythic memory of what happened in Son My on 16 March, 1968. It argues that it is a fitting name for the way it captures the ethnocentrism of the memory in the name by perpetuating an American misnomer rooted in ignorance. It also singularizes the scope of horrors of the day, and fails to differentiate ‘the massacre’ from the domestic turmoil with which it was conflated. The My Lai Massacre narrative as it currently exists in American history and memory is ‘exceptionalist’ in that it incorporates and excludes story elements in such a way that casts it as a highly exceptional occurrence.
The main argument of this thesis is that American history and memory of the ‘My Lai Massacre’ have, to a large degree, been defined and shaped by conservative influences. In the time since the news of the atrocities became public this has manifested itself in a number of way and is not confined to conservative histories of the war. Despite the hold liberal orthodox scholarship has on the history of the war, there remains within it, this thesis argues, a conservative trend regarding the massacres in Son My. Reactions, explanations, and rationalizations that appeared in early conservative responses to news of the massacres have survived into a wider ideological spectrum of Vietnam scholarship and memory than that from which it came.
Although it seems at first consideration an unlikely event from which a usable past might be constructed, the My Lai Massacre does get used in a didactic manner. This thesis examines some of the most prevalent ways the memory of My Lai functions as a usable past. The My Lai Massacre has been incorporated into a number of ‘lessons of the past’ that tend to be derived from conservative narratives of the war.
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Acle, Aguirre Andrea. "Rethinking conservatism in nineteenth-century Spain : the cases of Jaime Balmes (1810-1848) and Juan Donoso Cortés (1809-1853)." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610303.
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Hussey, Peter F. "The Yanks Are Striking: Kern County, the 1921 Oil Strike and the Discourse on Americanism." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2020. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/2197.
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In the fall of 1921 oil workers of the San Joaquin Valley faced a post-war economic slump, wage cuts across the board and an increasingly hostile attitude of oil operators towards consultation with the federal government on labor relations. They voted to strike, and the next day eight thousand workers walked off the fields. Strikers crafted an image of “patriotic unionism,” underpinned by a faith in the federal government and the ideology of the American Legion. The strike did not end in gruesome class warfare like had been seen months earlier in the coal mines of West Virginia, but rather in ideological confusion and despair. The oil workers movement never fully embraced a class identity; instead it embraced the burgeoning conservative identity of Americanism. This effectively hobbled the growth of the movement. Upon the strike’s conclusion there was no mass pull to the left on the part of oil workers in the San Joaquin Valley, despite the fact that their movement’s design and identity had gotten them nowhere. On the contrary a portion of workers and supporters of the strike turned to the nativism of the Klan. Overall this project looks to complicate the narrative of “us vs. them” in labor history by analyzing workers’ identities, and also looks to contribute to the ever-evolving discourse on how historians should track American conservatism as a social force.
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Bartee, Seth James. "Imagination Movers: The Creation of Conservative Counter-Narratives in Reaction to Consensus Liberalism." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73149.
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The purpose of this study was to explore what exactly bound post-Second World War American conservatives together. Since modern conservatism's recent birth in the United States in the last half century or more, many historians have claimed that both anti-communism and capitalism kept conservatives working in cooperation. My contention was that the intellectual founder of postwar conservatism, Russell Kirk, made imagination, and not anti-communism or capitalism, the thrust behind that movement in his seminal work The Conservative Mind.
In The Conservative Mind, published in 1953, Russell Kirk created a conservative genealogy that began with English parliamentarian Edmund Burke. Using Burke and his dislike for the modern revolutionary spirit, Kirk uncovered a supposedly conservative seed that began in late eighteenth-century England, and traced it through various interlocutors into the United States that culminated in the writings of American expatriate poet T.S. Eliot. What Kirk really did was to create a counter-narrative to the American liberal tradition that usually began with the French Revolution and revolutionary figures such as English-American revolutionary Thomas Paine.
One of my goals was to demystify the fusionist thesis, which states that conservatism is a monolithic entity of shared qualities. I demonstrated that major differences existed from conservatism's postwar origins in 1953. I do this by using the concept of textual communities. A textual community is a group of people led by a privileged interpreter—someone such as Russell Kirk—who translates a text, for example Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, for followers. What happens in a textual community is that the privileged interpreter explains to followers how to read a text and then forms boundaries around a particular rendering of a book. I argue that conservatism was full of these textual communities and privileged interpreters. Therefore, in consecutive chapters, I look at the careers of Russell Kirk, John Lukacs, Christopher Lasch, and Paul Gottfried to demonstrate how this concept fleshed out from 1953 and well into the first decade of the new millennium.<br>Ph. D.
