Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Conference of ambassadors (1912-1913)“

Before starting the First Balkan War, the Great Powers were not prepared for a quick victory of the young Balkan allies against an old empire, as it was until 1912 the Great Ottoman Empire. At the Ambassadors Conference in London, Austro-Hungary argued that the involvement of Shkodra City was essential to the economy of the new Albanian state. Meanwhile Russia did not open the way for solving the Shkodra problem, Russian diplomats thought how to satisfy Serbia's ambitions in Northeast Albania, respectively in Kosovo Beyond those considerations of a political character, on 8 October 1912, was the youngest member of the Balkan Alliance, the Shkodra northern neighbor, Montenegro, that rushed to launch military actions, thus opening the first campaign of the First Balkan War. The Montenegrin military assault, as its main strategic objective in this war, was precisely the occupation and annexation of the historic city of Shkodra, a city with a big economic and cultural importance for the Albanian people and territory. Received: 7 September 2020 / Accepted: 13 December 2020 / Published: 17 January 2021

By analysing leading Russian newspapers on the eve of the Great War, the author illustrates the perception of German policy by Russian public opinion during the two Balkan wars of 1912–1913. He concludes that during the ten months of the Balkan crisis, the attitude of the Russian press towards Germany underwent a significant transformation. In the first two months of the Balkan War (October and November 1912), when Berlin was not openly declaring its support for Austrian claims, one could find favourable comments on German policy in Russian newspapers. The attitude of the Russian press to Germany shifted in a negative direction under the influence of Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg’s speech in the Reichstag on 2 December 1912, when for the first time since the beginning of the Balkan War Berlin publicly declared its readiness to back its Austrian ally’s claims with arms in hand. Russian society experienced even greater disappointment in German politics after the start of the London Meeting of Ambassadors, at which the German representative supported the proposals of the Austrian side, and after a new speech by Bethmann-Hollweg in the German parliament on April 7, 1913, when the Reich Chancellor declared “racial opposites” between the Slavic and German peoples and laid full responsibility for maintaining a tense the situation in Europe affects the pan-Slavic circles of Russia. These two speeches by the head of the German government and Berlin’s support for Austrian claims at the London Conference were negatively perceived by the overwhelming majority of the Russian press. At the same time, the disagreements between Germany and Austria-Hungary that emerged during the Bucharest Peace Conference and immediately after it gave the Russian press reason to declare a serious crisis of the Triple Alliance. The article concludes that there was a significant increase in anti-German sentiment in Russia under the influence of German behavior during the Balkan crisis of 1912–1913. Thus, the two Balkan Wars became an important milestone not only in the history of international relations at the beginning of the 20th century, but also in the propaganda preparations for the First World War.

The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.

The history of the Balkans has been and is the story of the peoples who have lived and tried for the relationship of a worthy and peaceful neighborhood on this peninsula. But in a few cases, these relationships are defined by state policies and as such have been conflicting. Referring to political developments, after the First Balkan War Balkan conflicts between the Balkan states conditioned the outbreak of the Second Balkan War. Albania's destiny was directly linked to these Balkan conflicts. The only Balkan state, which had no territorial claims in Albania, resulted to be Bulgaria. In this regard, we point out that Bulgaria's interests after the First Balkan War resonated with the interests of Albanians. The decision of the Ambassadors' Conference in London unduly left outside the borders of the new Albanian state almost half of the country's lands. Did Bulgaria support the new Albanian state at the London Conference of Ambassadors? What was the attitude of the Bulgarian population during the Albanian uprising against the Serbs of 1913? The treatment and analysis of these issues is also the focus of our research in the framework of this scientific paper. In reflecting on such issues, we have relied on the consultation of a broad and contemporary literature, seen in the context of comparability of archival documents, with new approaches and attitudes.

The article explores a particular source of Albanian newspapers for the cooperative efforts between Kosovo Albanians and Bulgarians in Macedonia. The Albanian press in the diaspora, particularly in Bulgaria, was of great importance for Albanian ideol-ogists after the closure of Albanian-language clubs, schools, and newspapers in Koso-vo. In Albanian newspapers, we can observe a different perspective on the efforts to cooperate between Albanian and Bulgarian insurgents until 1913. The Conference of Ambassadors in London and the waves of Albanian and Bulgarian refugees caused by the Balkan wars reaffirmed these tentative of collaboration for the common interest of both parties. These also resulted with joint Albanian and Bulgarian kachak forces in exile on the September Ohrid-Dibra uprising. Despite the failure of the uprising, Alba-nian newspapers remained supportive of the idea of common resistance.

