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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi"
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Govind, Rahul. „Anticipating the Threat of Democratic Majoritarianism: Ambedkar on Constitutional Design and Ideology Critique, 1941–1948“. Studies in Indian Politics 11, Nr. 1 (Juni 2023): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23210230231166196.
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This article analyses B. R. Ambedkar’s works written between 1941 and 1948, and it discerns a central set of concerns and arguments in this otherwise diverse corpus. It argues that since universal franchise as a political principle is uncontroversial, Ambedkar’s primary concern is geared towards the danger of democratic majoritarianism in a society riven by historically, legally and ideologically determined forms of inequality and their logic—a danger that can only be addressed at the dual levels of institutional design and ideological critique. Reading together Pakistan or the Partition of India and What Congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables, the initial sections argue that Ambedkar was critical of Congress and Muslim league politics because he saw in them both, albeit in distinct ways, the affirmation of religious identity as central to the formulation of political identity. Such an orientation, in the actual mechanics of mass politics and constitutional negotiation, is therefore read as inevitably leading to conflicts including demands for Partition, but at the same time such politics avoided fundamental questions of internal critique and instituted forms of socialized inequality. It is in this context, and the imminence of Partition, that the article analyses Ambedkar’s argument for the need of both a specific institutional design (constitutional provisions) and an ideology critique (his historical research including Who were the Sudras and The Untouchables). The analysis of the demand for partition and the category of the minority can only be understood through Ambedkar’s acute historical and theoretical understanding of the nation and its history, as well as the normative demands required for institutional justice, as will be shown through a reading of this corpus.
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Kannangara, Nisar. „The politics of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy“. Clothing Cultures 6, Nr. 2 (01.06.2019): 237–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/cc_00014_1.
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Since colonial times, clothing has had a phenomenal and perhaps complex political implication in Indian politics. The political leaders Mahatma Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar, Jawaharlal Nehru and others had used their attire to exhibit their politics and ideology. In postcolonial India, the ideological battle between different political parties and the various ideological movements have often used clothing as one of the most effective medium to express their loyalty, identity and differences. However, the politics of clothing, its colours and the style of wearing in the democratic Indian context have received little academic attention. This article attempts to explore some aspects of clothing in postcolonial Indian democracy through an in-depth study. The researcher engages in an ethnographic investigation to understand the ways in which different political ideologies are exhibited through clothing and how it is used to display their political identity in public spaces. The article argues that beyond a system of governance, democracy contributes to shaping people’s imagination of clothing, create meaning for specific colours, style of wearing and pave the way for physical and symbolic forms of violence and conflict.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut. „B.R. Ambedkar“. Indian Historical Review 43, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2016): 289–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616663417.
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B.R. Ambedkar (1891–1956) pursued a scathing critique against the dominant nationalist discourse that Gandhi shaped, to a significant extent. Unlike Gandhi who insisted on village swaraj, Babasaheb preferred liberal democracy of the Western variety in which an individual remained the basic unit of governance. What he established in the 1950 Constitution of India had its beginning in Ambedkar’s witness before the 1919 Southborough Committee and the 1930–32 Round Table Conference. This was a political battle that he had waged against the Mahatma to substantiate his arguments in favour of liberalism. There was also another battle that he was engaged in while challenging ‘the archaic social values’ supportive of caste discrimination. On the basis of his thorough research, he reinvented the idea of social justice in tune with his firm commitment to liberalism. True that he did not always succeed in his mission; nonetheless, the debate between the Mahatma and Babasaheb testifies several new dimensions of India’s nationalist thought that did not, so far, receive adequate scholarly attention. By drawing on a rather neglected aspect of the nationalist debate, the article seeks to fill up in our understanding of the ideas of Gandhi and Ambedkar which were definitely context driven. This is also a textual study that also makes the point that Ambedkar’s ideas did not appear to be as significant as they later became in independent India presumably because of the hegemonic influence of Gandhi in the nationalist universe probably due to contextual reasons.