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Nelson, Jessica. "The “Mississippi of the West”: Religion, Conservatism, and Racial Politics in Utah, 1960–1978." DigitalCommons@USU, 2017. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/6641.
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Historians and Mormon scholars have largely ignored the African American experience in Utah during the latter half of the twentieth century. A close examination of Utah politics during the years 1960 to 1978 shows the profound influence of Mormonism and Latter-day Saint institutions in seemingly secular spaces, such as college campuses and state government. This work demonstrates how LDS theology and culture informed the sociopolitical landscape and contributed to white conservative resistance to racial equality readily found in Utah. Racial discrimination was not unique to Utah, but it did have its own particular flavor because of the predominance of Latter-day Saints in the state. This thesis explores the scholarship written about African Americans in Utah and elucidates the ways in which LDS theology and Church leadership extensively affected African American life in the Beehive State.
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College, and School of Humanities. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Maxwell, Robbie John. "Educator to the nation : George S. Benson and modern American conservatism." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11770.
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This thesis examines the career of American conservative activist George S. Benson (1898-1991), who served as President of the Church of Christ–affiliated Harding College in Searcy, Arkansas (1936-1965) and rose to national prominence in the early 1940s, when he established the National Education Program. This examination provides an interpretation of the nature, origins and influence of modern U.S. conservatism. By focusing on the period from the 1930s to the mid-1960s, this work builds on a number of recent studies that have demonstrated the significant advantages to exploring modern conservatism beyond the social and political tumults of the 1960s and 1970s. Benson’s efforts also reveal some flaws in the analytical paradigm that dominates the literature on the modern right: the transition between conservatism’s marginalization in the 1930s and its recapture of the political mainstream by the late 1970s. Tempering this ‘rise of the right’ narrative by accepting both the importance and incompleteness of this resurgence provides the basis for the more nuanced approach that defines this work. Benson’s efforts to promote conservatism were defined – perhaps in equal measure – by failures, successes, and innovations. As a result, his career provides a new perspective on the boundaries of modern conservatism. Much of the work on conservatism focuses on either elites or grassroots activists. Benson operated within a space between these two groups that has rarely been explored. His career relied, almost exclusively, on the financial support of conservative businessmen, who shared his desire to effect a political re-education of the American public. To do this, Benson utilized a remarkable range of outlets for his message, which included a newspaper column, a radio broadcast, a relentless speaking schedule, and the production of approximately fifty films. He also made pioneering efforts to increase the influence of conservatism within the education system. Benson’s appeal to businessmen also resided in his construction of an innovative discourse for communicating the virtues of unfettered corporate capitalism and challenging its critics. Drawing on his own youthful experiences in Oklahoma, one of the last ‘frontier’ outposts, as well as the mythology of frontier individualism and the discourse of populism, Benson offered a folksy rebuke of ‘big government’ and embraced the corporate world as the heir to these virtues (despite the obvious contradictions). Benson’s faith ensured that religion became the second pillar of his ‘Americanism.’ His economic outlook constituted a prescient departure from Church of Christ traditions that, like those of many Southern fundamentalist and evangelical groups, harbored long-standing concerns that economic modernity constituted a destabilizing and amoral influence over a society that required order, stability and a primary dedication to non-worldly ideals. Moreover, Benson offers a new insight into the confluence of the traditionalist and libertarian wings of the right, a defining feature of the modern conservative movement. Benson’s political vision resonated most profoundly in the South and Southwest, where the heartland of modern conservatism emerged from a collision between the region’s remarkable postwar economic transformation and its preexisting religious and political culture. In a more general sense, certain themes within Benson’s crusade, notably including the power and influence of organized labor, provided key successes for the right during these years. These successes were testament to the importance of favorable circumstances, but Benson’s career was defined by the conviction that a more effective communication of conservatism would solve the right’s problems throughout the nation; one key argument of this work is that the message itself had notable limitations. These limitations, in turn, reveal a more profound ambiguity towards conservatives’ economic message within American political culture, the shortcomings of religious conservatism, and the problematic and incomplete nature of Benson’s efforts to ‘fuse’ economic and social conservatism. On the other hand, that conservatives’ ambitions were not met during this period does not suggest that Benson operated in an era of political comity; in one important respect, conservatives such as Benson helped to constrain political discourse and ensure the persistent moderation of their opponents.
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Shouba, Derek C. (Derek Christopher). "Unionism and unionist politics : 1906-1914." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23357.