Great Britain since the late 19th and early 20th centuries had increased its interest for the developments in the Balkan region. Since the Berlin Congress in June 1878, the Conference of Ambassadors in London, December 1912-May 1913, then during WWI and WWII. Her interest continued also during the Cold War. Tito's Yugoslavia as a conglomerate of peoples had special diplomatic treatment from UK because of political, economic and military interests of the latter. Mostly after 1948 the UK built good relations with Yugoslavia. Her interest was Yugoslavia to remain stable as it was the west "protected" area from any Soviet Union threat. From this perspective the predictions were that the British could approve of any kind of internal behavior towards other ethnic minority communities. Thus in 1981 riots broke out in the province of Kosovo, Yugoslavia, and they escalated widely all over Kosovo. The UK closely followed all developments through its embassy in Belgrade and reported continuously to the FCO in London. This research will be exclusively based on these Telegrams. The declassified diplomatic reports testify more to a diplomatic and political correctness since then, from the fact that they clearly write about the discrimination that has been done to Kosovo in the Yugoslav legal and political system.

Emerging from the Balkan wars and the London Conference of Ambassadors of 1913, the nation state of Albania frustrated the expansionist ambitions of Serbia and Greece which had planned to partition the area. Early indications suggested Albania would be, potentially, one of the most destabilising regions of the Balkans. This was primarily due to its geographical position vis à vis the Adriatic coast, and to the manner in which the Great Powers deemed Albanian independence an issue of international concern. For Britain, the proximity of the important military base of Malta and the existence of oil in Albania were further reasons why Italian domination had to be checked, and it is of little surprise that Albania quickly became the focus of attention for jealous and covetous eyes.

The purpose of this article is to present the relations between Greece and Albania in a very sensitive period as the Second World War. The nationalist sentiments have dominated both in Greek and in the Albanian and this have often resulted in armed conflict. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Albania found itself without a wing is its lands were highly sought by neighbors like Greeks and Serbs. Greece has already advanced its claims after the first Balkan wars and these claims were also the key in the conference of ambassadors in London which began in 1913 and ended in 1916. During the Second World War, Albania was the gateway to the Italian military which have invaded Greece. The events of the Second World War will be analyzed in this article with a qualitative methodology and mostly based in the study of archival documents and the literature review for the theoretical background.

Albania, founded at the Congress of Vlora on November 12, 1912, has a far more homogeneous national population than its neighboring states in the Balkans. The Sixth London Conference of the great powers in 1912–1913 ruthlessly divided the territories inhabited by Albanians. The conference fragmented more than half the territories inhabited by ethnic Albanian regions as follows: in the east and the northeast—Kosova, Dibra, Ohri, Struga and Pollugu up to Shkup (Scoplje); in the north—Tivari, Ulqini, Tuzi, Plava and Gucija; and in the south—Camerija. These lands, with an autochthonous Albanian population, were annexed by Serbia, Montenegro (in 1918 by the new Yugoslav State) and by Greece in 1913. Thus, the borders of Albania were confined to an area of 28,748 square kilometers and a population of a little more than 800,000.

The paper introduces these key ideas: First, Albania admitted to the League of Nations remained under international protection in terms of its rights to independence and territorial integrity. Second, Any intervention against Albania would be brought to the League of Nations, which would have to check that no one of the Balkan potentials acted to break Albania. Thirdly, Albania’s accession to the League of Nations was a consequence of itself, while in international affiliation the acceptance of a country into the League of Nations brought with it its recognition as a state. Fourth, this act marked a recognition of the state and of the Albanian government and paved the way for the fair resolution of the Albanian issue at the Ambassador’s Paris Conference in 1921. It was precisely on 9 November 1921 that this Conference made its final decision for Albania: recognition the independence of Albania and the borders of 1913, with some changes in the northeast in favor of Serbia.

Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky was a German ambassador in London from 1912 to 1914. He was one of the most important direct participants of the July Crisis which led to the outbreak of the First World War. This document was written in 1916 and secretly delivered to the German military and political supreme authorities. It came into possession of Swedish socialists and they published it, first in English and then in all other European languages. This document explicitly attributes the responsibility for the outbreak of the war to the German political and social circles. It accuses them of instigating Austria- Hungary to attack Serbia. The Germans declined and undermined solemn interventions to evade the war. Also, this document briefly describes the German imperialistic politics in the decade before the War and indicates that these politics have inevitably led to the confrontation with Great Britain, Russia and France. Assassination in Sarajevo is indicated as a motive but little attention is paid to it (Gavrilo Princip is not even mentioned at all). During the Paris Peace Conference (in Versailles), this document was used as one of the important arguments to declare Germany guilty of starting the war. Western press wrote a great deal about it and it was given a lot of credit. Also, this memorandum was often disputed during the debate in German politics and historiography in the 1920s and the 1930s on the war accountability (Kriegsschuldsfrage), but it was often quoted by German opponents.

