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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Conquest of power“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Conquest of power"
1
Moore, Alicia L., und La Vonne I. Neal. „The Power of Protest: Quest or Conquest?“ Black History Bulletin 84, Nr. 1 (2021): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhb.2021.0008.
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2
Marin, Louis. „The narrative trap: the conquest of power“. Economy and Society 16, Nr. 2 (Mai 1987): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085148700000005.
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3
Carey, Hilary M. „Lancelot Threlkeld, Biraban, and the Colonial Bible in Australia“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, Nr. 2 (April 2010): 447–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000101.
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Ethnographers, historians, and linguists have argued for many years about the nature of the relationship between missionaries and their collaborators. Critics of missionary linguistics and education have pointed out that Bible translations were tools forged for the cultural conquest of native people and that missionary impacts on local cultures nearly always destructive and frequently overwhelming (Comaroff and Comaroff 1997; Rafael 1988; Sanneh 1989). Sociolinguistic readings of scripture translation have emphasized the cultural loss inherent in the act of translation and even seemingly benign activities such as dictionary making (Errington 2001; Peterson 1999; Tomlinson 2006). To make this point, Rafael (1988: xvii) notes the semantic links between the various Spanish words for conquest (conquista), conversion (conversión), and translation (traducción). Historians, on the other hand, have generally been more skeptical about the power of mere words to exert hegemonic pressure on colonized people and have emphasized the more tangible power of guns and commerce as agents of empire (Porter 2004). Few would deny the symbolic power of the Bible as a representation of colonial domination, as in the saying attributed to Archbishop Desmond Tutu by Cox (2008: 4): “When the white man arrived, he had the Bible and we had the land; now, we have the Bible and he has the land.”
4
Marlan, Dawn. „The Seducer as Friend: The Disappearance of Sex as a Sign of Conquest in Les liaisons dangereuses“. PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, Nr. 2 (März 2001): 314–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2001.116.2.314.
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Lex liaisons dangereuses neither celebrates pure cynicism nor confirms Rousseauesque sentiment. Instead, the problem that this novel traces takes the form of a question: how is it possible to reconcile the desire for power, in the form of seduction, with the desire to overcome power in friendship? The answer to this question is embedded in the relationship between Valmont and Merteuil, who develop a new model for friendship, one that is merged with seduction. Because sex does not turn out to be a sign of conquest in the relationship between seducers, conquest can begin to operate invisibly. Les liaisons dangereuses points toward the emergence of a new representational possibility—that of invisible conquest—in the literary history of seduction.
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Marlan, Dawn. „The Seducer as Friend: The Disappearance of Sex as a Sign of Conquest in Les liaisons dangereuses“. Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, Nr. 2 (März 2001): 314–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900105218.
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Lex liaisons dangereuses neither celebrates pure cynicism nor confirms Rousseauesque sentiment. Instead, the problem that this novel traces takes the form of a question: how is it possible to reconcile the desire for power, in the form of seduction, with the desire to overcome power in friendship? The answer to this question is embedded in the relationship between Valmont and Merteuil, who develop a new model for friendship, one that is merged with seduction. Because sex does not turn out to be a sign of conquest in the relationship between seducers, conquest can begin to operate invisibly. Les liaisons dangereuses points toward the emergence of a new representational possibility—that of invisible conquest—in the literary history of seduction.
6
Muhamet Qerimi. „Durres During The First Norman Attack 1081-1085“. Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 36 (03.10.2023): 721–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v36i.4997.
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Following the Norman conquest of Byzantine Italy and Saracen Sicily, Robert Guiscard took the initiative to conquer the Byzantine Empire in 1081. Robert Guiscard set out from Italy for the island of Corfu, which he soon conquered. After landing, he received military reinforcements from Italy, and attacks began on the city of Durres, the main port on the Adriatic. The city was well protected on a long, narrow peninsula running parallel to the coast but separated by swamps. Guiscard brought his army to the peninsula and set up camp outside the city walls, but the Norman fleet sailing towards Durres was struck by a storm and lost several ships, despite the losses after the Norman siege, he invaded Durres.
Durres turned into the main theater of the Norman-Byzantine war, and the conquest of Durres by the Normans brought fear, not only to the Ottoman Empire, but also to Europe's largest trading power, Venice. By controlling the Strait of Otranto, the Normans would control almost the entire Eastern Mediterranean. The geographical position of Durres and its connection with the old road Egnatia, which leads to Constantinople, make Durres the key to the conquest of the Byzantine Empire.
7
Lienhard, Martin, und Carlos Pérez. „Writing and Power in the Conquest of America“. Latin American Perspectives 19, Nr. 3 (Juli 1992): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9201900309.
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8
Hefner, Robert W. „isible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali:isible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali.“ American Anthropologist 100, Nr. 2 (Juni 1998): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1998.100.2.570.1.
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Lucken, Walter. „Macomb must fall: Geographies of conquest“. Art & the Public Sphere 10, Nr. 1 (01.07.2021): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00053_1.