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This thesis will trace the development of Conservative ideology in Great Britain between 1906 and 1914. During these years the Conservative party was defeated by the Liberal party on three separate occasions. Many historians believe that this string of electoral contretemps offers convincing evidence that Conservatism, as an evolving pattern of beliefs, was fundamentally unsuited to the political climate of Great Britain at the turn of the century. According to this interpretation of Edwardian Conservatism, it was only the timely onset of war which saved the party from having to come to terms with the democratic impulse of an unfamiliar era. This is a gross exaggeration of the plight of Conservatism before the war, for the party's unwavering commitment to the economic status quo was not in itself a recipe for electoral catastrophe. What may well have turned out to be fatal to the party's well-being was Joseph Chamberlain's Tariff Reform campaign. In 1903 Chamberlain offered the party an all-encompassing creed, a total solution to Britain's problems, both domestic and foreign, and a positive platform to sustain the party in office. Balfour sensed the dangers of a comprehensive ideology that was inherently of its own time. He, and Bonar Law after him, helped to rehabilitate Conservative ideology by limiting its scope and suggesting that Tariff Reform was merely one weapon among many in a large Conservative arsenal.
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Griffis, Chelsea A. "“The Heart of the Battle Is Within:” Politically and Socially Rightist and Conservative Women and the Equal Rights Amendment." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1396448074.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950." Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
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Bruno, Adam P. "Getting History Right: Conservatism and the Power of the Past in the Long Culture Wars (1992-2010)." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556792499617022.
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Biggs, Austin R. "The Southern Baptist Convention “Crisis” in Context: Southern Baptist Conservatism and the Rise of the Religious Right." TopSCHOLAR®, 2017. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1967.
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From the late 1970s through the early 1990s, a minority conservative faction took over the Southern Baptist Convention (SBC). This project seeks to answer the questions of how a fringe minority within the nation’s largest Protestant denomination could undertake such a feat and why they chose to do so. The framework through which this work analyzes these questions is one of competing worldviews that emerged within the SBC in response to decades of societal shifts and denominational transformations in the post-World War II era. To place the events of the Southern Baptist “crisis” within this framework, this study seeks to refute the prevailing notion put forth in earlier works that the takeover was an in-house event, driven purely by doctrinal disputes between conservative Southern Baptists and SBC leadership. Illustrating the differences between rhetoric and action on both sides of this intra-denominational conflict, this work seeks to provide perspective to the narrative of the Southern Baptist “crisis” by asserting that the worldviews guiding the opposing factions diverged not only on doctrine, but culture and politics as well. Placing the events of the “crisis” within the context of broader worldviews, this project highlights and examines the intertwined nature of religion, culture, and politics in modern American society.
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Watkins, Daniel J. "Enlightenment, Catholicism, Conservatism: The Isaac-Joseph Berruyer Affair and the Culture of Orthodoxy in France, ca. 1700-1830." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1393237720.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. "A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /." View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.<br>"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
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Yu, Xuying, and 郁旭映. "Alternative modernity discourse and intellectual politics in modern and contemporary China: a case study ofXueheng school." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2011. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B48079844.
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This thesis sets to sketch Chinese intellectuals’ sustained efforts to search for an alternative modernity to the Western model throughout the twentieth century, and uncover the interaction between intellectual politics and Chinese modernity discourse by historicizing and contextualizing Chinese modernity discourse.
This study starts with delineating the consistence and the inconsistence of Chinese modernity discourses by juxtaposing different historical conditions and examining reappeared trends of thoughts. Three intellectual currents, i.e., cultural conservatism, humanism, and professionalism, which emerged in the May Fourth period and remerged in the post-socialist condition, are examined to mirror the spiral dynamics and the locus of Chinese modernity. Their respective roles in reconstructing Chinese cultural, ethical and academic orders in response to Western model of modernity are highlighted in the research. Cultural conservatism attempts to legitimize the Chinese culture in the framework of global modernity by resetting or reinterpreting the dialectical relation between the whole and part, universalism, and essentialism. Humanism emphasizes the standard, the guidance of authority, and the self-perfection to resist the ethical disorder caused by the so-called “modern spirit”, which is embodied by individualism, romanticism, and the immoderate expansion of desire. Professionalism influences the pattern of producing and reproducing knowledge about modernity by re-standardizing the academic and the discursive fields and by remolding the identity of the agents.