Since 2001, I Have Been Teaching Courses in Cultural Studies, European and Turkish Literature, Modern Drama, and Gender and sexuality studies at Sabancı University in Istanbul. During my fifteen years of teaching undergraduate and graduate students, the Armenian genocide was a particularly challenging theme to bring into the classroom. Even at Sabancı University, one of the rare liberal universities in Turkey to offer courses that challenge Turkish national myths, most students, including those who graduated from “liberal” high schools, had received a nationalist education and came to college either not knowing anything about the Armenian genocide or denying it altogether. Denial of the Armenian genocide is still pervasive in Turkey; 1915 is identified in history textbooks as the year of the Battle of Gallipoli, the most important Ottoman victory against the British and French naval forces during World War I. For most of the twentieth century and up until 2005, when the seminal Ottoman Armenians Conference opened a public discussion of the topic, silence regarding the deportation and genocide of the Ottoman Armenians prevailed. If denialist myths in Turkey acknowledge the deaths of the Ottoman Armenians, they justify such deaths as “retaliation” for the deaths of Turkish Muslims during the Balkan Wars of 1912 and 1913 or equate the massacres of Armenians with Turkish casualties of war from the same period. For instance, Talat Paşa, the mastermind behind the deportations and massacres of roughly one million Armenians in 1915-16, argues in his memoirs that an equal number of Turks were killed by Armenians during World War I and in its aftermath (51-56).

Nikolai Alexandrovich Velyaminov was born in 1855 in St. Petersburg. He studied at the gymnasiums of Wiesbaden and Warsaw. In 1872 he entered the Moscow University in physics and mathematics, and in 1873 transferred to the faculty of medicine. In 1877 he was sent to the army in the Caucasus. In 1878-1879, Nikolai Alexandrovich became ill with typhus, developing a chronic process in the lungs, which requires long-term treatment abroad. After recovery in the years 1880-1881 N. And. Velyaminov works in Central Asia as a surgeon of the Akhal-Teke expedition, develops a system of medical sorting and evacuation of the wounded, writes "Memories of the surgeon from the Akhal-Teke expedition." In 1883 he received the degree of doctor of medicine and worked as an assistant to Professor K. K. Reyer, lectured on operative surgery in Women's medical courses. In 1884 N. Ah. Velyaminov becomes an assistant to the chief physician and surgeon of the Holy cross community of sisters of mercy. In 1885 he founded the first in Russia authoritative scientific surgical journal "Surgical Bulletin". Since 1887 N. Ah. Velyaminov as a Junior doctor of the life guards of the Preobrazhensky regiment heads the surgical Department in Krasnoselsky hospital, since 1893 works as the Director of the Maximilian hospital in St. Petersburg, since 1894 the senior doctor of the Semenovsky regiment, is appointed the life-physician and honorary surgeon of the Highest Court, and then the senior doctor of the Imperial headquarters. In 1889 he defended his doctoral thesis. In 1894 N. Ah. Velyaminov is elected Professor of the Military medical Academy. In 1896 he designs the device for the first time in St. Petersburg service of "Ambulance", organizing children's sanatoriums. In 1900, Velyaminov was elected an honorary member of the Royal medical College in London, the Chief Commissioner of the Russian red cross society for assistance to the sick and wounded in the far East. In 1905 N. Ah. Velyaminov was awarded the rank of privy Councilor, and in 1907 was awarded the order of St. Anne of the 1st degree. In the same years N. Ah. Velyaminov was the first in Russia to study occupational injuries, insurance of workers and organized the "Bureau of medical examination for workers" (1907). In 1910 1912 N. Ah. Velyaminova works as the head of the Imperial Military medical Academy in St. Petersburg. In 1913, the conference of the Military medical Academy elected him academician of medicine. At the beginning of World war I. Ah. Velyaminov took part in the work of the Main Directorate of the red cross, and from the end of August he was a surgeon-consultant at the Headquarters of the commander-in-Chief to inspect the surgical case in the army. By the beginning of 1917 N. Ah. Velyaminov held many positions: Director of the Mariinsky hospital for the poor, Alexandrinsky women's hospital and Maximilian hospital; Chairman of the Medical Commission for reception in the sanatorium "khalila", the Russian Society for the protection of public health, the Interdepartmental Commission for the revision of medical legislation; Vice-Chairman of the Committee of the Community of the Seaside sanatorium for chronically ill children; editor of the magazines "Surgical archive" and "Hygiene and sanitary Affairs"; inspector of the court medical unit; honorary consultant of the Alexander-Mariinsky hospital and hospital for incoming patients; consultant of the Royal office for the institutions of the Empress Maria Feodorovna, member of the Board of the Community. Kaufman red cross and the Medical Council of the interior Ministry. In 1919-1920 he headed the Department of surgical pathology with desmurgy at the Women's medical Institute. In March 1920, he was offered the post of Chairman of the Commission for the reform of medical education, from which N. Ah. Velyaminov refused. By this time the new government took away the Professor's apartment, and he found refuge in the utility room of the Petrograd hospital named after Peter the Great. N. And. Velyaminov author of over 100 scientific medical works, including 8 monographs. He described thyrotoxic polyarthritis, gave the classification of diseases of the joints and thyroid gland, one of the first pointed to the importance of the endocrine glands in the development of surgical diseases, used phototherapy; opened the first Russian light therapy room. A lot of new N. And. Velyaminov contributed to the doctrine of surgical treatment of bone tuberculosis and abdominal surgery. April 9, 1920 N. Ah. Velyaminov died and was buried at the Volkov cemetery.

