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1
Egan, Kevin David. „Sovereignty and the Governance of Globalization: The Emergence of Empire or the Conquest of US Security Interests?“ Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42726.
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As the economic, political, and cultural forces of globalization continue to proliferate throughout the international community, the concept of sovereignty will be increasingly challenged with the task of grappling with the problems of governing these forces. This thesis examines Michael Hardt and Antonio Negriâ s characterization of how globalization will be governed â imperial sovereignty â in their vast work, Empire. In doing so, Michel Foucaultâ s theoretical construct of bio-power is analyzed as it relates to the constitution of sovereignty, and how it subsequently can benefit international relations theoristsâ understanding of how power may be implemented to help effectively govern, protect, and promote life on a global scale. Yet, Empire is not without its shortcomings. Its nebulous take on imperial sovereignty is too ephemeral; there is no conception of a center to Empire, no institutional arrangements that articulate the use of power. The role of â big playersâ such as the United States must be taken into consideration in addressing the future prospects of governing the forces of globalization and the populations exposed to these forces. Ultimately, it appears that the best hopes for such governance lies in wedding the national self-interests of states in seeking security to the use of international institutions for more humanitarian intervention. Such a union grants force and structure to an international community otherwise devoid of authority and order.Master of Arts
2
Quinn, Adam. „Conquest of spirits : ideological history as an explanatory factor in the Bush administration's resistance to balance-of-power thinking“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2977/.
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This thesis argues that America's national ideological history is crucially relevant to understanding the Bush administration's resistance to thinking about international order in the balance-of-power terms prescribed by realists. Bush pursued a world order based on the assumption of an underlying harmony of interests and the universal validity of an idealised conception of American liberal political values. He also sought an indefinitely sustainable American primacy in terms of hard power. The thesis argues that this strategy, despite some suggestions that it was 'revolutionary', was in fact the latest evolution of long-established trends in American internationalism. The thesis seeks to make the case that a nation's foreign policy strategy is the product of interaction between national/international circumstances and an evolved national culture or 'character' reflecting embedded ideological principles developed over the course of that nation's history. Thus, it suggests, American internationalism has particularities that can only be fully understood through awareness of the United States' ideological journey over the course of its history to a posture of global engagement. The thesis uses analysis of five key periods to make its argument for the relevance of ideological history, starting with the Founders' Era and proceeding through presidents Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman before concluding with the Bush administration. It argues that the ideological cast given to America's pursuit of its interests in the early decades of independence impacted upon the nation's 20th Century leaders' construction of their arguments justifying the transition to international engagement. As a result, rather than contentedly entering into the existing Europe-dominated world order based on 'the balance of power', US leaders made America's internationalism conditional on the pursuit of a new world order reflecting the ideas of liberal universalism and military might in the service of 'civilisation'.
3
Clarke, Michael Edmund, und n/a. „In The Eye Of Power: China And Xinjiang From The Qing Conquest To The 'New Great Game' For Central Asia, 1759-2004“. Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061121.163131.
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The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.
4
Clarke, Michael Edmund. „In The Eye Of Power: China And Xinjiang From The Qing Conquest To The 'New Great Game' For Central Asia, 1759-2004“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365579.
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The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Clarke, Michael Edmund. „In the eye of power China and Xinjiang from the Qing Conquest to the "New Great Game" for Central Asia, 1759-2004 /“. Connect to the electronic version, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061121.163131/.
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Pessoa, Ângelo Emilio da Silva. „"As ruínas da tradição: 'A Casa da Torre' de Garcia D' Ávila - família e propriedade no nordeste colonial"“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2003. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-03102005-103312/.
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O presente trabalho tem como objeto central o estudo de uma importante família baiana entre os séculos XVI e XIX, que esteve diretamente envolvida nos processos de conquista territorial e acumulou vasta propriedade fundiária nesse período, além de exercer grande influência nas esferas de poder junto à administração colonial. Inicialmente refletimos sobre como a família Dias dÁvila tornou-se objeto de investigações historiográficas e como essa historiografia contribuiu para a afirmação de uma tradição interpretativa, que estabeleceu um vínculo direto entre sua trajetória e a formação de uma certa definição de História Nacional. Buscamos ainda esclarecer certos aspectos das relações entre os colonos e as populações autóctones no processo de conquista territorial, envolvendo desde a mestiçagem e incorporação, até os violentos conflitos que estiveram relacionados a esse processo. Também demonstramos alguns meandros das relações entre uma importante família senhorial e as diversas instâncias da administração colonial, bem como as estratégias desenvolvidas pela família para a aquisição, ampliação e manutenção de poder, entre as quais a obtenção de cargos e mercês, as ligações de casamento e os processos de transmissão de herança. Destacamos, nesse último aspecto, a instituição de um Morgado, como forma de vinculação de bens através de distintas gerações, excluindo, inclusive, certos membros da linha sucessória do acesso a bens da família. Nesse particular discutimos o significado de Casa como uma forma de agregação entre família e patrimônio que tinha a finalidade de garantir a obtenção e manutenção de poder econômico e político. Por fim, ressaltamos como a tradição construída em torno da família serviu e ainda serve aos objetivos de preservação do poder político, mesmo quando a família perdeu a capacidade de manutenção das bases de seu poder econômico.This thesis has as the main object the study of an important family from Bahia between the XVI and XIX centuries, who were directly involved in the process of land conquest, and accumulated a vast estate during this time. Besides that, this family had a great capacity in influencing colonial administrations political power. Initially we reflect on how the Dias d`Avila`s family became the subject of historiographic investigations and how this historiography has contributed to establishing the method of interpreting tradition on this subject, which documented one direct relation connecting its trajectory and the formation of a certain national historic definition. We intend to provide a more detailed way of ascertaining certain aspects of the relationship between the colonists and the autochthonous populations. The process of territorial conquest raises questions about races mixture - cross breeding - mestisos and their acceptance, to the violent conflicts that were related to that process. We will also demonstrate some particularities concerning the relations between one important land owner family and the different colonial administration levels, as well as the strategies developed by the family in order to acquire, increase and maintain power. Among those strategies were public jobs obtaining in the colonial government and the receiving of graces (merces) through marriage connections and the controlling of the inheritance process, in which the Morgado (process of the eldest receiving the whole inheritance) stands out as a way of perpetuating the real estate property through out different generations without dividing it excluding, in some cases, some family members from the inheritance. In this particular case we discuss the meaning of Casa as a form of association between the family and the family estate which had the objective of ensuring the obtaining and keeping of political and economic power. Finally, we demonstrate that a tradition was built around the family which served, even today, as a means of retaining political power even tough when a family has lost its capacity of keeping the basis of its economic power.