After exposing how the “alternative modernity” in China, as a discursive-political device, has been produced and repackaged with various contents and meanings, this thesis proceeds to explore the intellectual pedestal of Chinese modernity discourses from two aspects. First, how do the intellectual strategies of self-positioning and position-taking influence knowledge production and reproduction of the Chinese modernity discourse; second, how articulation and re-articulation of modernity discourse reflect the self-adjustments of intellectual politics as well as identity shifts. Through the comparative and diachronic examinations, it poses that, as Chinese modernity discourse is increasingly served as a symbolic capital or a strategy of intellectual politics, it gradually loses its authenticity or even becomes a signifier without signified. Meanwhile, the state-led modernization practice is reversely becoming homogenous, stable, and less diverse, although the dominant ideology, namely, socialism with Chinese characteristics, is, in itself, hybrid, paradoxical, and strategically manufactured.<br>published_or_final_version<br>Comparative Literature<br>Doctoral<br>Doctor of Philosophy
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Bronitsky, Jonathan Bernard. "The Anglo-American origins of neoconservatism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708897.
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Riddington, William. "The right, rights and the culture wars in the United States, 1981-1989." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/278057.
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This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.
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Curtis, Jesse. "Awakening the Nation: Mississippi Senator John C. Stennis, the White Countermovement, and the Rise of Colorblind Conservatism, 1947-1964." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1396962537.
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McVicar, Michael Joseph. "Reconstructing America: Religion, American Conservatism, and the Political Theology of Rousas John Rushdoony." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1284987530.
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Wanner, Eli S. "Tough Love on a Level Playing Field: The Intellectual History of George W. Bush’s Faith-Based Initiative." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors161911823275382.
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Savage, James A. "Save Our Republic: Battling John Birch in California's Conservative Cradle." UKnowledge, 2015. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/25.
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Previous accounts of the development of the New American Right have demonstrated the popularity and resonance of the ideology in Southern California. However, these studies have not shown how contention surrounded conservatism’s ascendancy even in regions where it found eager disciples. “Save Our Republic” uses one conservative Southern California community as a vehicle to better understand the foundations of a wider movement and argues the growth of conservatism was not nearly as smooth as earlier studies have suggested. Santa Barbara, California, experienced a much more contentious introduction to the same conservative elements and exemplifies the larger ideological clash that occurred nationwide during the late 1950s and early 1960s between “establishment,” moderate Republicans and the party’s right flank. In California’s cradle of conservatism, the ideology’s birth was not an easy one.
Santa Barbara should have provided a bonanza of support for the John Birch Society, a staunchly anticommunist organization founded in 1958 by retired businessman Robert H.W. Welch. Instead, its presence there in the early 1960s divided the city and inspired the sort of suspicion that ultimately hobbled the group’s reputation nationally. Rather than thriving in the city, the JBS impaled itself in a series of self-inflicted wounds that only worsened the effect these characterizations had on the group’s national reputation. Disseminated to a nationwide audience by local newspaper publisher Thomas M. Storke, who declared his intention to banish the organization from the city, the events that occurred in Santa Barbara throughout 1961 alerted other cities of the potential disruption the JBS could inspire in their communities. The JBS would forever bear the battle scars it earned in Santa Barbara.
“Save Our Republic” argues the events in Santa Barbara exemplify the more pronounced political battle that was occurring throughout the nation in the 1960s as conservatives grappled to determine the bounds of their ideology. The threat from the right that caused so much handwringing in the halls of conservative power had an equally unsettling effect in the city’s parlors, churches, schoolhouses and newsrooms.
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Weinberg, Eric G. "CREATING HEAVEN ON EARTH: JIM BAKKER AND THE BIRTH OF A SUNBELT PENTECOSTALISM." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/7.
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This dissertation traces the rise of Jim and Tammy Bakker and analyzes the birth and growth of prosperity theology in the United States of America. It highlights how Jim and Tammy created a form of Pentecostalism that grew alongside and because of the growth of the Sunbelt. It blossomed in the new suburban enclaves of this region. Jim Bakker's religious ideas had their roots in an increasingly powerful anti-New Deal coalition that was led by the conservative business community. Positive thinking and the prosperity gospel reinforced their beliefs in unfettered markets and their opposition to activist government. Bakker combined these ideas with an emphasis on the family, creating a power new kind of religion. It became a form of cultural conservatism that increasingly shaped American society in the 1970s and 1980s, helping transform political issues into moral and religious questions.
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Van, Dyke Ian E. "Rapture and Realignment: The New Christian Right and American Conservative Views of Israel." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1461590612.
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Patton, Patrick. "Standing at Thermopylae: A History of the American Liberty League." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2015. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/323479.