This essay was originally read at the conference of the Society of Economists at the Kiev Institute of Commerce on November 14, 1913, to mark the 250th anniversary (in 1912) of the appearance of William Petty's first economic treatise. It was subsequently published in the Student Bulletin of the same institute (1914, Numbers 16, 17, 18).Publishing this essay in the form of a separate pamphlet I, of course, acknowledge its extreme incompleteness in many respects, but think that the extreme poverty of Russian literature about such a wonderful economist justifies its worth.

The article presents the efforts of the Catholicos of All Armenians to carry out reforms in Western Armenia in 1913. The primary basis for the methodological study of the work was letters and reports by figures of theat period by the methodology of comparison, comparison and analysis of the materials contained in them, an attempt was made again to identify the main motives of the Armenian question, which is still actual relevant and has not received its solution. In 1908 after the abolition of Abdul-Hamidian despotic regime and the hold of powers by Young Turks the pursuits and cruelties against Western Armenians did not cease. Beginning from the Аpril in 1909 the Turks organized The Massacre of the Armenians of Cilikia. of Catholicos of All Armenians Gevorg V, who played a great role in the discovery of the Armenian question in 1912 receives information about the massacre of Armenians in Western Armenia from various sources. Catholicos appealed to various state and public European and Russian statesmens and figures with a request to prevent the massacre of Western Armenians. He tries to force European and Russian figures, as well as Russian and European ambassadors of Constantinople, to force Turkey to carry out reforms in Western Armenia. The Catholicos is making great efforts to gain the favor of the Russian emperor. To this end, he establishes correspondence with the governor of the Caucasus Vorontsov-Dashkov. On the other hand, the Catholicos directs appeals to European statesmen. He thinks that reforms should be implemented by Russia and controlled by Europe. In the end, the program is being drawn up, but because of the outbreak of the world War, it is not being implemented But the European countries and the Russian government guided by their own interests were limited only to diplomatic steps and promises.

After declaring its independence in 1912, the Albanian state was recognized as such by the great powers only in 1913, during the Peace Conference in London, where besides the important fact of the de jure recognition of Albania as a state in the international arena, it was territorially disintegrated, where more than half of its territories remain outside of the state borders. In the Organic Statute of Albania, Albania was formed as a constitutional pricipality and hereditary sovereign under the guarantee of six major international states. If the aforementioned Statute, Chapter VI defines the organization of local administration in Albania. We can see for the first time a juridical status of local government in Albania to the most important document of the time. Based on Article 95 of the Statute, Albania was divided into seven sanjaks (units), these were divided in Kaza, and these latter in Nahije. Remaining from the Ottoman conquest of how organized and label, Sanjaks were those of Shkodra, Elbasan, Dibra, Durres, Berat, Korca and Gjirokastra. Regarding the analysis of the organization of local government, as we shall see below, this model is a remnant of the Turkish invaders organization and does not bring any innovation regarding the organization in this period. Such a form of organization had itself the Turkish Empire, which brought in Albania together with the process of invasion for centuries.