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Otomo, Charly. „Les usages politiques des Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication Numérique au Gabon et au Cameroun : entre enjeux démocratiques et conquête du pouvoir“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024ULILH038.
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Au Gabon comme au Cameroun, on assiste de plus en plus à une désaffection des organisations partisanes par les citoyens moins enclins à s'engager dans le cadre politique institutionnel. Toutefois, cette désaffection des partis politiques ne peut s'expliquer par un désintérêt de la vie politique de la part de ces citoyens, d'autant plus qu'ils optent pour d'autres formes d'engagement politique. Ainsi, plutôt que de parler de désintérêt, il est plus pertinent d'expliquer cette situation par une mutation de l'engagement politique qui se déploie désormais dans d'autres espaces, notamment les espaces en ligne qui autorisent parfois une prise de parole classée loin des critères de recevabilité dans l'espace public officiel. Par conséquent, ces espaces qui attirent davantage les Gabonais et Camerounais, se donnent à voir comme une nouvelle menace pour ces formations politiques déjà en pleine crise de légitimité. Pour se repositionner dans ce contexte de transformation de la sphère publique, elles ont également investi le numérique qui leur offre les opportunités stratégiques dans des pays où l'espace médiatique est de surcroît sous contrôle des acteurs au pouvoir. Dans une approche comparative qui vise à élargir la compréhension de ce phénomène d'appropriation du numérique par ces partis, il est donc question de voir dans cette thèse comment les partis politiques font usage du numérique pour qu'émergent de nouvelles pratiques de communication politique afin de mieux s'insérer dans la compétition politique déjà dominée par le PDG et le RDPC au pouvoir. Pour y parvenir, nous avons procédé à l'analyse de contenu de sites web et de pages Facebook officielles de cinq premiers partis représentés à l'Assemblée nationale au Gabon et au Cameroun, avant de réaliser les enquêtes de terrain auprès des responsables desdits partis. Partant de là, les résultats obtenus révèlent que l'appropriation du numérique par les institutions partisanes de ces deux espaces politiques ne s'inscrit pas dans un projet qui a pour finalité de modifier profondément leur organisation. Mais elle s'inscrit surtout dans une démarche qui consiste à s'émanciper de la sphère médiatique traditionnelleIn Gabon as in Cameroon, we are increasingly witnessing a disaffection with partisan organizations by citizens who are less inclined to engage in a much more institutional political framework. However, this disaffection with political parties cannot be explained by a lack of interest in political life on the part of the latter, especially since they opt for other forms of political participation. Thus, rather than talking about disinterest, it is more relevant to explain this situation by a mutation of political engagement that is now deployed in other spaces, in particular online spaces that allow speech that is far from the criteria of admissibility in the official public space. As a result, these spaces, which attract more Gabonese and Cameroonians, are seen as a new threat to these political parties already in the midst of a crisis of legitimacy. To reposition themselves in this context of transformation of the public sphere, they have also invested in digital technology, which offers them both strategic and communication opportunities in countries where the media space is also under the control of the actors in power. In a comparative approach that aims to broaden the understanding of this phenomenon of digital appropriation by these parties, it is therefore a question of seeing in this thesis, how, through their use of information technologies and digital communication, they are led to rethink the practices of political communication in order to renew themselves, legitimize itself in order to better fit into the political competition already dominated by the PDG and the CPDM in power. To achieve this, we analysed the content of websites and official Facebook pages of the top five parties represented in the National Assembly in Gabon and Cameroon, before conducting field surveys with the leaders of these parties. Based on this, the results obtained reveal that the appropriation of digital technology by the institutions that support these two political spaces is not part of a project that aims to profoundly modify their organization. But above all, it is part of an approach that consists of bypassing the traditional media to which they have almost no access
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Garme, Cecilia. „Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 /“. Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
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Saliba, Karen Jorge. „Estabelecidos em ação : um caso de conquista e de manutenção de postos de poder“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2008. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/3916.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Departamento de Sociologia, 2008.Submitted by Thaíza da Silva Santos (thaiza28@hotmail.com) on 2010-02-26T13:53:45Z No. of bitstreams: 2 2008_KarenJorgeSaliba.pdf: 1372727 bytes, checksum: c81ef5ed4338880384b7fd08484d1ed1 (MD5) 2008_KarenJorgeSaliba_pretextuais.pdf: 74998 bytes, checksum: c611142d234c2d1e1118e05487785c66 (MD5)