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This article analyses the statue of General Alexander Macomb, which has stood at the intersection of Washington Boulevard and Michigan Avenue in downtown Detroit since the early 1900s. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of controversy about the statue and the connections of Alexander Macomb to settler‐colonial genocide and racial slavery, a dispute which connects larger struggles over controversial monuments to the Black Lives Matter and Idle No More movements. To analyse the rhetorical work of the statue, I engage Richard Marback’s theories of the material rhetoric of monuments in colonial and urban space alongside studies by Katherine McKittrick and others on the relation between settler colonialism and anti-Black racism, to situate the statue within a larger grammar of racial‐colonial power that organizes the political geography of the Great Lakes region. Ultimately, I argue that the General Alexander Macomb statue and other colonial monuments serve as nodes binding together material and symbolic geographies of power and suturing slavery to settler colonialism.
10
Perdue, Peter C. „Nature and Power“. Social Science History 37, Nr. 3 (2013): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200014279.
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I discuss the references inNature and Powerto imperial China, especially its thorough discussion of key issues in China's environmental history, but I point out several limitations. Joachim Radkau says little about the role of local elites in agrarian policy, the impact of central Eurasian conquest on imperial regimes' attitudes toward the land, and the impact of global trade on the empire in the preindustrial age. The second part of the article discusses the important strategic and environmental role of trades in fur, tea, and fish from the seventeenth to twentieth centuries.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Conquest of power"
1
Egan, Kevin David. „Sovereignty and the Governance of Globalization: The Emergence of Empire or the Conquest of US Security Interests?“ Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42726.
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As the economic, political, and cultural forces of globalization continue to proliferate throughout the international community, the concept of sovereignty will be increasingly challenged with the task of grappling with the problems of governing these forces. This thesis examines Michael Hardt and Antonio Negriâ s characterization of how globalization will be governed â imperial sovereignty â in their vast work, Empire. In doing so, Michel Foucaultâ s theoretical construct of bio-power is analyzed as it relates to the constitution of sovereignty, and how it subsequently can benefit international relations theoristsâ understanding of how power may be implemented to help effectively govern, protect, and promote life on a global scale. Yet, Empire is not without its shortcomings. Its nebulous take on imperial sovereignty is too ephemeral; there is no conception of a center to Empire, no institutional arrangements that articulate the use of power. The role of â big playersâ such as the United States must be taken into consideration in addressing the future prospects of governing the forces of globalization and the populations exposed to these forces. Ultimately, it appears that the best hopes for such governance lies in wedding the national self-interests of states in seeking security to the use of international institutions for more humanitarian intervention. Such a union grants force and structure to an international community otherwise devoid of authority and order.Master of Arts
2
Quinn, Adam. „Conquest of spirits : ideological history as an explanatory factor in the Bush administration's resistance to balance-of-power thinking“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2977/.
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This thesis argues that America's national ideological history is crucially relevant to understanding the Bush administration's resistance to thinking about international order in the balance-of-power terms prescribed by realists. Bush pursued a world order based on the assumption of an underlying harmony of interests and the universal validity of an idealised conception of American liberal political values. He also sought an indefinitely sustainable American primacy in terms of hard power. The thesis argues that this strategy, despite some suggestions that it was 'revolutionary', was in fact the latest evolution of long-established trends in American internationalism. The thesis seeks to make the case that a nation's foreign policy strategy is the product of interaction between national/international circumstances and an evolved national culture or 'character' reflecting embedded ideological principles developed over the course of that nation's history. Thus, it suggests, American internationalism has particularities that can only be fully understood through awareness of the United States' ideological journey over the course of its history to a posture of global engagement. The thesis uses analysis of five key periods to make its argument for the relevance of ideological history, starting with the Founders' Era and proceeding through presidents Theodore Roosevelt, Woodrow Wilson and Harry Truman before concluding with the Bush administration. It argues that the ideological cast given to America's pursuit of its interests in the early decades of independence impacted upon the nation's 20th Century leaders' construction of their arguments justifying the transition to international engagement. As a result, rather than contentedly entering into the existing Europe-dominated world order based on 'the balance of power', US leaders made America's internationalism conditional on the pursuit of a new world order reflecting the ideas of liberal universalism and military might in the service of 'civilisation'.
3
Clarke, Michael Edmund, und n/a. „In The Eye Of Power: China And Xinjiang From The Qing Conquest To The 'New Great Game' For Central Asia, 1759-2004“. Griffith University. Griffith Business School, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061121.163131.
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The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.
4
Clarke, Michael Edmund. „In The Eye Of Power: China And Xinjiang From The Qing Conquest To The 'New Great Game' For Central Asia, 1759-2004“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365579.