Цель статьи – определение фазового состава структур пленочных постоянных магнитов со слоями сплава Fe-Cr-Co микронного диапазона толщин, называемого сплавом Kaneko. Знание фазового состава необходимо для разработки физико-технологических подходов создания оптимальных структур на подложках монокристаллического кремния с пленочным постоянным магнитом на основе дисперсионно-твердеющего сплава с вектором намагниченности в плоскости кремниевой подложки.Методом магнетронного напыления на кремниевой подложке были получены трехслойные металлические пленки: слой дисперсионно-твердеющего сплава на основе системы Fe-Cr-Co (толщиной 3600 нм), компенсационный медный слой (3800 нм) и ванадиевый адгезионно-барьерный слой (110 нм). Сформированные на кремниевой подложке многослойные пленки подвергались одноминутному отжигу в высоком вакууме в диапазоне температур 600–650 °С. Методом рентгеновской дифракции выполнен качественный фазовый анализ структур, полученныхмагнетронным напылением и подвергнутых одноступенчатой термической обработке.Определено, что в слое дисперсионно-твердеющего сплава на основе системы Fe-Cr-Co, полученного магнетронным напылением, не образуются окислы основных компонентов и s-фаза, как в процессе получения, так и после высоковакуумного «быстрого» одноминутного отжига в диапазоне температур 600–650 °С. При температуре отжига 630 °С наблюдается максимальная интенсивность рентгеновской линии (110) a-фазы, что свидетельствует о формировании преимущественно a-твердого раствора и является предпосылкой для корректного проведения последующих ступеней отжига для спинодального распада этой фазы. ЛИТЕРАТУРА Kaneko H., Homma M., Nakamura K. New ductile permanent magnet of Fe-Cr-Co system. AJP Conference Proceedings. 1972;5: 1088–1092. DOI: https://doi.org/10.1063/1.2953814 Tsung-Shune Chin, Kou-Her Wang, Cheng-Hsiung Lin. 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Dalcroze Eurhythmics Music therapists, music educators and community musicians will be familiar with the primacy of enlivening musical consciousness in those with whom they work: clients, patients, learners, participants and fellow musicians. For it is through such consciousness that other types of awareness – of self and other, of time, space and energy, and of one’s environment – may be developed and interpersonal connections, and one’s relationship with music, established and deepened. Music used in this way becomes an adaptive tool, a bridge, a means to some sort of transformation, whether this is understood therapeutically, educationally or – more inclusively – pedagogically. One such resource is Dalcroze Eurhythmics, which foregrounds the role of movement in musical activity and understanding, and the usefulness of exploring and harnessing music-movement relationships in pedagogy, therapy and the performing arts. Émile Jaques-Dalcroze (1865-1950), who originated and gave his name to this approach, wrote, “Musical consciousness is the result of physical experience” (Jaques-Dalcroze 1921/1967: 39). He highlighted what, for him, was music’s best kept secret, but which was not much acknowledged, understood or used to its full potential in the practices he saw around him at the end of the 19th century: the movement of music and, as a consequence, the role of movement in music cognition. Jaques-Dalcroze and his collaborators, therefore, took a reforming attitude to pedagogy, dance and music making by experimenting with situations in which people could be music, through enacting their musical consciousness somatically and thereby simultaneously engaging thought, emotion, agency and creativity in a psychophysical means of expression. During the first decades of the 20th century, Jaques-Dalcroze developed his philosophy and practice, with the first Dalcroze schools springing up in Europe in the years immediately prior to World War I. To witness a Dalcroze session is one thing. One would normally see a group of people in a large space, in their bare feet, moving to music, either the piano improvisation of a teacher or a recording, or occasionally another instrument, such as a drum. The participants would be responding on their own terms or according to an instruction from the teacher/practitioner. They would be communicating non-verbally, as they made contact with others through vision, touch or via a piece of equipment such as a ball, stick, hoop, rope or a length of elastic, all the time synchronising their movements, dosing their energy and using space according to how the music moves. At times there would be singing or other forms of vocalisation, spontaneous or otherwise; at others the participants might be engaging in creative group work to devise movement sequences in response to a piece of repertoire. One might sense a deep connection between the movers and the music, even the desire to join in. However, to experience a Dalcroze session is quite another thing. As an actor, rather than an observer, one would be called upon to use one’s whole self creatively to analyse and solve problems, express thoughts or moods and react to musical challenges. One’s sensorimotor system would be