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Barua, Ankur. „Revisiting the Gandhi–Ambedkar Debates over ‘Caste’: The Multiple Resonances of Varņa“. Journal of Human Values 25, Nr. 1 (06.12.2018): 25–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971685818805328.
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While Gandhi and Ambedkar hold similar standpoints on the relation between religious orderings of the world and shapes of social existence, they sharply diverge, on certain occasions, regarding the question of what the crucial terms ‘caste’ and varņa refer to, so that they often seem to be talking past each other. Gandhi sought to cut through various traditional forms of Hindu socio-religious practices and develop a Hinduism which is grounded in the values of universal peace, love and benevolence. Ambedkar too rejected aspects of familiar historical varieties of Buddhism and configured a new vehicle whose goals were to be more specifically material than spiritual. However, while both Gandhi and Ambedkar thus sought to uncover the revitalizing impulses of religious ideals, they operated with different imaginations of the type of polity that would emerge from this social reconstruction. For Gandhi, the reinvigorated socio-religious whole would be structured by an ideal notion of varņa in which there would be no enmity among the interdependent units. For Ambedkar, in contrast, the vocabulary of varņa was irredeemably corrupted through its enmeshment in millennia-old structures of hierarchy, so that its employment would not generate sufficient momentum to break through entrenched systems of oppression.
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Valmiki, Amita. „RETRO-INTROSPECTION ON RELIGIOUS DEBATE AND CONFLICT IN POST-COLONIAL INDIA AND POSSIBLE SUGGESTIONS TO IMPROVE THE SITUATION“. Educational Discourse: collection of scientific papers, Nr. 4(3-4) (06.05.2018): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.33930/ed.2018.5007.4(3-4)-8.
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Many Indian thinkers and activists like M. K. Gandhi, B. R. Ambedkar and others put their heart and soul to find out the origin of the problem. In this paper I have tried to introspect on the philosophy of these two great activists who ventured in to providing solution to the rift and hatred among the communities in India. The basic material is to refer to their views from various authors’ books and articles.
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Das, Swaha, Hari Nair und Yogendra ‘Swaraj’ Sharma. „La Bhagavad Gītā y sus interpretaciones políticas modernas“. Interpretatio. Revista de Hermenéutica 5, Nr. 2 (17.08.2020): 169–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.it.2020.5.2.0011.
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This study analyses three interpretations of Gītā that were published during the first half of the 20th century: those of Tilak, Gandhi and Ambedkar. The analysis begins with a narrative that explains the process that took place between 1785 and 1882, through which Gītā achieved the reputation of being the most representative book of the Hindus. From then on, Gītā was interpreted by Indian leaders for their own political purposes. Thus, Tilak emphasized the principles of ‘just war’ to rationalize revolutionary violence against British rule of India. Gandhi, who opposed all forms of violence, reinterpreted the Gītā as a text of non-violence. Ambedkar, one of Gandhi’s strongest rivals, warned against the conservative social philosophy present in the Gītā, as he felt that the text justified the social caste system. While Tilak’s and Ambedkar’s interpretations were textually sustainable, Gandhi’s was less so. However, Gandhi insisted on the correctness of his interpretation. Such insistence resulted in his interpretation of the Gītā eclipsing the textual intent.
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Skaria, Ajay. „The Subaltern and the Minor“. Critical Times 5, Nr. 2 (01.08.2022): 275–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-9799692.
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Abstract In conversation with the work of Qadri Ismail, this essay explores the figure of the minor. It suggests that Ismail and others have given that figure a distinctive torsion by imbuing it with the moral aspiration for a freedom and equality no longer centered on sovereignty and autonomy. That aspiration is not new; in parallax ways, both Babasaheb Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi strive for such a freedom and equality. The aspiration is also an implicit stake of the Subaltern Studies tradition, as is manifest in Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's invocation of “love.” The other freedom arising from the love of the minor, the essay suggests, cannot be thought save by way of “religion.” The essay explores how Ambedkar and Gandhi give a distinctive inflection to the conventional association of religion with the sacred and sacrifice. From their thinking of religion, it suggests, a range of concepts and quasi-concepts cascade out, including a distinction between belief as the sovereign form of religion and faith as its nonsovereign form; a distinction between an idealist impossible and a messianic impossible; authority without sovereignty; and political friendship as the comportment proper to the minor.