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The Qing conquest of 'Xinjiang' ('New Dominion' or 'New Territory') in 1759 proved to be a watershed development in the complex and often ambiguous relation between China and the amorphous Xiyu or 'Western Regions' that had lay 'beyond the pale' of Han Chinese civilisation since the Han (206 BCE-220 CE) and Tang (618-907) dynasties. The Qing destruction of the Mongol Zunghar state in the process of conquering 'Xinjiang' brought to a close the era of the dominance of the steppe nomadic-pastoralist world of Inner Asia over sedentary and agricultural China that had existed since at least 300 BCE with the expansion of the Xiongnu. Immediately following the conquest, as chapter two shall demonstrate, the over-arching goal of Qing rule in the region was to segregate Xinjiang from the Chinese regions of the empire. Yet, at the beginning of the 21st century the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) maintains that the 'Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region' (XUAR) is, and has been throughout recorded history, an 'integral' province of China. This thesis is thus focused on the evolution of the Chinese state's perception of Xinjiang as a dependent appendage in the late 18th century to that of an 'integral' province at the beginning of the 21st century. As such there are two key questions that are the focus of the thesis. First, how - by what processes, means and strategies - did Xinjiang arrive at its contemporary position as a province of the PRC? Second, how has this process impacted on China's 'foreign policy' along its western continental frontiers since the Qing conquest? The thesis is therefore not simply focused upon a discrete period or aspect of the historical development of China's interactions with Xinjiang, but rather an encompassing exploration of the processes that have resulted in China's contemporary dominance in the region. Two encompassing and related themes flow from these questions regarding the Chinese state's response to the dilemmas posed by the rule of Xinjiang. The first stems from the recognition that the present government of China's claims to the 'Chinese-ness' of Xinjiang are more than simply a statement of fact or an attempted legitimisation of current political realities. The statement that Xinjiang is an 'integral' province of the PRC, although indeed a statement of contemporary political reality, is also a profound statement of intent by the Chinese state. It is in fact one manifestation of an over-arching theme of integration and assimilation within the state's perceptions of Xinjiang across the 1759-2004 period. The second theme stems from the question as to how the processes associated with the first theme of integration and assimilation impacted upon the Chinese state's conception of its relation to those regions beyond its orbit. Xinjiang throughout most of Chinese history has been perceived as a 'frontier' region from which non-Chinese influences have entered and at times threatened the North China plain 'heartland' of Han civilisation. This is essentially a theme of confrontation between or opposition of 'external' to Chinese influences. The relationship between these two themes across the 1759-2004 period has been one of 'permanent provocation' whereby their interaction has produced mutual continuity and contestation. The Chinese state's goal of integration, and the concrete strategies and techniques employed in Xinjiang to attain it, have required the continued operation and vitality of opposing tendencies and dynamics. This process has provided (and continues to provide) both impetus and legitimation, in the perception of the state, for the exercise of state power in Xinjiang. Yet, as will become evident in the proceeding chapters, this interaction has not developed along a constant trajectory. Rather, the process has been characterised by fluctuations in the state's commitment to the goal of integration and in its ability to implement appropriate strategies with which to achieve integration. The thesis will thus argue that from the early 19th century onward the goal of integration became embedded in the state's perception of the 'correct' relation between itself and Xinjiang. Moreover, across the 1759-2004 period the notion of integration has evolved to become both the end and means of state action in Xinjiang.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
Full Text
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Clarke, Michael Edmund. „In the eye of power China and Xinjiang from the Qing Conquest to the "New Great Game" for Central Asia, 1759-2004 /“. Connect to the electronic version, 2005. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20061121.163131/.
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Pessoa, Ângelo Emilio da Silva. „"As ruínas da tradição: 'A Casa da Torre' de Garcia D' Ávila - família e propriedade no nordeste colonial"“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2003. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-03102005-103312/.
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O presente trabalho tem como objeto central o estudo de uma importante família baiana entre os séculos XVI e XIX, que esteve diretamente envolvida nos processos de conquista territorial e acumulou vasta propriedade fundiária nesse período, além de exercer grande influência nas esferas de poder junto à administração colonial. Inicialmente refletimos sobre como a família Dias dÁvila tornou-se objeto de investigações historiográficas e como essa historiografia contribuiu para a afirmação de uma tradição interpretativa, que estabeleceu um vínculo direto entre sua trajetória e a formação de uma certa definição de História Nacional. Buscamos ainda esclarecer certos aspectos das relações entre os colonos e as populações autóctones no processo de conquista territorial, envolvendo desde a mestiçagem e incorporação, até os violentos conflitos que estiveram relacionados a esse processo. Também demonstramos alguns meandros das relações entre uma importante família senhorial e as diversas instâncias da administração colonial, bem como as estratégias desenvolvidas pela família para a aquisição, ampliação e manutenção de poder, entre as quais a obtenção de cargos e mercês, as ligações de casamento e os processos de transmissão de herança. Destacamos, nesse último aspecto, a instituição de um Morgado, como forma de vinculação de bens através de distintas gerações, excluindo, inclusive, certos membros da linha sucessória do acesso a bens da família. Nesse particular discutimos o significado de Casa como uma forma de agregação entre família e patrimônio que tinha a finalidade de garantir a obtenção e manutenção de poder econômico e político. Por fim, ressaltamos como a tradição construída em torno da família serviu e ainda serve aos objetivos de preservação do poder político, mesmo quando a família perdeu a capacidade de manutenção das bases de seu poder econômico.This thesis has as the main object the study of an important family from Bahia between the XVI and XIX centuries, who were directly involved in the process of land conquest, and accumulated a vast estate during this time. Besides that, this family had a great capacity in influencing colonial administrations political power. Initially we reflect on how the Dias d`Avila`s family became the subject of historiographic investigations and how this historiography has contributed to establishing the method of interpreting tradition on this subject, which documented one direct relation connecting its trajectory and the formation of a certain national historic definition. We intend to provide a more detailed way of ascertaining certain aspects of the relationship between the colonists and the autochthonous populations. The process of territorial conquest raises questions about races mixture - cross breeding - mestisos and their acceptance, to the violent conflicts that were related to that process. We will also demonstrate some particularities concerning the relations between one important land owner family and the different colonial administration levels, as well as the strategies developed by the family in order to acquire, increase and maintain power. Among those strategies were public jobs obtaining in the colonial government and the receiving of graces (merces) through marriage connections and the controlling of the inheritance process, in which the Morgado (process of the eldest receiving the whole inheritance) stands out as a way of perpetuating the real estate property through out different generations without dividing it excluding, in some cases, some family members from the inheritance. In this particular case we discuss the meaning of Casa as a form of association between the family and the family estate which had the objective of ensuring the obtaining and keeping of political and economic power. Finally, we demonstrate that a tradition was built around the family which served, even today, as a means of retaining political power even tough when a family has lost its capacity of keeping the basis of its economic power.