gradually enlivened through preparatory exercises, bringing vision, hearing, touch and the voice into play, as well as the vestibular system, kinaesthesia, one’s spatial awareness and one’s own felt sense of self, or ‘body schema’. Over time, one would become aware of others in the space, finding ways to share it as participants moved around and engaged with each other. One’s movement – focusing on one part of the body or the whole – would be, to some degree, entrained by the music. One’s individual, or group, response to the music might focus on one parameter – metre, phrasing, harmony – or be more global. From these descriptions it might be possible to appreciate the types of learning typical in Dalcroze contexts as well as the multi-faceted, holistic nature of participants’ experiences, interweaving the personal with the social, the physical with the mental. It might also be evident that such a way of interacting and responding might have more than purely musical benefits. As Jaques-Dalcroze wrote: “Mind and body, intelligence and instinct, must combine to re-educate and rejuvenate the whole nature” (Jaques-Dalcroze 1930: vii). Indeed, his concern for the whole person led practitioners from the beginning to utilise the method in general education as well as in teaching children with special educational needs; an early example was set by Joan Llongueres, a Catalan Dalcroze teacher, who adapted it for blind children (Jaques-Dalcroze 1930). To other similar teachers, Dalcroze Eurhythmics seemed “a way of working half pedagogical and half therapeutic” (Van Deventer 1981: 28), or was “always a therapeutic experience” (Tingey 1973: 60).[1] Therefore, it may be surprising that it is only now that a special journal issue devoted to this topic should appear. Notwithstanding this, there are some outstanding individual studies that have recently made the case for the place of Dalcroze Eurhythmics in preventative medicine, particularly for older people at risk of falling, and also form a backdrop to this issue (Kressig et al. 2005; Trombetti et al. 2010). Dalcroze Eurhythmics is a practice with a long history and widespread geographical reach in the 21st century. Whilst Jaques-Dalcroze used the word ‘method’ (Jaques-Dalcroze 1906), Dalcroze Eurhythmics is not ‘methodical’ in the sense of teachers and students having to move in a set sequence of activities codified in books. Yet in the hands of its exponents, certain fundamental principles and a sense of rigour are maintained which might appear method-like. Another commonly used word is ‘approach’, which resonates with this journal’s name. It is apt in this context as the articles published here describe varied approaches to using the principles of Dalcroze Eurhythmics for different groups with different needs. This adaptability, inherent in the word ‘eurhythmia’, was understood by Percy Broadbent Ingham, who – along with his wife Ethel Haslam Ingham – founded the London School of Dalcroze Eurhythmics in 1913. Ingham, one of Jaques-Dalcroze’s close friends and intermediaries, wrote in his last letter to students: “Try and think of Dalcroze Eurhythmics as being not so much a method as a principle” (Ingham 1930: 3). However we conceptualise Dalcroze Eurhythmics, it is a fact that the practice has been adapted and reconfigured for various purposes throughout its history, a process that continues today. Jaques-Dalcroze spoke of the five fingers of Eurhythmics: “music, movement, the theatre, arts in education and therapy” (Tingey 1973: 60). This interdisciplinarity results from Eurhythmics’ origins in contexts where experiments in holistic pedagogy and the performing arts were deeply interwoven – such as the Geneva Conservatoire and his first, purpose-built school (the Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze in Hellerau near Dresden) – and from Jaques-Dalcroze’s own interest in psychology and the philosophy of education. In contrast to Carl Orff, who did not imagine his method having a therapeutic application (Voigt 2013), for Jaques-Dalcroze his method “was always more than an education through and into music or a preparation for artistic work. Rather, it had wellbeing at its core” (Habron 2014: 105). Originally known as ‘les pas Jaques’ (Jaques’ steps), the terms ‘Gymnastique Rythmique’ (rhythmic gymnastics) and ‘la Méthode Jaques-Dalcroze’ soon became synonyms and were used in Jaques-Dalcroze’s own publications. Early in the method’s history, John W. Harvey – concerned that the method should catch on in Britain – coined ‘Eurhythmics’ as a term better suited to a more holistic practice than that suggested by ‘rhythmic gymnastics’ (Ingham 1914). Later Professor of Philosophy at the University of Leeds and one of Jaques-Dalcroze’s erstwhile English supporters, Harvey stated that the ‘Eurhythmics of Jaques-Dalcroze’ was “not a mere refinement of dancing, nor an improved method of music education, but a principle that must have effect upon every part of life” (Harvey et al. 1912: 5). This wider vision of Eurhythmics was reflected some years later by Jaques-Dalcroze with regard to the aptitudes required