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Meir, Ephraim. „Gandhi and Buber on Individual and Collective Transformation“. Religions 13, Nr. 7 (28.06.2022): 600. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13070600.
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A virtual encounter between Buber and Gandhi articulates where they differ and where they touch common ground. They developed a transformative thinking that opened up the individual and collective ego to others. Only recently have scholars paid full attention to Buber’s theo-political thinking. Gandhi’s article “The Jews” made his way of thinking irrelevant for many Zionists over the decades. The relative neglect of Buber’s political thought and of Gandhi’s contribution to conflict resolution in Israel/Palestine explains why studies systematically comparing Buber’s politico-religious thinking with that of Gandhi are rare. The present article wants to fill this gap. Gandhi and Buber’s religiosity impacted upon spiritual, social, and political life. Their transformational perspectives could shed new light on how to deal with violent conflict situations.
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Dhanda, Meena. „IV—Philosophical Foundations of Anti-Casteism“. Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 120, Nr. 1 (01.04.2020): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/arisoc/aoaa006.
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Abstract The paper begins from a working definition of caste as a contentious form of social belonging and a consideration of casteism as a form of inferiorization. It takes anti-casteism as an ideological critique aimed at unmasking the unethical operations of caste, drawing upon B. R. Ambedkar’s notion of caste as ‘graded inequality’. The politico-legal context of the unfinished trajectory of instituting protection against caste discrimination in Britain provides the backdrop for thinking through the philosophical foundations of anti-casteism. The peculiar religio-discursive aspect of ‘emergent vulnerability’ is noted, which explains the recent introduction of the trope of ‘institutional casteism’ used as a shield by deniers of caste against accusations of casteism. The language of protest historically introduced by anti-racists is thus usurped and inverted in a simulated language of anti-colonialism. It is suggested that the stymieing of the UK legislation on caste is an effect of collective hypocrisies, the refusal to acknowledge caste privilege, and the continuity of an agonistic intellectual inheritance, exemplified in the deep differences between Ambedkar and Gandhi in the Indian nationalist discourse on caste. The paper argues that for a modern anti-casteism to develop, at stake is the possibility of an ethical social solidarity. Following Ambedkar, this expansive solidarity can only be found through our willingness to subject received opinions and traditions to critical scrutiny. Since opposed groups ‘make sense’ of their worlds in ways that might generate collective hypocrisies of denial of caste effects, anti-casteism must be geared to expose the lie that caste as the system of graded inequality is benign and seamlessly self-perpetuating, when it is everywhere enforced through penalties for transgression of local caste norms with the complicity of the privileged castes. The ideal for modern anti-casteism is Maitri (friendship) formed through praxis, eschewing birth-ascribed caste status and loyalties.
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Krishan, Shri. „Discourses on Modernity: Gandhi and Savarkar“. Studies in History 29, Nr. 1 (Februar 2013): 61–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496688.