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Otomo, Charly. „Les usages politiques des Technologies de l'Information et de la Communication Numérique au Gabon et au Cameroun : entre enjeux démocratiques et conquête du pouvoir“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lille (2022-....), 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024ULILH038.
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Au Gabon comme au Cameroun, on assiste de plus en plus à une désaffection des organisations partisanes par les citoyens moins enclins à s'engager dans le cadre politique institutionnel. Toutefois, cette désaffection des partis politiques ne peut s'expliquer par un désintérêt de la vie politique de la part de ces citoyens, d'autant plus qu'ils optent pour d'autres formes d'engagement politique. Ainsi, plutôt que de parler de désintérêt, il est plus pertinent d'expliquer cette situation par une mutation de l'engagement politique qui se déploie désormais dans d'autres espaces, notamment les espaces en ligne qui autorisent parfois une prise de parole classée loin des critères de recevabilité dans l'espace public officiel. Par conséquent, ces espaces qui attirent davantage les Gabonais et Camerounais, se donnent à voir comme une nouvelle menace pour ces formations politiques déjà en pleine crise de légitimité. Pour se repositionner dans ce contexte de transformation de la sphère publique, elles ont également investi le numérique qui leur offre les opportunités stratégiques dans des pays où l'espace médiatique est de surcroît sous contrôle des acteurs au pouvoir. Dans une approche comparative qui vise à élargir la compréhension de ce phénomène d'appropriation du numérique par ces partis, il est donc question de voir dans cette thèse comment les partis politiques font usage du numérique pour qu'émergent de nouvelles pratiques de communication politique afin de mieux s'insérer dans la compétition politique déjà dominée par le PDG et le RDPC au pouvoir. Pour y parvenir, nous avons procédé à l'analyse de contenu de sites web et de pages Facebook officielles de cinq premiers partis représentés à l'Assemblée nationale au Gabon et au Cameroun, avant de réaliser les enquêtes de terrain auprès des responsables desdits partis. Partant de là, les résultats obtenus révèlent que l'appropriation du numérique par les institutions partisanes de ces deux espaces politiques ne s'inscrit pas dans un projet qui a pour finalité de modifier profondément leur organisation. Mais elle s'inscrit surtout dans une démarche qui consiste à s'émanciper de la sphère médiatique traditionnelleIn Gabon as in Cameroon, we are increasingly witnessing a disaffection with partisan organizations by citizens who are less inclined to engage in a much more institutional political framework. However, this disaffection with political parties cannot be explained by a lack of interest in political life on the part of the latter, especially since they opt for other forms of political participation. Thus, rather than talking about disinterest, it is more relevant to explain this situation by a mutation of political engagement that is now deployed in other spaces, in particular online spaces that allow speech that is far from the criteria of admissibility in the official public space. As a result, these spaces, which attract more Gabonese and Cameroonians, are seen as a new threat to these political parties already in the midst of a crisis of legitimacy. To reposition themselves in this context of transformation of the public sphere, they have also invested in digital technology, which offers them both strategic and communication opportunities in countries where the media space is also under the control of the actors in power. In a comparative approach that aims to broaden the understanding of this phenomenon of digital appropriation by these parties, it is therefore a question of seeing in this thesis, how, through their use of information technologies and digital communication, they are led to rethink the practices of political communication in order to renew themselves, legitimize itself in order to better fit into the political competition already dominated by the PDG and the CPDM in power. To achieve this, we analysed the content of websites and official Facebook pages of the top five parties represented in the National Assembly in Gabon and Cameroon, before conducting field surveys with the leaders of these parties. Based on this, the results obtained reveal that the appropriation of digital technology by the institutions that support these two political spaces is not part of a project that aims to profoundly modify their organization. But above all, it is part of an approach that consists of bypassing the traditional media to which they have almost no access
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Garme, Cecilia. „Newcomers to power how to sit on someone else's throne : socialists conquer France in 1981, non-socialists conquer Sweden in 1976 /“. Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/48621507.html.
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Saliba, Karen Jorge. „Estabelecidos em ação : um caso de conquista e de manutenção de postos de poder“. reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2008. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/3916.