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History<br>Ph.D.<br>This dissertation re-examines the history of the American Liberty League, building upon observations in recent works by Kimberly Phillips-Fein and David Farber that trace the origins of the modern American conservative political movement back to the reaction against the New Deal programs implemented by Franklin Roosevelt. The Liberty League, it is argued here, established a tradition of what I describe as Constitutional conservatism. The Liberty League, established in 1934 with the expressed purpose of "upholding the Constitution," represented the most forceful and coherent contemporary resistance against a trend toward centralization of power in the federal government and the executive branch that took shape during the Progressive Era and was cemented by the New Deal. Historians writing about conservatism in the the U.S. have most often highlighted other explanations for the motivations underpinning the movement, most notably the "racial backlash" thesis, but a theme of Constitutional conservatism can be traced through many of the conservative political organizations that have emerged in the United States since the demise of the Liberty League in 1936. The first chapter discusses the origins of the Liberty League, which to a considerable extent evolved out of the Association Against the Prohibition Movement. In addition to their shared focus on Constitutional issues, the two organizations utilized the same tactics and showed considerable overlap in terms of membership, leadership and financial backing. Leaders of the organization, discussed in a separate chapter, included Jouett Shouse, William Stayton, Al Smith, Raoul Desvernine, along with a number of wealthy industrialists that provided financial backing, including Pierre du Pont, his brother Irénée du Pont, John Raskob and E. F. Hutton. Further chapters examine the activities of the local and state branches of the Liberty League, the League's attempts to coordinate efforts with other organizations professing a desire for upholding the Constitution and analysis of the publications produced and distributed by the Liberty League. While the organization was funded largely by a small group of wealthy individuals with a vested interest in protecting their vast fortunes, the Liberty League devoted itself in practice to arguing in favor of the more strict interpretation of the Constitution that had largely prevailed in the United States before the New Deal era. Of course, the League failed utterly to convince the electorate, as evidenced by the overwhelming electoral triumph achieved by President Roosevelt in 1936, but it's relentless attempts to highlight the perceived excesses of the New Deal helped fill the void left by the virtual absence of any meaningful Republican opposition, perhaps helping to place some limits on the extent of the New Deal and laying the ground work for future generations of conservatives that continue to draw on the theme of Constitutional conservatism in their efforts to turn back some of the advances made by proponents of a more activist federal government during the Twentieth Century.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Flaming, Anna Leigh Bostwick. ""The most important person in the world": the many meanings of the modern American housewife." Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6572.
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My dissertation demonstrates how housewives manipulated and redefined the image and identity of the housewife in the U.S. during the second half of the twentieth century. From the eras of June Cleaver to Gloria Steinem and Phyllis Schlafly, women invoked motherhood and domesticity for both progressive and traditionalist ends. They did so amid shifting expectations of homemakers. In the decades following World War II, the legalization of contraceptives and abortion transformed understandings of the connections among womanhood, marriage, and maternity; legislation offered limited opportunities for women to acquire education and participate in new sectors of the workforce; and the decline of the family wage and the introduction of no-fault divorce increasingly curbed men's and women's ability to keep mother at home. Whereas in 1962 more than fifty-five percent of women aged twenty-five to fifty-four were engaged in full-time homemaking, by 1985 housewives made up just over twenty-six percent of the same population. Amid this change, the word housewife served as a lingua franca in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s that helped people to organize under the banner of domesticity. The arbiters defining the American housewife included not only members of the conservative Silent Majority, but also members of the feminist National Organization for Women (NOW); not only white television stars like Donna Reed who spearheaded protest against the Vietnam War by the group Another Mother for Peace, but also African American and Catholic and Jewish women working together to promote cross-racial understanding; not only women who earned wages outside of the home, but also non-wage-earning househusbands.
I investigate how women's groups in the 1960s and early 1970s turned the dismissals that frequently accompanied the phrase "just a housewife" into an asset. Some groups deployed the housewife as the antithesis of the expert: Housewives' opinions about racism could be trusted as an authentic voice of the people because they did not rely on statistics calculated to fit into theories or models. Others relied on biologically determinist arguments: Motherhood made housewives into specialized experts on specific topics such as peace. Domesticity generally made these women less politically threatening and so better able to enact their agendas. While these housewife activists certainly grew and benefitted from their participation in these groups, the main purpose of their work was never to aid housewives exclusively.