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Debates emanate from dualities, situations of conflict, contradictions and paradoxes. Modernity is a paradox of sorts. So too was the colonial experience. Contrary to popular belief, Gandhi looked at the Indian traditions and ways of life from the perspective derived from western modernist epistemology. Our attitude to modernity is bound up, consciously or otherwise, with our perspective on colonialism as the forerunner of modernity. The word ‘modernity’ has varied connotations. In the present context, it is to be understood, chiefly, as western Enlightenment modernity mediated through European colonialism. But the perception of Gandhi and V.D. Savarkar differed regarding western Enlightenment modernity as there were differences of opinion between them on almost every political and social issue and methods of struggle against colonialism. These differences were rooted actually in their understanding of modernity, its epistemologies and variants prevalent in Europe, their relevance for Indian context and national liberation struggle. Gandhi’s may appear to be rooted in indigenous traditions but he also inherited the ‘scientific temper’ and methods and weapons of struggle which ‘modern politics’ has brought to forefront in Europe and America. Savarkar, on the other hand, was influenced by the intellectual trends which forged the weapons for the Right-wing politics in Europe. Gandhi appears to be always open to dialogue even though his position may be very dogmatic on certain issues but Savarkar is free from ambivalences that resurface repeatedly in Gandhi. The reflection is to be found in their political, literary, philosophical and other discourses, providing contexts in which debates unfold concerning customs, laws, religions, languages, generations, regions and ends and means controversy. They underpin controversies over the relationship of the individual to the collective.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi"
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Roy, Jadab. „Socio philosophical understanding of untouchability: past and present“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/2695.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleBücher zum Thema "Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi"
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Arundhati, Roy. The doctor and the saint: Caste, race, and the annihilation of caste : the debate between B.R. Ambedkar and M.K. Gandhi. 2017.
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Arundhati, Roy. Doctor and the Saint : Caste, Race, and Annihilation of Caste: The Debate Between B. R. Ambedkar and M. K. Gandhi. Haymarket Books, 2017.
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Verma, Vidhu. Secularism in India. Herausgegeben von Phil Zuckerman und John R. Shook. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199988457.013.14.
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This chapter examines the historical emergence of secularism through movements, debates, and legal formulations to explain specific features that the concept has acquired in the context of India. The first part examines the tensions between the theoretical narratives of Indian constitutionalism and the practices of politics that led to the acceptance of certain essential conditions of secularism. The approach towards secularism found in writings of Nehru, Gandhi and Ambedkar are then discussed. The third part focuses on the ill-defined meaning of secularism that does not accurately reflect the conceptual shifts made by the modern legal system. The final section critically examines the claim that secularism is a state-led exercise in certain domains. An overview of the legal literature shows that secularism is also the domain of experts, bureaucrats, and professionals. The history of court decisions about what constitutes a religious practice that is protected by law reveals considerable variation and arbitrariness..
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Kenny, Paul D. India’s Turn to Populism. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198807872.003.0006.
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This chapter shows how the fragmentation of political authority precipitated a crisis of legitimacy of the old order. Using a mix of qualitative and quantitative data, it first shows how Indira Gandhi attempted to restore central control through intervention in India’s states. Failing to reestablish control over India’s fragmented patronage network, she then made a populist turn, mobilizing the masses across India through the media and mass rallies in her conflict with her opponents. This chapter argues that this strategy was a consequence of the breakdown of the Congress system, rather than its cause. Mrs Gandhi’s attempt to recentralize power met with substantial resistance in the states. Her government eroded the rule of law and the undermined the formal institutions of intermediation between state and society. The authoritarian emergency that followed from 1975 to 1977 was not an aberration of this populist program, but its logical fulfillment.
Buchteile zum Thema "Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi"
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„M. K. Gandhi and B. R. Ambedkar: Irreconcilable Differences?“ In Between Ethics and Politics, 159–89. Routledge India, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315540894-13.
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Sanil, V. „Nature and Evil“. In India and Its Intellectual Traditions: Of Love, Advaita, Power, and Other Things, 369–98. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198887164.003.0014.