in the practitioner: “A true teacher should be both psychologist, a physiologist, and artist” (Jaques-Dalcroze 1930: 59), a description that will resonate with many readers, and which emphasises the multifaceted nature of both pedagogy and therapy as well as the points at which they interweave. The research Jaques-Dalcroze’s concern for the development of the whole person permeates his writings, as articulated by Ana Navarro Wagner in this special issue, who argues that whilst his occupation was music, “his preoccupation was the human being”. That is, although Jaques-Dalcroze’s experiments in pedagogy began with solving problems such as expressivity, time keeping and how students used their bodies whilst performing, his thought and practice evolved to encompass a much broader understanding of music’s role in human and social development. In this way, and through his own empirical approach to teaching and learning, he anticipated by generations some influential theories in ethnomusicology, music psychology, music therapy and music education such as the theory of musicking (Small 1998) and the concept of ‘communicative musicality’ (Malloch & Trevarthen 2009). Dalcroze Eurhythmics has recently been theorised with regard to these notions (Habron 2014) and Navarro Wagner’s article develops this line of thought in relation to the wellbeing of children and young people in Dalcroze contexts. A different foreshadowing is explored with regard to Neurologic Music Therapy by Eckart Altenmüller and Daniel Scholz, who outline the ways in which Jaques-Dalcroze’s discoveries about sensorimotor integration prefigure contemporary theories in neuroscience and current practice in neurorehabilitation using music and movement. In many ways, the neurological foundations of Eurhythmics have been hidden in plain sight, as it were, for many years and yet we know that Jaques-Dalcroze carried on extensive correspondence with doctors and psychologists, such as Édouard Claparède, and was influenced by them in his use of medical terminology and his understanding of the body-mind.[2] It has taken 110 years to pick up where Claparède, in 1906, left off when he wrote to Jaques-Dalcroze: “you have arrived, albeit by routes entirely different from those of physiological psychology, at the same conception of the psychological importance of movement as a support for intellectual and affective phenomena” (Bachmann 1991: 17). Sanna Kivijärvi, Katja Sutela and Riikka Ahokas provide a conceptual study of the role of embodiment in music and movement-based education for children and young people with physical or intellectual disabilities. In so doing, they use Dalcroze Eurhythmics as an example of practice. This opens out a philosophical area of debate that is new to Dalcroze Studies and ripe for further investigation, in particular notions of value around the ‘disabled body’ and how we understand the nature of embodied cognition for those with disabilities. The other studies in this volume are all empirical, relying on qualitative and/or quantitative data. Space does not permit detailed introductions and the articles will speak for themselves. What is noteworthy is the continual re-adaptation of Eurhythmics with groups from across the lifespan and in a range of settings: educational, medical and in the community. These research articles give details about the activities designed for the groups in question and provide either robust evidence for the use of Dalcroze Eurhythmics in music therapy and special music education, or the grounds on which to build further studies. The voices of experience Besides research articles, this special issue includes two annotated interviews with senior Rhythmics practitioners: Marie-Laure Bachmann and Eleonore Witoszynskyj. Both worked in the field of special music education and were apprenticed to important figures in the history of music therapy: Claire-Lise Dutoit and Mimi Scheiblauer respectively. Bachmann and Witoszynskyj also undertook other studies besides their Rhythmics trainings, demonstrating how their practical wisdom has developed alongside a commitment to lifelong learning. Together they embody the different traditions of Eurhythmics / Rhythmics training that emerged from Jaques-Dalcroze and Hellerau, and that were unintentionally spurred on by the ‘Dalcroze diaspora’ occasioned by World War I and the closure of the Bildungsanstalt Jaques-Dalcroze. Broadly speaking, one of these traditions became Dalcroze Eurhythmics (Bachmann) and the other, in German-speaking countries, became Rhythmik (Witoszynskyj).