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Os conflitos existentes e as relações de força que se instituíram entre os servidores participantes do Projeto NOVO, uma medida de modernização da Previdência Social, é o objeto desta dissertação no sentido de desvendar os mecanismos que contribuíram para o acesso e a manutenção de um grupo de pessoas em postos de poder. O estudo, orientado com as noções de burocracia ideal de Weber e das relações de poder examinadas por Elias, mostra como o Projeto, ao longo das atividades de modelagem de processos, de construção de produtos e outros trabalhos, se tornou um terreno fértil de lutas. Isso se processou fundamentalmente, entre duas classes ali representadas ─ estabelecidos e outsiders ─ com adesão ou não de outras. Os conflitos se esgotaram com o monopólio de estabelecidos que passaram a atuar com autoridade legitimada pelo poder. Esse grupo, no período de 2002 a 2008, movimentou um conjunto de vinte cargos de direção e assessoramento superior e de quinze funções entre nove pessoas. Formada essa elite, os participantes migraram do PNOVO para outros dois novos projetos ─ o PGESTÃO e o PIM. A circularidade da interdependência e a análise empírica das múltiplas variáveis indicaram que os projetos foram mecanismos de sustentação de seus interesses para solidificar posições e reafirmar novas missões, com direções estratégicas distintas do contrato internacional celebrado entre o governo brasileiro e o Banco Mundial. A ação e movimento racional desse grupo confirmam a hipótese de que a conquista e a manutenção de postos de poder e de prestígio no serviço público estão fundadas no fortalecimento de um grupo, por meio do controle dos meios e dos postos de comando. Essa é uma conclusão do exame dos movimentos realizados pelos integrantes do grupo ─ os estabelecidos ─ minuciosamente analisados à luz das entrevistas, pelas observações da pesquisadora e pelo exame de farta documentação. ____________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The existing conflicts and relations of power that were founded between public servants participants of Project Novo, a measure of modernization of Social Welfare in Brazil, is the object of this dissertation in order to unravel the mechanisms that contributed to access and maintenance of a group of people in positions of power. The study, focusing on the concepts of ideal bureaucracy of Weber and relations of power examined by Elias, shows how the Project, along with activities of processes modeling, products construction and other works, has become a breeding ground for fights. This took place mainly among two classes represented there ─ established and outsiders ─ with adhesion or not from others. The conflicts exhausted with the monopoly of established now to act with authority sanctioned by power. This group, in the period 2002 to 2008, handled a series of twenty positions of direction and advice and top fifteen functions between nine people. Formed this elite, participants PNOVO migrated to the other two new projects ─ the PGESTÃO and PIM. The circularity of interdependence and empirical analysis of multiple variables indicated that the projects were mechanisms in support of their interests to solidify positions and reaffirm new missions with distinct strategic directions from international contract signed between the Brazilian government and the World Bank. The rational action and movement of this group confirm the hypothesis that the achievement and maintenance of positions of power and prestige in public service are based on strengthening of a group, through the control of means and positions of command. This is a conclusion of the examination of the movements made by members of the group established ─ scrutinised in the light of the interviews, comments by the researcher and the examination of ample documentation.
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Schmidt, Remís Alice Perin. „Erechim: cidade construída para imigrantes : poder simbólico na conquista do espaço urbano“. Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10923/3956.
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Previous issue date: 2009100 years ago the State of Rio Grande do Sul began the process of securing a large area of its Northern land, which later would become a central urban core of Erechim. The Republic then had just been instituted and, with the implementation of Federalism, the old Province of São Pedro's was replaced by the new state of Rio Grande do Sul. This process of occupation is part of this context and it is in this perspective that this study intended to reflect on this historical fact, more specifically on the State‘s action on the appropriation of urban space in Rio Grande do Sul in the early twentieth century and the influence of positivist ideology in the development of a detailed plan for the occupation of that area. The research deals with indigenous issues and the process of regularization of unoccupied lands in the State. It evaluates, then, the influence for opting for immigrants, their purposes, their work force, and the various ethnic groups involved and how this is reflected as a factor for success in the occupation of those lands. It examines, finally, the model of colonization and planning designed and urbanization process proposed and implemented, by analyzing the layout of the city and the images that portray the squares, main avenues and its buildings, reflecting, then, about the power and symbolic representation that has prevailed from that state intervention, coupled with the influence of the first settlers in the construction of urban space.
Há 100 anos, o Governo do RS deu início ao processo de ocupação de uma vasta área de terras ao Norte do Estado, onde, mais tarde, surgiria o núcleo urbano central de Erechim. Na época, a República recém havia sido instaurada e, com a implantação do Federalismo, a velha Província de São Pedro dava lugar a um novo Estado. Esse processo de ocupação das terras do Norte insere-se neste contexto e é em tal perspectiva que o presente estudo pretende refletir, detendo mais especificamente na ação do Estado quanto à apropriação do espaço urbano, no início do século XX e na influência da ideologia positivista para a concepção de um detalhado plano de ocupação daquela área setentrional. A pesquisa aborda a questão indígena e o processo de regularização das terras devolutas no Estado; avalia a influência da opção pelos imigrantes, seus propósitos e sua força de trabalho e as várias etnias envolvidas. Examina, por fim, o modelo de colonização e planificação concebido e o processo de urbanização proposto e executado, através da análise do traçado da cidade e das imagens que retratam as praças, as avenidas centrais e as suas edificações, refletindo-se, então, acerca do conceito de poder simbólico e de representação, que está implícito nessa intervenção do Estado, conjugada à influência dos primeiros ocupantes na construção do espaço urbano.