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Abstract Are there laws connecting natural and moral phenomena? What is the ontology of the social such laws demand? Both Gandhi and Ambedkar held ontologically thin conceptions of social reality, including that of caste. Gandhi refrained from referring to caste in his account of untouchability as he thought such deep descriptions would delay the urgent task of self-purification. Ambedkar rejected the intentional and structural accounts of the origin of caste that could obstruct the annihilation of caste by granting it even a minimal justification. Gandhi claimed that the Bihar earthquake in 1934 was a punishment for us practising untouchability. I shall examine the hard connection he affirmed between natural phenomena and evil in the light of recent developments in philosophy of science and Indian metaphysics. Ambedkar, while rejecting the sociological theories about the origin of caste, admiringly refers to the law of imitation proposed by Gabriel Tarde, who rejected the dichotomy between the natural and social sciences and demanded an ontologically thin conception of social phenomenon like capitalism. Ambedkar used Tarde’s concept of the law to trace the origin of caste to the running amok of the means deployed for securing endogamy.
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Mehta, Uday S. „Conflict, Secularism, and Toleration“. In Negotiating Democracy and Religious Pluralism, 95–113. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197530016.003.0005.
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This chapter is organized around a contrast between two views relating to religious diversity and toleration and the differing logics implicit in them. The first is that of M. K. Gandhi, in which religious diversity and toleration was taken to be a given feature of the fluid historical, social, and normative texture of India. It therefore did not take toleration as requiring a special intervention. In contrast, the second takes diversity as given, which necessarily tends toward conflict, and hence toward anarchy and ultimately death. The first takes religious identities and diversity as given; the second is reliant on the functioning of the state, because it has to mediate between the contending claims of identity.
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Mallampalli, Chandra. „Dalits and Social Liberation“. In South Asia's Christians, 214—C9P85. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190608903.003.0010.
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Abstract This chapter examines the ways in which Christianity has interacted with entrenched social structures in India. Evangelical missionaries encountered caste hierarchies and untouchability in India at the very time when other Evangelicals were engaged in antislavery agitation in England, the islands of the Caribbean, and the American colonies. Comparisons between the two contexts shed light on how Evangelicals understood their mandate and how emancipatory their impact really was. Both Gandhi and Ambedkar championed their own notions of social and political liberation, but it was Ambedkar’s ideas, as we shall see, that won the hearts of both Dalits and Dalit converts to Christianity. Aspects of Ambedkar’s legacy shaped key tropes of Dalit Christian theology, which resisted the oppressive structures of their day and incorporated Dalit experiences into their readings of the New Testament.
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Landy, Frédéric. „Urban Leopards Are Good Cartographers“. In Places of Nature in Ecologies of Urbanism. Hong Kong University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888390595.003.0004.
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In Mumbai, the Sanjay Gandhi National Park is besieged by a sprawling urban agglomeration of 20 million inhabitants. The first part of this paper documents the dangerous and sometimes deadly presence of leopards in and around the park. In the second section, it is argued that leopards in Mumbai are not only a matter of human-nonhuman conflict: the panther attacks reveal conflicts of other kinds, between human stakeholders, and in particular highlight graduated levels of citizenship. Lastly, the leopards also reveal (or generate) spatial tensions – though they are also efficient go-betweens to help solve these conflicts.
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Gandhi, Gopalkrishna, und Tridip Suhrud. „1940-1948“. In Scorching Love, 381–452. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192858382.003.0005.
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This Part holds letters between father and son exchanged during the last decade of Gandhi’s life. This is the decade that starts under the clouds of World War II when India is also seeing battles of its own, between different forces, parties, people and what the Raj likes to see and categorise as India’s discordant sections and interests.Of these the pan-Indian, cross-community aggregation of the Indian National Congress is the major player, followed by the Muslim League which views itself as the voice of India’s biggest and beleaguered religious minority. The 1940s are therefore, a decade mired in conflict, political, sectarian and civilisational. The section ends with Kasturba’s death and finally, the death of Gandhi.
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Simpson, Thula. „Founders“. In History of South Africa, 19–32. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0003.