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Os conflitos existentes e as relações de força que se instituíram entre os servidores participantes do Projeto NOVO, uma medida de modernização da Previdência Social, é o objeto desta dissertação no sentido de desvendar os mecanismos que contribuíram para o acesso e a manutenção de um grupo de pessoas em postos de poder. O estudo, orientado com as noções de burocracia ideal de Weber e das relações de poder examinadas por Elias, mostra como o Projeto, ao longo das atividades de modelagem de processos, de construção de produtos e outros trabalhos, se tornou um terreno fértil de lutas. Isso se processou fundamentalmente, entre duas classes ali representadas ─ estabelecidos e outsiders ─ com adesão ou não de outras. Os conflitos se esgotaram com o monopólio de estabelecidos que passaram a atuar com autoridade legitimada pelo poder. Esse grupo, no período de 2002 a 2008, movimentou um conjunto de vinte cargos de direção e assessoramento superior e de quinze funções entre nove pessoas. Formada essa elite, os participantes migraram do PNOVO para outros dois novos projetos ─ o PGESTÃO e o PIM. A circularidade da interdependência e a análise empírica das múltiplas variáveis indicaram que os projetos foram mecanismos de sustentação de seus interesses para solidificar posições e reafirmar novas missões, com direções estratégicas distintas do contrato internacional celebrado entre o governo brasileiro e o Banco Mundial. A ação e movimento racional desse grupo confirmam a hipótese de que a conquista e a manutenção de postos de poder e de prestígio no serviço público estão fundadas no fortalecimento de um grupo, por meio do controle dos meios e dos postos de comando. Essa é uma conclusão do exame dos movimentos realizados pelos integrantes do grupo ─ os estabelecidos ─ minuciosamente analisados à luz das entrevistas, pelas observações da pesquisadora e pelo exame de farta documentação. ____________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The existing conflicts and relations of power that were founded between public servants participants of Project Novo, a measure of modernization of Social Welfare in Brazil, is the object of this dissertation in order to unravel the mechanisms that contributed to access and maintenance of a group of people in positions of power. The study, focusing on the concepts of ideal bureaucracy of Weber and relations of power examined by Elias, shows how the Project, along with activities of processes modeling, products construction and other works, has become a breeding ground for fights. This took place mainly among two classes represented there ─ established and outsiders ─ with adhesion or not from others. The conflicts exhausted with the monopoly of established now to act with authority sanctioned by power. This group, in the period 2002 to 2008, handled a series of twenty positions of direction and advice and top fifteen functions between nine people. Formed this elite, participants PNOVO migrated to the other two new projects ─ the PGESTÃO and PIM. The circularity of interdependence and empirical analysis of multiple variables indicated that the projects were mechanisms in support of their interests to solidify positions and reaffirm new missions with distinct strategic directions from international contract signed between the Brazilian government and the World Bank. The rational action and movement of this group confirm the hypothesis that the achievement and maintenance of positions of power and prestige in public service are based on strengthening of a group, through the control of means and positions of command. This is a conclusion of the examination of the movements made by members of the group established ─ scrutinised in the light of the interviews, comments by the researcher and the examination of ample documentation.
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Schmidt, Remís Alice Perin. „Erechim: cidade construída para imigrantes : poder simbólico na conquista do espaço urbano“. Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/3956.
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Previous issue date: 2009100 years ago the State of Rio Grande do Sul began the process of securing a large area of its Northern land, which later would become a central urban core of Erechim. The Republic then had just been instituted and, with the implementation of Federalism, the old Province of São Pedro's was replaced by the new state of Rio Grande do Sul. This process of occupation is part of this context and it is in this perspective that this study intended to reflect on this historical fact, more specifically on the State‘s action on the appropriation of urban space in Rio Grande do Sul in the early twentieth century and the influence of positivist ideology in the development of a detailed plan for the occupation of that area. The research deals with indigenous issues and the process of regularization of unoccupied lands in the State. It evaluates, then, the influence for opting for immigrants, their purposes, their work force, and the various ethnic groups involved and how this is reflected as a factor for success in the occupation of those lands. It examines, finally, the model of colonization and planning designed and urbanization process proposed and implemented, by analyzing the layout of the city and the images that portray the squares, main avenues and its buildings, reflecting, then, about the power and symbolic representation that has prevailed from that state intervention, coupled with the influence of the first settlers in the construction of urban space.