Beginning in the mid-1970s, women finally capitalized on the authority of the housewife image to improve the lives of homemakers. The efforts of housewife groups in the 1970s and early 1980s who opposed and supported the proposed Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution underscores the flexible definition of "housewife." While they initially organized to lend the authority of the housewife name to a particular cause, these groups ultimately became political organizations that represented and mobilized housewives as a constituency. Despite many differences, traditionalists and feminists could find common ground in recognizing the problems homemakers faced. Both were troubled by the realities of second shifts in which women juggled wage-earning and family obligations. They were concerned by the feminization of poverty, especially among older women. Whereas many traditionalists advocated a performed femininity meant to produce starkly gendered male protector-breadwinner and female dependent-homemaker roles, feminists looked to legislative and social equality solutions to provide both men and women the opportunity to succeed at home and at work. Yet some traditionalists united with feminists to critique the vulnerabilities of displaced homemakers - women who had engaged in years of unwaged homemaking only to be displaced from their vocations by widowhood or divorce. These women drew on previous experience in maternalist, racial equality, and anti-poverty movements. They sought solutions that included transferring the skills of homemaking into well-paid jobs in traditionally-male fields. They accomplished this by simultaneously praising the work of homemaking even as they criticized homemaking as a vocation that put women in a vulnerable economic position. The formation of a movement by and for homemakers crystallized, however, at the same time as the erosion of housewife as a crucial identity for women.
Finally, I analyze the extent to which gender is caught up in the potentials and limitations of the housewife role by tracing the ways that Americans have envisioned the housewife as male. So long as the male homemaker was cast as exotic, role models and new precedents could be transformed into freak shows and warnings. Men who made the unusual choice to take on the role of family homemaker were further marginalized. Despite a sometimes overt emphasis on men's domesticity as a means of achieving social equality, the real efforts and the imagined experiences of the male housewife often ran counter to feminist goals. Varying from farcical to feminist, the successes and failures of these visions of male homemaking demonstrate the extent to which domesticity, economic dependency, and gender have been entangled in the American imagination.
My dissertation underscores how women (and some men) adopted flexible definitions of homemaking to create complicated and sometimes fleeting alliances through which housewives organized. My research complicates the dichotomous stereotypes of the feminist and the antifeminist by exploring how both progressive and traditionalist women organized as housewives. Although my project considers media and pop culture, I rely primarily on archival research and published primary sources to examine the way that women claiming to be homemakers and mothers actively manipulated cultural understandings of those roles. The definitions they employed demonstrate how perceptions of homemaking are laden with multiple and complex meanings about sex, gender, class, race, citizenship, labor, religion, and identity.
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Cantone, Amy Elizabeth. "The Republicans’ civil war: Dwight D. Eisenhower and the fight to halt conservatism, 1952–1969." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/14164.
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Master of Arts<br>Department of History<br>Derek S. Hoff<br>In the years immediately after World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower insisted that he did not want to run for office. However, the general, persuaded by the efforts of Citizens for Eisenhower groups, reversed his decision before the 1952 election. The new politician did not take an easy path to the White House, however, as Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, the leading conservative Republican, fought to represent the GOP. Eisenhower aligned with the moderate faction, the party’s traditional source of power, and joined the Republicans during the early stages of a civil war in the party. From the time Eisenhower received the presidential nomination in 1952 until his death in 1969, he committed himself to leading the GOP and establishing moderate, not conservative, Republicanism as the party’s ideology. However, this aspect of Eisenhower’s political career has largely been ignored by historians. The analyses of Eisenhower that focus on his presidency, rather than his military career, concentrate on policy decisions, omitting the president’s role as party leader during a transformative era. This oversight not only skews Eisenhower’s legacy but also renders analyses of the conservative revolution in American politics incomplete. Before conservative Senator Barry Goldwater secured the Republican nomination in 1964, a very important moment that augured —but did not guarantee — the future triumph of the conservative wing, Eisenhower worked to stop his campaign. Had Eisenhower succeeded, the GOP and American politics could have followed a much different trajectory in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Utilizing documents from throughout Eisenhower’s political career, this study argues that although Eisenhower failed to halt conservatism, he influenced the course of the GOP. During the 1950s and 1960s, Eisenhower helped revitalize the party, improved the party’s organization, and contributed to conservatism’s delayed ascendancy. Furthermore, Eisenhower merits recognition as a party leader who worked tirelessly on behalf of moderate Republicanism, not just as a man with impressive coattails for Republicans to cling to during elections.
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Yates, Matthew Kyle. "The Conscience of a Movement: American Conservatism, the Vietnam War, and the Politics of Natural Law." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1313108426.
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Ter-Grigoryan, Svetlana Yuriyevna. "A Soviet Parade of Horribles: Conservatism in Glasnost-Era Discourses on Sex, 1987-1991." TopSCHOLAR®, 2016. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1564.