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Abstract The birth of satyagraha as developed by Mohandas Gandhi during the Indian passive resistance campaign of 1906-7 opens this chapter. Also considered is the 1907 conflict between white miners and mine-owners, as the former sought to protect their racial privileges against the latter's cost-cutting measures. The white workers won a major victory when Louis Botha, the prime minister of the Transvaal, decreed the repatriation of the Chinese miners. Botha's premiership owed to a British decision to grant self-government to the former Boer republics. The chapter discusses the next stages of this reconciliation process, as the Transvaal and the Orange Free State joined the colonies of the Cape and Natal in advancing towards "Closer Union". The process culminated with the creation of the Union of South Africa in May 1910. White unity encouraged parallel efforts among the black population, leading to the January 1912 formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), the forerunner of the African National Congress.
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Fredrickson, George M. „“We Shall Not Be Moved”: Nonviolent Resistance To White Supremacy, 1940-1965“. In Black Liberation, 225–76. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195057492.003.0007.
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Abstract People committed to a militant struggle against colonial or racist domination during the middle decades of the twentieth century had one clear alternative to the Marxist-Leninist path of violent revolution. It was the method of resistance pioneered by Mohandas K. Gandhi in South Africa and India that has been variously called “passive resistance,” “nonviolent direct action,” and “militant nonviolence.” During the 1940s and ‘50s in South Africa-and for a few years longer in the United States-advocates of nonviolence tried to demonstrate the superiority and efficacy of their method of protest. They argued for it, tried it out on a small scale, threatened mass action, and in a few notable instances led thousands of demonstrators in direct action against oppressive laws or policies. The term nonviolence is difficult to define with precision, but there seems little question that it refers to a range of protest or resistance activities that fall between the straightforward use of physical force and the men! expression of dissatisfaction in conventional, legally authorized ways within officially constituted bodies or channels. Boycotts, strikes, mass marches or demonstrations, and planned civil disobedience are all forms of nonviolent resistance. Nonviolent actions do not necessarily signify a nonviolent ideology. Movements that are not committed to nonviolence as a philosophy or moral imperative often make use of such methods. Furthermore, there is a natural tendency for people whose grievances are not being addressed through conventional politics and legalistic appeals to engage in nonviolent action out of frustration, or the pragmatic need to try something else, rather than out of the conviction that it represents a morally superior form of struggle. The practical function of nonviolent doctrine or ideology-as set forth by a Gandhi or a Martin Luther King, Jr might be to increase the morale and motivation of nonviolent protesters and prevent or inhibit their normal tendency to escalate the conflict to the level of violent resistance when nonviolent campaigns do not bring the results that are hoped for. It would be wrong, however, to assume that only committed pacifists can lead effective nonviolent movements. It is quite possible to regard violence as self-defeating within a particular historical context-and to act consistently on that conviction-without rejecting the use of force or violence in all conceivable circumstances.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Conflict between Ambedkar and Gandhi"
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Wright, Steve. „THE WORK OF FETHULLAH GÜLEN & THE ROLE OF NON-VIOLENCE IN A TIME OF TERROR“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/iwca2043.
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We are living in dangerous times. We can anticipate further polarisation between Islam and the West as the official line becomes more focused on achieving military solutions to what are essentially political and cultural issues. Fethullah Gülen is unusual in adding a distinctly Islamic voice to the calls for a non-violent approach to conflict resolution. The notion of peace through peace has a rich Western tradi- tion from Tolstoy to Martin Luther King. In the East, all of those active in peace movements today acknowledge a debt to Mahatma Gandhi. These writers continue to influence peace activists such as Gene Sharp, whose work was directly channelled to assist in the recent, relatively peaceful, revolutions in former Soviet states such as the Ukraine. This paper examines the peace-building work of Gülen within wider concepts of non-vio- lence in order to explore their lessons for modern Islam’s transition. It is important for the conference to hear something of past voices and experiences, and the lessons learned from them, which can further inspire those in Islam who wish to move towards future peace using peaceful, non-violent activities. This goal is particularly pertinent in a time of terror when existing counter-insurgency meth- ods readily provoke a violent response, which justifies more violence and repression. The paper is illustrated to ensure accessibility of the examples for those less familiar with non-violent action dedicated to achieving social change.