Há 100 anos, o Governo do RS deu início ao processo de ocupação de uma vasta área de terras ao Norte do Estado, onde, mais tarde, surgiria o núcleo urbano central de Erechim. Na época, a República recém havia sido instaurada e, com a implantação do Federalismo, a velha Província de São Pedro dava lugar a um novo Estado. Esse processo de ocupação das terras do Norte insere-se neste contexto e é em tal perspectiva que o presente estudo pretende refletir, detendo mais especificamente na ação do Estado quanto à apropriação do espaço urbano, no início do século XX e na influência da ideologia positivista para a concepção de um detalhado plano de ocupação daquela área setentrional. A pesquisa aborda a questão indígena e o processo de regularização das terras devolutas no Estado; avalia a influência da opção pelos imigrantes, seus propósitos e sua força de trabalho e as várias etnias envolvidas. Examina, por fim, o modelo de colonização e planificação concebido e o processo de urbanização proposto e executado, através da análise do traçado da cidade e das imagens que retratam as praças, as avenidas centrais e as suas edificações, refletindo-se, então, acerca do conceito de poder simbólico e de representação, que está implícito nessa intervenção do Estado, conjugada à influência dos primeiros ocupantes na construção do espaço urbano.
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Hareland, Mathias. „CONQUER CORROSION : Key issues of the lead-cooled fast reactor design“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Tillämpad kärnfysik, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-149755.
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The lead-cooled fast reactor (LFR) is one of the concepts of the Generation IV reactorsystems. There are some issues that have to be solved before a research orcommercial LFR can be built. The objective of this thesis was to identify these keyissues and analyse them by studying results from previous research: choice of fuel,corrosion on structural materials and corrosion/erosion on pumps.The major fuel candidates for the LFR are MOX fuel (Mixed OXide fuel), metallic fuel,nitride fuel and carbide fuel. Nitride fuel has desirable properties but its production ismore difficult than for MOX fuel.Most of today’s commercial steels are not corrosion resistant at higher temperaturesbut they could possibly be used for an LFR test demonstrator with an operatingtemperature lower than 450 ºC. A new type of steel called oxide dispersionstrengthened (ODS) steel and a new ceramic material MAXTHAL both showpromising corrosion resistance even at higher temperatures.By controlling the oxygen concentration a protective oxide film is produced. Flowingliquid coolant causes erosion and wears down the oxide film. Pumps are exposed tocoolant velocities of 10-15 m/s causing both erosion and corrosion. There is nosolution today, but MAXTHAL shows promising results in tests with liquid lead of lowvelocity. There are also other issues unsolved, such as irradiation damage onstructural materials, thus more research is needed.Economic and political aspects were not covered in this study. This thesis work wasperformed at Vattenfall Research and Development AB.
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Schmidt, Rem?s Alice Perin. „Erechim : cidade constru?da para imigrantes : poder simb?lico na conquista do espa?o urbano“. Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2010. http://tede2.pucrs.br/tede2/handle/tede/2324.
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Previous issue date: 2010-01-11H? 100 anos, o Governo do RS deu in?cio ao processo de ocupa??o de uma vasta ?rea de terras ao Norte do Estado, onde, mais tarde, surgiria o n?cleo urbano central de Erechim. Na ?poca, a Rep?blica rec?m havia sido instaurada e, com a implanta??o do Federalismo, a velha Prov?ncia de S?o Pedro dava lugar a um novo Estado. Esse processo de ocupa??o das terras do Norte insere-se neste contexto e ? em tal perspectiva que o presente estudo pretende refletir, detendo mais especificamente na a??o do Estado quanto ? apropria??o do espa?o urbano, no in?cio do s?culo XX e na influ?ncia da ideologia positivista para a concep??o de um detalhado plano de ocupa??o daquela ?rea setentrional. A pesquisa aborda a quest?o ind?gena e o processo de regulariza??o das terras devolutas no Estado; avalia a influ?ncia da op??o pelos imigrantes, seus prop?sitos e sua for?a de trabalho e as v?rias etnias envolvidas. Examina, por fim, o modelo de coloniza??o e planifica??o concebido e o processo de urbaniza??o proposto e executado, atrav?s da an?lise do tra?ado da cidade e das imagens que retratam as pra?as, as avenidas centrais e as suas edifica??es, refletindo-se, ent?o, acerca do conceito de poder simb?lico e de representa??o, que est? impl?cito nessa interven??o do Estado, conjugada ? influ?ncia dos primeiros ocupantes na constru??o do espa?o urbano.
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Doutriaux, Miriam. „Relaciones étnicas y económicas de poder: la conquista incaica en el valle del Colca, Arequipa“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/113415.
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Ethnic and Economic Power Relations: The Inca Conquest in Colca Valley, ArequipaThe Colca Valley offers a unique opportunity to examine Inca strategies of conquest and consolidation in a bi-cultural province. Previous studies assumed that the variation observed in the Inca occupation of Collagua and Cabana territories were due principally to ecological and economic differences. Here, I present preliminary results from an archaeological survey conducted in the surroundings of Lari and Cabanaconde towns, and suggest the need for a historically-informed diachronic approach to understand Inca strategies. I conclude that it is the interplay of social, political and economic factors that leads to a particular division of power in the valley under Inca rule.El valle del Colca ofrece una oportunidad única para examinar las estrategias del Imperio Incaico de conquistar y organizar una provincia bicultural. Estudios previos han postulado que las variaciones en la ocupación inca de los territorios Collagua y Cabana se deben principalmente a diferencias ecológicas y económicas. Este artículo presenta los resultados, aún preliminares, de una prospección arqueológica en los distritos de Lari y Cabanaconde, y muestra la necesidad de una vista diacrónica y una consideración de los datos históricos para comprender las estrategias del Imperio Incaico. Llega a la conclusión que la división de poder en el valle bajo dominio incaico tuvo su origen en la combinación de factores económicos, sociales y políticos.