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Between 1987 and 1991, Soviet filmmakers and journalists utilized Gorbachev’s glasnost reform policy to depict or discuss sexuality in cinema and the popular press. I argue that Soviet film and popular press discourses on sex in this period reveal a continuity of conservative sexual mores, which were interwoven with social and moral conservatism regarding the centerpiece of Soviet society, the Soviet family. Furthermore, these discourses take on a fundamentally misogynistic tone, in that women are tasked with defending sexual purity, and thus familial integrity, while simultaneously being cast as those most susceptible to the power of sexual enticement. Thus, the comparatively permissive discourse about sex and sexuality in the 1980s can be interpreted not as a “sexual revolution,” but as an explosion in social and moral anxieties, that were unique to the glasnost period, about the Soviet way of life. Additionally, this study challenges the concept of the totalitarian Soviet system by highlighting intellectuals’ persevering conservatism during a period where the state did not expressly govern or censor discourses on sex and sexuality.
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Jones, Emily. "Constructing a conservative : the reception of Edmund Burke in British politics and culture, c. 1830-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:06d5fb72-9272-4255-a2ae-51c31d89063b.
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Between 1830 and 1914 in Britain a dramatic modification of the reputation of Edmund Burke (1730-97) occurred. Burke, an Irishman and Whig politician, is now most commonly known as the 'founder of modern conservatism' – an intellectual tradition which is also deeply connected to the identity of the British Conservative party. Indeed, the idea of 'Burkean conservatism’ – a political philosophy which upholds ‘the authority of tradition', the organic, historic conception of society, and the necessity of order, religion, and property – has been incredibly influential both in international academic analysis and in the wider political world. This is an intellectual construct of high significance, but its origins have not hitherto been understood: insofar as it has been considered at all, it has been typically seen as the work of Cold War American conservatives. In contrast, this thesis demonstrates that the transformation of Burke into the 'founder of conservatism' was in fact part of wider developments in British political, intellectual, and cultural history in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Drawing from a wide range of sources, including political texts, parliamentary speeches, histories, biographies, and educational curricula, this thesis provides a properly contextual history of political thought. It shows how and why Burke's reputation was transformed over a formative period of British history. In doing so, it bridges the significant gap between the history of political thought as conventionally understood and the history of the making of political traditions. The result is to show that, by 1914, Burke had been firmly established as a 'conservative' political philosopher and was admired and utilised by political Conservatives in Britain who identified themselves as his intellectual heirs. This was one essential component of a conscious re-working of 'C/conservatism', especially from the mid-1880s, which is still at work today.
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Morris, Robert Nathanael. "Surfing the Tide of Sex Anarchy: How Sexual Co-Revolutionaries Remade Evangelical Marriage, 1960-1980." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6328.
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This project examines the conservative evangelical response to 1960s era sexual revolution in order to explain how and why evangelicals both resisted and adapted tenets of sexual modernity in a process that transformed the theological foundations underlying the conception of Christian marriage and sexuality. Though evangelicals and conservatives are typically portrayed as resistors to cultural and sexual change, my research reveals the ways in which conservative evangelicals agreed with key critiques of the sexual status quo in the 1960s, and deliberately worked to change Christian teachings and attitudes to keep them vibrant and attractive to postwar generations. Previous examinations of evangelical thought on sexuality has focused on rhetorical analysis and social history to the exclusion of examinations of the close ties between evangelical marital theology, sexual practice, and political activism. This project seeks to integrate all three into a cohesive historical framework that reveals evangelical response to sexual revolution as more complex and adaptive than it is typically described.
Close readings of conservative evangelical texts from 1960 to 1980 combine the long term editorial trajectory of Christianity Today magazine with ideological and theological texts from the 1960s with popular, practical texts from the 1970s to demonstrate that the evangelical marriage project was deliberate, deeply rooted in a modern hermeneutic of Biblical interpretation, and nimble in its ability and willingness to adapt changing sexual attitudes to accommodate Christian theology and practice. The resulting portrait of evangelical response to sexual revolution is more complex, contextualized, and nuanced than previous narratives.
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Jackson, Nathan D. "Phylogenetic History, Morphological Parallelism, and Speciation in a Complex of Appalachian Salamanders (Genus: Desmognathus)." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2005. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/358.