Bücher zum Thema "Conquest of power"
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McAleavy, Tony. Medieval Britain: Conquest, power and people. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991.
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Chavez-Garcma, Miroslava. Negotiating conquest: Gender and power in California, 1770s to 1880s. Tucson, AZ: University of Arizona Press, 2004.
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Wiener, Margaret J. Visible and invisible realms: Power, magic, and colonial conquest in Bali. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995.
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Fasce, Juan Carlos. Los buenos asesinos. [Argentina]: Dunken, 1998.
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Merid. Sefer Ṿe-ḥai ba-hem. Yerushalayim: [ḥ. mo. l.], 1996.
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Maurel, Martín. Isabel, la conquista del poder. [Barcelona]: Plaza & Janés, 2013.
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Habitzreuter, Rubens R. A conquista da Serra do Mar. Curitiba: Editora Pinha, 2000.
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Tirado, Víctor. La primera gran conquista: La toma del poder político. [Managua]: CST, 1985.
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(Organization), CST, Hrsg. La primera gran conquista: La toma del poder político. Managua, Nicaragua]: Central Sandinista de Trabajadores, 1985.
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Fonsêca, Humberto J., und Edinalva Padre Aguiar. Política: O poder em disputa : Vitória da Conquista e região. Vitória da Conquista, Bahia: Universidade Estadual do Sudoeste da Bahia, Pró-Reitoria de Extensão e Assuntos Comunitários, 1999.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Conquest of power"
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Firth, Matthew. „Identifying Queenship in Pre-Conquest England“. In Queenship and Power, 17–45. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21068-6_2.
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Williams, Ann. „Strategies of Power“. In Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England c.500–1066, 32–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27454-3_4.
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Savran, Scott. „The twilight of Sasanian power“. In Arabs and Iranians in the Islamic Conquest Narrative, 102–27. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Culture and civilization in the Middle East ; 57: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315795959-5.
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Hancock, James F. „Portuguese discovery and conquest.“ In Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade, 206–21. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0016.
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Abstract Opens on a summary about the Medieval European knowledge of the Spice Trade, the chapter also show how Portugal dominated Europe in terms of trade and invasion in the fifteenth century. It goes on with the summary of Portuguese invasion of Africa through the Treaty of Tordesillas and the navigation of Vasco de Gama in the Atlantic coast. After de Gama's navigation, the Portuguese conquest of India began which led to the Portuguese-Mamluk Naval war and established Portuguese sea power in the Indian Ocean. Lastly, the chapter gives a brief summary of the other Portuguese navigations.
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Minette De Tillesse, Caetano. „The Conquest of Power: Analysis of David and Solomon’s Accession Histories“. In Perspectives on Hebrew Scriptures I, 45–50. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463210823-005.
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He, Sijian. „The Conquest of Britain: Power Dynamics of Rome Julio-Claudian Dynasty“. In Proceedings of the 2022 6th International Seminar on Education, Management and Social Sciences (ISEMSS 2022), 66–72. Paris: Atlantis Press SARL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/978-2-494069-31-2_9.
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Hancock, James F. „The Dutch and English conquest of South East Asia.“ In Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade, 247–63. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0019.
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Abstract The chapter summarizes the rise of Dutch and English empires. The Dutch path to world power was aided greatly in 1588, when a huge armada sent by Philip II of Spain to invade Protestant Elizabeth I's England was roundly defeated. This decisive defeat of the Spanish Armada greatly bolstered the confidence of the English and Dutch and encouraged them to forge their own routes to the riches of India and South East Asia. The chapter also discusses the first Dutch expeditions to the East Indies in search of spices and how Jacob Van Heemskerck's invasion started the end of the Portuguese monopoly on trade in the East Indies. The establishment of English and Dutch East India Company is also discussed. Finally, the chapter summarizes how the East India Companies affect the European Trade.
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„EUROPE’S GLOBAL CONQUEST“. In Quest for Power, 24–51. Harvard University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1c84d0b.5.
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„1. Europe’s Global Conquest“. In Quest for Power, 24–51. Harvard University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4159/9780674089129-002.
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Viswanathan, Gauri. „“One Power, One Mind”“. In Masks of Conquest, 68–93. Columbia University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.7312/columbia/9780231171694.003.0003.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Conquest of power"
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Ke, Fucai, und Hao Wang. „Divide-Conquer Transformer Learning for Predicting Electric Vehicle Charging Events Using Smart Meter Data“. In 2024 IEEE Power & Energy Society General Meeting (PESGM), 1–5. IEEE, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/pesgm51994.2024.10688440.
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Piotrowski, Andrzej. „The Conquest of Representation in the Architecture of Guatemala“. In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.11.
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This paper will argue that the connections that exist between architecture and political powers are located in representational functions of architecture. Representation is defined here as a culture-specific process of establishing the relationships between reality and the signs created to symbolize that reality. Architecture of Guatemala provides a unique material to study how representational constitution of symbolic places reflects an ideological struggle of two different cultures. To substantiate this point, I will expand on Tzvetan Todorov’s observations made in “The Conquest of America” and show how they could enhance our understanding of the symbolic function of architecture. The discussion of representational attributes and workings of architecture will be informed by a comparative reading of three cities in Guatemala: Mayan ruins in Tlkal, colonial city of Antigua, and indigenous Chichicastenango. My objective is to test the workings of this critical inquiry against the geography of power that these three cities represent.