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Souza, Flavia Roberta Benevenuto de. „A virtù do governante: circunstâncias e ações para a conquista e a manutenção do poder no pensamento de Maquiavel“. Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1843/BUOS-8TJMJM.
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Trata-se de investigar a virtù do governante a partir das dificuldades que as circunstâncias lhe impõem. Partimos do pressuposto de que a virtù é inteligível ao governante e que analisar as condições em que suas ações são efetivadas pode evidenciá-lo. Acreditamos que as ações com chance de êxito na política dizem respeito diretamente a, no mínimo, quatro temas: os humores, a aparência própria do âmbito da política, a fortuna e a virtù. Estes constituem os principais temas que tendem a impor dificuldades à figura do governante e, consequentemente, pôr à prova sua virtù. Por isso mesmo estruturam a elaboração deste trabalho.
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Biasetti, Giada. „El poder subversivo de la nueva novela histórica femenina sobre la conquista y la colonización la centralización de la periferia /“. [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024691.
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Silva, Tyego Franklim da. „A ribeira da disc?rdia: terras, homens e rela??es de poder na territorializa??o do Assu colonial (1680-1720)“. Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2015. http://repositorio.ufrn.br/handle/123456789/20812.
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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES)
O processo de interioriza??o da posse portuguesa nas Capitanias do Norte - ap?s a expuls?o dos holandeses e com o desenvolvimento das atividades ligadas ? cria??o de gado no sert?o - expandiu o territ?rio portugu?s na Am?rica. Este processo teve como consequ?ncia o avan?o da conquista portuguesa na regi?o e os conflitos envolvendo os agentes da coloniza??o e os grupos ind?genas que habitavam aquele espa?o, bem como os conflitos de interesses dos principais grupos sociais da capitania e pelas pol?ticas de defesa da posse lusa do territ?rio. Dentre os rios que cortavam o territ?rio da capitania do Rio Grande, o A?u foi um dos que despertou interesse entre os conquistadores e colonizadores dos sert?es, fazendo daquela espacialidade uma ?rea onde interesses e exerc?cios de poder convergiam e geravam disc?rdias. A presente pesquisa tem como tem?tica a an?lise do processo de territorializa??o do sert?o do Assu a partir da a??o de desbravadores, conquistadores e colonizadores do espa?o em quest?o, ao longo do evento conhecido como Guerra dos B?rbaros no Assu, conflito que garantiu a integra??o da ?rea ao territ?rio e aos anseios da Coroa portuguesa. Assim, tomar-se-? como objetos de estudo os fen?menos sociais que caracterizaram a ribeira do Assu - na virada do s?culo XVII para o XVIII, em um recorte que se estende de 1680 a 1720 - como um espa?o de conflitos de interesses, percept?veis para an?lise a partir de documentos de ?poca, tais como registros de concess?es de sesmarias, correspond?ncias entre autoridades coloniais e rein?is, documentos oriundos do exerc?cio da administra??o da Am?rica portuguesa e legisla??o.
The internalization process of the Portuguese possession in Northern Captaincies - after the Dutch eviction and the development of activities related to livestock in the backlands (Sert?o) ? expanded the Portuguese territory in America. This process resulted in the advancement of Portuguese conquest over the region and conflicts involving agents of colonization and indigenous groups who inhabited that space, as well as conflicts of interest of captaincy?s major social groups and the defense policies of the Portuguese territory possession. Among the rivers which run through Rio Grande captaincy?s territory, the A?u was the one that aroused conquerors and colonizers of the back lands interest, making that spatiality an area where interest and power exercises converged and generated discord. This research aims to analyze the territorial process of Assu backlands, from the pioneers, conquerors and colonizers action over the space studied, during the event known as the War of the Barbarians in Assu, conflict that ensured the integration of the area the territory and the wishes of the Portuguese crown. Thus, it will be taken as objects of study social phenomena that characterized Assu?s riverside - at the turn of the 17th to the 18th century, in a cutout that extends from 1680 to 1720 - as an area of conflicts of interest, noticeable for analysis from period documents such as records of land grants concessions, correspondence between colonial and kingdom authorities, documents from the exercise of administration of Portuguese America and legislation.