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Understanding the mechanisms that generate shared morphologies across closely related taxa is important when identifying distinct evolutionary lineages using morphological characters. Desmognathus salamanders are an ideal group for testing hypotheses concerning the correlation between morphological similarity and genetic exchange within and among nominal species due to a pattern of high discordance between the two. Phylogeographic hypotheses are tested for populations of the D. quadramaculatus species complex throughout southern Appalachia by combining phylogenetic and population genetic methods with geographical information. Phylogenetic and phylogeographic inferences are then assessed in conjunction with morphological characteristics that have traditionally diagnosed taxonomic entities to understand the genetic basis of shared morphology in this complex, and to assess species boundaries. A history of fragmentation followed by range expansion is suggested as a recurrent pattern that has shaped the current population structure within this complex. The current taxonomy is found to unite populations that share similar morphologies due to parallel evolution rather than ancestry. We suggest revisions in taxonomy that will better reflect the evolutionary history of these lineages. Appreciation of the hidden genetic variation and homoplasious morphological variation often present in and among salamander species can foster the implementation of more appropriate methods for detecting and recognizing the complex history of these organisms.
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Denning, Robert V. "The Creative Society: Environmental Policymaking in California, 1967-1974." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306110418.
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Lowenthal, Kristi. "Conservative thought and the equal rights amendment in Kansas." Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/907.
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Johal, Kalwant S. "The Battle Over the Kent State Shootings and the Monopoly of Memorialization." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1236703442.
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Tarbert, Jesse. "When Good Government Meant Big Government: Nationalism, Racism, and the Quest To Strengthen The American State, 1918–1933." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1463664766.
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Andelic, Patrick Kieron. "Donkey work : redefining the Democratic Party in an 'age of conservatism', 1972-1984." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74e6045e-6262-45dd-873f-d35223133a42.
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This thesis argues that much of the political historiography is mistaken in portraying the post-1960s United States as a nation moving inexorably to the right. It also argues that historians should not understand the Democratic Party as being in terminal decline between 1972 and 1984, marginalised by a coalescing conservative Republican majority. Indeed, taking as its focus the U.S. Congress, this thesis asks why the remarkable resilience of the congressional Democratic Party has been overlooked by historians. It further asks why that resilience did so little to help the party in subsequent years. The Democratic revival in the elections of 1974 and 1976, so often dismissed as a post-Watergate aberration, was in fact an authentic political opportunity that the party failed to exploit. Exploring various Democratic factions within Congress that competed to shape their party's public philosophy, this thesis seeks to show how grander liberal ambitions were often subordinated to the logic of legislative politics and policymaking. The underlying theme is the unsuitability of Congress as an arena for the discussion and refinement of post-Great Society liberalism. Again and again, the legislature displayed a remarkable facility for undermining iconoclasm and stalling policy experimentation. Institutional reforms in the early 1970s, supposed to reinvigorate the Congress and the congressional Democratic Party, actually succeeded only in intensifying the fragmentation of both. Congressional politics became more entrepreneurial and less party-oriented, leaving legislators with few incentives to look beyond their own political fortunes to the party's future prospects. Enduring Democratic strength in Congress meant that Capitol Hill remained at the centre of the party's efforts to reclaim its preeminent position in American politics. The fact that the Democrats never experienced a protracted period of minority status, as the Republicans did during much of the mid-twentieth century, left them ill-equipped and without a powerful incentive to think in broader terms about their party's mission.
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Wemp, Brian A. (Brian Alan). "The Paris Commune and the French right : the reaction of the bourgeoisie." Thesis, McGill University, 1995. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23857.
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The historiographic struggle over the representation of the Paris Commune, as begun by the daily press in 1871 and continued in the works of many subsequent scholars, is in fact part of a larger ideological battle. This thesis argues that in order to understand the significance of the Commune, it is necessary to return to contemporary writings. It studies the bourgeois reaction to the Paris Commune using as source material diaries, correspondence and monographs of upper class observers of the Commune. Through these writings, the Commune is seen as a socialist threat to bourgeois stability, and a sign of the disintegration of the ideals of the French Revolution.
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Scisco, Logan Michael. "Vanguard of the Right: The Department of Education Battle, 1978-1979." TopSCHOLAR®, 2014. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1364.
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Satisfying a campaign pledge to the National Education Association (NEA), President Jimmy Carter pushed for a federal Department of Education in 1978 and 1979. In the ensuing legislative battle, Carter confronted opposition from states’ rights, social, and religious conservatives that were beginning to form the nucleus of the New Right in the Republican Party. Using divisive racial and religious issues, these conservatives tried, and failed, to thwart the Department of Education project. Congressional testimony, the Carter administration’s internal documents, and newspaper editorials illustrate that the Department of Education battle foreshadowed the Reagan Revolution of 1980.