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Zhang, Yutian. „Conquest, Compliance, and Conformity in the College Classroom: Gender, Power, and Social Identity in Higher Education“. In 2022 International Conference on Social Sciences and Humanities and Arts (SSHA 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220401.078.
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Leonor, Ana, und Madeira Rodrigues. „Drawing as a Periphery in Architectural Learning“. In 1995 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.1995.35.
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The conquest of a dominant place over the members of the same race, with the result of using the power such a place allows and having the acceptance of the other members for being the leaders is a characteristic of the adult relationship between almost all animal species. The former time of childhood was dedicated to the imitation of the adults and to the experimenting of behaviors, or, in other words, learning and playing. Humberto Maturama believes that humans are, in behavioral tenns, an exception, as the time of childhood is extended throughout most adult life, which defines us humans as a neotenic race, and with the use of other behaviors, we have transformed what is the usual master/slave relation of adult members from other races. Like this, the family in the way we live it, becomes a human-invented structure that implies relationships between its members which are bounded by mutual trust and love. Mutatis mutandis we spend our life repeating relationships that use the same pattern. In this way, love would be the main engine of evolution and also our greatest invention.
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Hemmye, Jerome H., und Luz Antonio Aguilera. „Mechanical Engineering Program at the University of Guanajuato in Mexico“. In ASME 2003 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2003-42690.
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Gold and Silver mining was begun in Mexico within fifty years of the Spanish conquest. The Mining Engineering and the Chemical Engineering needed to extract those valuable metals from the ore have been taught in Mexico from those early colonial days. To meet the colony’s needs for roads and structures, Civil Engineering followed as an academic discipline. Textiles and much later petroleum extraction and refining followed as important industries and they too were included in several Mexican university programs. The gradual industrialization of what is now Mexico brought with it a critical need for engineering education on a broader scale than was traditionally available. Less than forty years ago there was no Mechanical Engineering program in the State of Guanajuato, Mexico. The immediate needs of a Federal Oil Refinery and a Fossil Fuel Power Plant led to the establishment of a modest program utilizing practicing engineers as faculty, on loan part time, from the refinery. The evolution of the program from its earliest days is traced to the present program which includes a doctoral program which is rated among the top three public programs in Mexico.
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Иванов, Н. С. „THE GENESIS OF THE BRITISH IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY AND THE NEW WORLD“. In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.40.37.006.
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Автор рассматривает становление британской имперской идеологии под влиянием Великих географических открытий, прежде всего путешествий Х. Колумба, А. Веспуччи в Новый Свет. Имперские идеи в Британии, как и других европейских странах, зародились под влиянием насле-дия Римской империи. Первые практические уроки колонизации были получены британскими правителями в ходе создания так называемой «первой империи», при объединении Англии, Ир-ландии, Уэльса и Шотландии. Своеобразие британской имперской идеологии было связано с тру-дами известных деятелей Т. Мора, Ф. Бэкона, Дж. Ди, Р. Хаклейта, которые служили наглядной иллюстраций сложного сочетания гуманистического идеализма эпохи Просвещения и стремления к колониальным захватам и власти. The author examines the formation of the British imperial ideology under the influence of Great Geographical Discoveries, primarily the travels of H. Columbus, A. Vespucci to the New World. Imperial ideas in Britain, as in other European countries, were born under the influence of the heritage of the Roman Empire. The first practical lessons of colonization were learned by the British rulers during the creation of the so-called “first empire”, when England, Ireland, Wales and Scotland were united. The peculiarity of the British imperial ideology was associated with the works of famous figures T. More, F. Bacon, J. Dee, R. Hakluyt, which served as a clear illustration of the complex nature of the merger (convergence) between the humanistic idealism of the Enlightenment and the desire for colonial conquest and power.
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GÜZEL, bdurrahman. „THE INFLUENCE OF ALI SHIR NAVOI ON Mughal NORTH INDIA“. In The Impact of Zahir Ad-Din Muhammad Bobur’s Literary Legacy on the Advancement of Eastern Statehood and Culture. Alisher Navoi' Tashkent state university of Uzbek language and literature, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.52773/bobur.conf.2023.25.09/bzai2996.
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India, which has been a long-time ally of Turkic states throughout history, has had a dense Turkish population, especially as a result of the expeditions made by the Ghaznels, Timur and Baburls to North India. During the campaigns of Mahmud of Ghazni, many families with the surname Türkîolan can be found even today in Muradâbâd, Sambhal and Rampurgibi regions in Northern India, where the Turkish population settled. It is known that a significant Turkish population settled here during Timur's expeditions to Kabul, Punjab, Sind and Delhi after Ghazni. As a matter of fact, the Kutbils (1206-1266), Balabans (1266-1290), Kalach Sultanate (1290-1320), Tughluqs (1320-1414), Seyyids (1414-1451) and Lods (1451) ruled in North India from the 13th century. -1526) were able to gain power by taking advantage of the power of the Turkish population that had settled here before. Babur's defeat of Lûdîler in 1526 and the conquest of North India, unlike other expeditions, means the beginning of a permanent rule in this region. During the period when Babur sat on the throne for about five years, the importance he gave to Turkish in this region, along with Persian and Hindi, ensured that Turkish was spoken in the palace and that Turkish developed as a language of poetry. In this respect, Chagatai Turkish is a "new field"52 where the Timur literary tradition continues in North India, and it also represents a symbol of cultural dominance. This issue will be addressed in our work.