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Gianoncelli, Eve. „La pensée conquise : contribution à une histoire intellectuelle transnationale des femmes et du genre au XXe siècle“. Thesis, Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080078/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur les processus de constitution – problématiques – de femmes comme intellectuelles au XXe siècle. Pour ce faire, trois cas, nés vers 1900, sont étudiés : l’artiste et écrivaine proche des avant-gardes en général et des surréalistes en particulier dans le Paris des années 1920-1930 Claude Cahun, la journaliste martiniquaise du Paris colonial de ces mêmes années et figure militante et intellectuelle importante de la Martinique d’après-guerre Paulette Nardal ; et enfin Viola Klein, juive tchèque exilée en Angleterre et pionnière oubliée de la sociologie féministe. Cette étude repose sur une analyse conjointe de la trajectoire et de la production culturelle de chacune de ces femmes. Il s’agit de comprendre comment leur expérience intellectuelle s’enracine dans des processus de prise de conscience de soi en tant que sujet renvoyé à l’altérité, femme, mais aussi sujet racialisé, qui déterminent les formes d’entrée dans la pensée. Cette thèse rend également compte du positionnement complexe, dedans/dehors, de ces femmes par rapport aux mouvements (le surréalisme pour Cahun, la culture noire en général et la négritude en particulier pour Nardal), et disciplines (la sociologie de la connaissance et du travail pour Klein) « dans » lesquels elles s’inscrivent et ce qu’elles y apportent ainsi que la pluralité des formes de pensée et d’engagement qu’une telle position liminale révèle. Il s’agit enfin d’interroger le processus de diffusion et de réception des oeuvres et des idées, dans lequel les logiques d’invisibilisation et d’oubli, mais aussi de redécouverte, jouent un rôle fondamental. Ce dernier point ouvre sur une réflexion relative aux logiques (nationales, disciplinaires, idéologiques) de construction du savoir. Cette thèse, interrogeant le devenir sujet des femmes et ce que peut lui faire la postérité, se propose ainsi de contribuer à une histoire intellectuelle transnationale des femmes et du genreThis thesis analyzes the problematic ways in which women were able to become intellectuals in the XXth century. The cases of three women, born around 1900, are here studied. The artist and writer close to the Avant-Garde in general and the Surrealist movement in particular in the 20s and the 30s Claude Cahun; the Martinican journalist of colonial Paris in those same years Paulette Nardal, an important intellectual and activist figure in Post War Martinique after 1945; and last but not least, Viola Klein, a Czech Jew, exiled in Britain, and a forgotten pioneer of feminist sociology.This study is based upon an analysis of both the itinerary and cultural production of each of these women. It aims to understand how their intellectual experience is rooted in processes of self-awareness – as subjects who have to deal with otherness, as women, but also as racialized subjects – which shape the way in which these women intellectuals come to thought and commitment. This thesis also examines the complex position, Inside/Outside, of these women in relation to the movements and disciplines they join (Surrealism for Cahun, Négritude for Nardal, Sociology of Knowledge for Klein), the contribution they make to these movements and disciplines, and the plurality of the forms of thought and commitment such a liminal position entails. The aim is to question the ways in which works and ideas are spread and received – a process in which “invisibilization”, oblivion, but also rediscovery play a major part. This last idea opens up a reflection about the conceptions (national, disciplinary, ideological) pertaining to the construction of knowledge
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Soares, dos Santos Ronan. „A construção de Cidades no Brasil: Capital, poder público, população e a produção do espaço urbano em Vitória da Conquista (1940 - 2010)“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/132960.
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Este trabalho, baseado em pesquisa empírica e bibliográfica, pretende reconstituir a relação entre o poder público, o capital imobiliário, a população e a produção do espaço urbano na cidade de Vitória da Conquista – Ba, no período compreendido entre 1940 a 2010, e descrever com essa produção resultou numa cidade segregada. Nesse sentido, pretende-se acompanhar a evolução do espaço urbano e da legislação urbanística de Vitória da Conquista, a partir da década de 1940, quando a cidade começa a viver o processo de urbanização, passando pela elaboração do primeiro plano diretor, na década de 1970, quando foi implantada a cultura do café na região de Vitória da Conquista e houve uma intensa migração do campo para a cidade até a década de 2000, quando foi aprovado o novo plano diretor no ano de 2006. Também objetiva analisar o Plano Diretor de 2006 como instrumento da justa distribuição dos benefícios e ônus da urbanização e diminuição da segregação sócio- espacial. Conclui-se com a pesquisa que o embate de forças, intercedida pelo Poder Público através da legislação urbana, constituída entre capital e população, cujos interesses contraditórios e capacidade diferente de apropriação dos recursos socialmente produzidos, explicam a segregação sócio-espacial existente em Vitória da Conquista. Chegou-se, também, a conclusão que o Plano Diretor de 2006 não foi eficaz no combate a segregação e na distribuição dos benefícios da urbanização e que não foi a falta de planejamento urbano o fator responsável pela construção de uma cidade segregada, mas sim a existência de uma legislação urbana excludente, voltada para o interesse de uma minoria.This paper, based on empirical research and literature, traces the relationship between the government, the property capital, the population and the production of urban space in the city of Vitória da Conquista - Ba, in the period from 1940 to 2010, and describe how this production resulted in a segregated city In this sense, it is intended to monitor the evolution of urban space and urban legislation of Vitória da Conquista, from the 1940s, when the city starts living the urbanization process, besides this, it´s necessary to go through the preparation of the first Master Plan, which occurred in the late 1970, when it was established coffee culture in the region of Vitória da Conquista and there was an intense migration from the countryside to the city until the 2000s, when it approved the new master plan in 2006. It also aims to analyze the 2006 Master Plan as an instrument of fair distribution of benefits and burdens of urbanization and reduction of socio-spatial segregation. With the research, it was concluded that the clash of forces between capital and population, mediated by the Government through the urban legislation, whose conflicting interests and different capacity of appropriation of socially produced resources, explain the socio-spatial segregation that exists in Vitória da Conquista. Came up to the conclusion that the Master Plan 2006 was not effective to combat segregation and to improve distribution of the benefits of urbanization. And that there was not a lack of urban planning the factor responsible for the construction of a segregated city, but the existence of urban legislation exclusionary toward the interests of a minority.