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Štetić, Marina. „GOLIKLIN – NEPOZNATO MESTO BORAVKA KRALjA MILUTINA U LETO 1308. GODINE“. In Kralj Milutin i doba Paleologa: istorija, književnost, kulturno nasleđe. Publishing House of the Eparchy of Šumadija of the Serbian Orthodox Church - "Kalenić", 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/6008-065-5.161s.
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The subject of this paper is the ubication of the toponym Goliqueline, which appears in the verification document of the French King Philip IV from 1313 as the place where the Serbian King Milutin received the French embassy on July 25th, 1308 and ratified the treaty directed against Byzantium, previously concluded with the titular Latin Emperor Charles of Valois. According to the initial agreement, signed on March 27 of the same year, in the Lys Abbey near Melun, not far from Paris, Štip was in the sphere of interest of Charles of Valois. During the ratification of the treaty, which he carried out in his tents near Goliqueline, King Milutin emphasized his power over Štip, which he obviously took over from Byzantium in the period between the conclusion and ratification of the treaty. Based on the preserved reports about the Serbian-Byzantine conflicts, the earlier attempts to identify Goliqueline, as well as the position of two other toponyms of the similar name, it seems certain that this place should be sought in the vicinity of Štip. It was concluded that the toponym Goliqueline most probably refers to the Golak hill (560 m) on the western side of the Kočani valley, between the villages of Vrbica and Sokolarci at the foot of the Osogovo mountain. In the immediate vicinity of the Golak hill (French: Golak colline), which is located 25 km north of Štip (approximately an hour's ride on horse back), passed important medieval roads, leading directly to Štip. It is assumed that after the conquest of the city, King Milutin, together with his army, withdrew to the interior of his lands, more precisely to Golak hill, where he could have monitored the newly conquered territory, and from where, in the case of the Byzantine counterattack, he could have reached Štip quickly and easily through the valleys of Zletovska and Bregalnica river.
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Lopes, Geaninne, Aline Mello, Ewerson Carvalho und César Marcon. „Investigating Parallel Programming Paradigms in HeMPS MPSoC Platform“. In XX Simpósio em Sistemas Computacionais de Alto Desempenho. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/wscad.2019.8665.
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This work investigates the use of parallel programming paradigms in the development of applications targeting a Multiprocessor System-on-Chip (MPSoC). We implemented Matrix Multiplication, Image Manipulation and Advanced Encryption Standard (AES) applications in the Master-Slave, Pipeline and Divide-and-Conquer paradigms, and applied execution time and power dissipation as criteria for evaluating the performance of the applications executing according to the paradigms on an MPSoC architecture. The obtained results allowed us to conclude that there are optimal application-paradigm relations. Pipeline presents lower execution time and lower power dissipation for the Image Manipulation application; whereas, Master-Slave performs better for the Matrix Multiplication and AES applications. However, when the input size of the applications increases, the Divide-and-Conquer paradigm tends to minimize the execution time for Matrix Multiplication application. The main contributions of this work are the development of applications, considering different paradigms, and the impact evaluation of these paradigms on MPSoC architecture.
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Demirci, Gokalp, Ivana Marincic und Henry Hoffmann. „A Divide and Conquer Algorithm for DAG Scheduling under Power Constraints“. In SC18: International Conference for High Performance Computing, Networking, Storage and Analysis. IEEE, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sc.2018.00039.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBerichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Conquest of power"
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Bolivar Guerra, Jorge Ivan. Una historia de afinidades en Centroamérica y Colombia: el control fiscal como un hecho de poder. Contraloría General de Antioquia, Januar 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.58373/obscga.004.
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Es imposible analizar los orígenes del control fiscal en Centroamérica y Colombia sin hacer referencia directamente a los descubridores y conquistadores, los cuales influenciaron la concepción administrativa y forjaron la historia del continente con la realidad existente en España y la cultura anglo-francesa. Una historia en clara discordancia con el deber ser y el real hacer de los gobernantes de las denominadas “Nuevas Indias”. La presente investigación se desarrolla de forma historiográfica estudiando el control fiscal en el trascurso del tiempo: desde la conquista hasta el inicio de la llamada república de Colombia. La metodología aplicada se fundamenta en el enfoque cualitativo, el cual se apoyó en un análisis historiográfico abordado a partir de múltiples fuentes históricas, recopiladas, muchas de ellas, en artículos científicos y trabajos de grado sobre la evolución del control fiscal en los territorios geográficos en cuestión. El resultado obtenido evidencia que aun cuando los sistemas de control fiscal en Colombia y Centroamérica presentan divergencias, en la actualidad es notable la existencia de unas fuentes comunes que unen los orígenes de estos tipos de controles fiscales.