Este trabajo, que se basa en una investigación empírica y bibliográfica, pretende reconstituir la relación entre el poder público, el capital inmobiliario, la población y la producción del espacio urbano en la ciudad de Vitória da Conquista – Ba, en el periodo comprendido entre 1940 y 2010, y describir cómo esa producción llevó a una ciudad segregada. En ese sentido, se pretende acompañar la evolución tanto del espacio urbano como de la legislación urbanística de Vitória da Conquista, desde la década de 1940, cuando la ciudad empieza a vivir su proceso de urbanización, recorriendo la elaboración del primer plan director de la cuidad, en la década de 1970, cuando se implantó la cultura del café en la región de Vitória da Conquista y hubo una intensa migración del campo hacia la ciudad hasta la década de 2000, cuando se aprobó el nuevo plan director en 2006. También objetiva analizar el Plan Director de 2006, como instrumento de la justa distribución de los beneficios y cargas de la urbanización y disminución de la segregación socio espacial. Con la investigación se concluye que el embate de fuerzas, intercedido por el Poder Público a través de la legislación urbana, que se constituye del capital y la población, cuyos intereses contradictorios y capacidad diferente de apropiación de los recursos socialmente producidos, explican la segregación socio espacial existente en Victoria de la Conquista. Se llegó también a la conclusión de que el Plan Director de 2006 fue ineficaz en el combate a la segregación y en la distribución de los beneficios de la urbanización, y que no fue la falta de planificación urbana el factor responsable de la construcción de una ciudad segregada, sino la existencia de una legislación urbana excluyente, conducida al interés de una minoría.
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Costa, Priscilla Pereira da. „A radiodifusão comunitária na luta pela democratização da comunicação: a experiência em São Luís-Maranhão das rádios Bacanga FM e Conquista FM“. Universidade Federal do Maranhão, 2016. http://tedebc.ufma.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/809.
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Previous issue date: 2016-06-15L'étude vise à analyser la radiodiffusion communautaire comme l'un des médias alternatifs dans la lutte pour la démocratisation de la communication avec les expériences des radios communautaires Bacanga FM et FM Conquest à Sao Luis, MA. Pour parvenir à cette proposition, traite de la communication de la relation et de la démocratie, en récupérant les possibilités de compréhension de la catégorie de la démocratie à différents points de vue, alors, être souligné comment la communication est essentielle dans les démocraties modernes bourgeoises, comme dans le cas du Brésil. Dans le contexte brésilien, la participation à la démocratie est limitée dans divers domaines, et nous avons une liste des droits niés, y compris la communication. Le droit à la communication est une liste de droits qui souffrent des menaces constantes par pression organisé des médias traditionnels qui est structuré monopoles et oligopoles, et peut-être l'un des exemples les plus nocifs du droit à la communication et à la démocratisation de la communication. En revanche, malgré la présence d'un Etat, a eu un élément médiateur, favorisant par une législation fragmentée et parcellaire devient encore plus nébuleux le chemin de la voix au bon moment entravé dans l'environnement de communication. Ainsi, les classes inférieures, sont organisées à travers la démocratisation de la communication par les combats se déplace pour contrer la puissance de ces monopoles et de construction d'alternatives des oligopoles et des projets de communication. Parmi les mouvements de lutte pour la démocratisation de la communication, est le mouvement de la radiodiffusion communautaire revendiquant l'espace voix de la radio et du temps, les demandes de leurs besoins de communication d'un autre point de vue de la communication: communication communautaire. Exécute à travers la constitution du mouvement de la radiodiffusion communautaire au Brésil et Maranhão, avec deux expériences distinctes à São Luís, montrant un scénario d'avances, des retraites, la persécution, les conflits politiques, distorsion entre autres, en bref, le mouvement de lutte. On remarque qu'il est nécessaire tout d'abord, une réforme de la politique publique de la communication du pays et les espaces de radios communautaires dans lesquels la pratique d'une autre communication est possible, où l'intérêt privé ne chevauche pas le public.
Este estudo objetiva analisar a radiodifusão comunitária como uma das mídias alternativas na luta pela democratização da comunicação com as experiências das rádios comunitárias Bacanga FM e Conquista FM, em São Luís-MA. Para alcançar essa proposta, discute-se a relação comunicação e democracia, recuperando as possibilidades de compreensão da categoria democracia a partir de perspectivas diferentes, para depois apontar como a comunicação é imprescindível nas democracias modernas burguesas, como no caso da brasileira. No cenário brasileiro, a participação na democracia é limitada nas mais variadas esferas, e temos um rol de direitos negados, incluindo a comunicação. O direito à comunicação está num rol de direitos que sofrem ameaças constantes por meio do lobby organizado da mídia tradicional, que é estruturada em monopólios e oligopólios, sendo talvez um dos exemplos mais nocivos ao direito à comunicação e a democratização da comunicação. Em contrapartida, apesar da presença de um Estado, tido como elemento mediador, o favorecimento por meio de uma legislação fragmentada e fragmentária deixa ainda mais nebuloso o caminho para os tolhidos do direito de voz e vez no ambiente da comunicação. Dessa forma, as classes subalternas, se organizam por intermédio de movimentos de luta pela democratização da comunicação para se contrapor ao poder desses monopólios e oligopólios, construindo alternativas e projetos de comunicação. Entre os movimentos de luta pela democratização da comunicação, está o movimento da radiodifusão comunitária, que reivindica no espaço radiofônico voz e vez, reivindica suas necessidades de comunicação a partir de outra perspectiva de comunicação: a comunicação comunitária. Percorre-se a constituição do movimento da radiodifusão comunitária no Brasil e no Maranhão, com duas experiências distintas em São Luís-MA, demonstrando um cenário de avanços, recuos, perseguições, disputas políticas, desvirtuamento entre outros, enfim, a luta do movimento. Percebe-se que é necessário antes de tudo, uma reforma na política pública de comunicação do país, sendo as rádios comunitárias espaços nos quais a prática de outra comunicação é possível, onde o interesse privado não se sobreponha ao público.
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Pease, García Yrigoyen Franklin. „Varon Gabai, Rafael, La ilusión del poder. Apogeo y descendencia de los Pizarro en la conquista del Perú, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos e Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima 1996, 450 pp“. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/121923.
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ABBIATI, MICHELE. „L'ESERCITO ITALIANO E LA CONQUISTA DELLA CATALOGNA (1808-1811).UNO STUDIO DI MILITARY EFFECTIVENESS NELL'EUROPA NAPOLEONICA“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/491761.
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L’esercito italiano e la conquista della Catalogna (1808-1811)
Uno studio di Military Effectiveness nell’Europa napoleonica
Settori scientifico-disciplinari SPS/03 – M-STO/02
La ricerca ha lo scopo di ricostruire e valutare l’effettività militare dell’esercito italiano al servizio di Napoleone I. In primo luogo attraverso un’analisi statistica e strategica della costruzione, e del successivo impiego, dell’istituzione militare del Regno d’Italia durante gli anni della sua esistenza (1805-14); successivamente, è stato scelto un caso di studi particolarmente significativo, come la campagna di Catalogna (1808-11, nel contesto della guerra di Indipendenza spagnola), per poter valutare il contributo operazionale e tattico dei corpi inviati dal governo di Milano e la loro integrazione con l’apparato militare complessivo del Primo Impero.
La tesi ha voluto rispondere alla mancanza di studi sul comportamento in guerra dell’esercito italiano e, allo stesso tempo, introdurre nella storiografia militare italiana la metodologia di studi, d’origine anglosassone e ormai di tradizione trentennale, di Military Effectiveness.
La ricerca si è primariamente basata, oltre che sulla copiosa memorialistica a stampa italiana e francese, sulla documentazione d’archivio della Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales di Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Parigi), del Ministère de la Guerre francese (Service historique de la Défence, di Vincennes, Parigi) e del Ministero della Guerra del Regno d’Italia (Archivio di Stato di Milano).
Dal punto di vista dei risultati è stato possibile verificare come l’esercito italiano abbia rappresentato, per Bonaparte, uno strumento duttile e di facile impiego, pur in un contesto di sostanziale marginalità numerica complessiva di fronte alle altre (e cospicue) forze messe in campo da parte dell’Impero e dei suoi altri Stati satellite e alleati. Per quanto riguarda la campagna di conquista della Catalogna è stato invece possibile appurare il fondamentale contributo dato dal contingente italiano, sotto i punti di vista operazionale e tattico, per la buona riuscita dell’invasione; questo primariamente grazie alle elevate caratteristiche generali mostrate dallo stesso, ma anche per peculiarità disciplinari e organizzative che resero i corpi italiani adatti a operazioni particolarmente aggressive.The Italian Army and the Conquest of Catalonia (1808-1811) A Study of Military Effectiveness in Napoleonic Europe Academic Fields and Disciplines SPS/03 – M-STO/02 The research has the purpose of reconstruct and evaluate the military effectiveness of the Italian Army existed under the reign of Napoleon I. Firstly through a statistic and strategic analysis of the development, and the following deployment, of the military institution of the Kingdom of Italy in the years of its existence (1805-14). Afterwards, a particularly significant case study was chosen, as the campaign of Catalonia (1808-11, in the context of the Peninsular War), in order to assess the operational and tactical contribution of the regiments sent by the Government of Milan and their integration in the overall military apparatus of the First Empire. The thesis wanted to respond to the lack of studies on the Italian army’s behavior in war and, at the same time, to introduce the methodology of the Military Effectiveness Studies (of British and American origin and, by now, enriched by a thirty-year old tradition) in the Italian historiography. The research is primarily based, besides the numerous memoirs of the Italian and French veterans, on the archive documentation of the Secrétairerie d’état impériale (Archives Nationales of Pierrefitte-sur-Seine, Paris), of the French Ministère de la Guerre (Service historique de la Défence, of Vincennes, Paris) and of the Italian Ministero della Guerra (Archivio di Stato di Milano). About the results, it has been verified how the Italian army has become a flexible and suitable instrument for Bonaparte, albeit in a context of substantial overall numerical marginality in comparison to the heterogeneous forces available to the Empire and its others satellites and allied states. Regarding the campaign of Catalonia, instead, it was possible to ascertain the fundamental contribution of the Italian regiments, in an operational and tactical perspective, for the success of the invasion. This was primarily due to the excellent general characteristics shown by the expeditionary force, but also to disciplinary and organizational peculiarities that have made the Italian corps suitable for particularly aggressive operations.
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Reeves, René. „The limits of imperial power Spanish treatment of Native Americans during the conquest of Guatemala, 1524-1554 /“. 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/26061766.html.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleAnnotation:
Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1992.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 102-108).