[3] Both women share their perspectives on these lineages, including colourful and detailed recollections of their teachers and mentors. There were times during these interviews when words clearly did not suffice and Bachmann and Witoszynskyj took to the floor to move, or sing, or otherwise show what they meant. These moments are mentioned in the transcripts and serve as reminders that, no matter how much material is written in the pursuit of knowledge, the know-how of educators and therapists is largely carried within and passed on (or not) via a pedagogical process. Bachmann and Witoszynskyj are, like all of us, living archives, housing precious storehouses of memory, both of fact and action, which can be accessed in oral histories like these. Kessler-Kakoulidis’s book on Amélie Hoellering (1920-1995), reviewed here by Ludger Kowal-Summek, is another welcome addition to constructing the history of Dalcroze-inspired therapy work. Taken together, all these stories point to a parallel history of music therapy, which is only beginning to be explored, alongside that of more well-known figures such as Altshuler, Alvin, Gaston, Nordoff, Priestley and Robbins. Dalcroze Studies and Open Access The rapidly expanding field of Dalcroze Studies is transdisciplinary, as evidenced by the wide cross-section of scholars, teachers, artists and other practitioners who present and perform at the International Conference of Dalcroze Studies (www.dalcroze-studies.com), now in its third iteration.[4] This special issue is part of that growth and, in a similar way, emerges from a wide spectrum of activity around the globe and from all levels of professional expertise: from doctoral students to eminent neuroscientists, from those implementing Dalcroze principles as students to highly experienced practitioners. Such widespread work, undertaken by such a variety of practitioner-researchers, is a sign of health for Dalcroze Studies and for Dalcroze Eurhythmics as a living practice. This special issue also highlights the power of collaboration between practitioners and specialists in other domains, with some studies providing insights that could only emerge from interdisciplinary investigation. Finally, the fact that this is an online, open access journal is worth noting and celebrating. Many Dalcroze, or Rhythmics, practitioners are not affiliated to academic institutions with access to peer-reviewed journal articles via password-protected databases. In this sense, Approaches is a gift. We offer this special issue in the same spirit, hoping that it will be useful, enlightening, and a source of inspiration not only for Dalcroze practitioners and scholars but also for music therapists, community musicians and music teachers who are exploring the endless resources of the music-movement nexus in their bid to facilitate positive change in individuals’ lives, their local communities and wider society. Acknowledgements My thanks to Dr Selma Landen Odom (Professor Emerita, York University, Toronto) and Dr Liesl Van der Merwe (Associate Professor, North-West University, Potchefstroom) for reading and commenting on an earlier draft of this editorial. References Bachmann, M-L. (1991). Dalcroze Today. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Habron, J. (2014). ‘Through music and into music’ – through music and into wellbeing: Dalcroze Eurhythmics as music therapy. TD: The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa, Special Edition 10(2), 90-110. Harvey, J. W. et al. (1912). The Eurhythmics of Jaques-Dalcroze. London: Constable. Ingham, P.B. (1914). ‘The Word ‘Eurhythmics’’. The School Music Review (March 1 1914), 22(262), 215. Ingham, P.B. (1930). Mr Ingham’s last letter. Journal of the Dalcroze Society, November 1930, 3. Jaques-Dalcroze, E. (1906). Gymnastique rythmique (Rhythmic gymnastics), Vol. 1 of Méthode Jaques-Dalcroze: pour le développement de l’instinct rythmique, du sens auditif et du sentiment tonal [Jaques-Dalcroze Method: For the Development of the Rhythmic Instinct, Auditory Sense and Tonal Feeling]. Neuchâtel: Sandoz, Jobin. Jaques-Dalcroze, E. (1921/1967). Rhythm, Music and Education (Revised edition, translated by H. Rubinstein). London: The Dalcroze Society Inc. Jaques-Dalcroze, E. (1930). Eurhythmics, Art and Education, (Edited by C. Cox, translated by F. Rothwell). London: Chatto & Windus. Kressig, R. W., Allali, G., & Beauchet, O. (2005). Long-term practice of Jaques-Dalcroze Eurhythmics prevents age-related increase of gait variability under a dual task. Journal of the American Geriatrics Society, 53(4), 728-729. Malloch, S., & Trevarthen, C. (Eds.). (2009). Communicative Musicality: Exploring the Basis of Human Companionship. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Small, C. (1998). Musicking: The Meanings of Performing and Listening. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press. Tingey, N. (Ed.). (1973). Emile Jaques-Dalcroze: A Record of the London School of Dalcroze Eurhythmics and its Graduates at Home and Overseas 1913-1973. London: Dalcroze Teachers Union. Trombetti, A., Hars, M., Herrmann, F. R., Kressig, R. W., Ferrari, S., & Rizzoli, R. (2011 ). Effect of music-based multitask training on gait, balance, and fall risk inelderly people. Archives of Internal Medicine, 171(60), 525-533. Retrieved from http://www.sbms.unibe.ch/meeting_11/Trombetti2011.pdf Van Deventer, A. (1981). Annie van Deventer: The Hague. In H. Van Maanen (Ed.), La Rythmique Jaques-Dalcroze: Yesterday and Today (pp. 24-28). Geneva: FIER. Voigt, M. (2013). Orff Music Therapy: History, principles and further development. Approaches: Music Therapy & Special Music Education, Special Issue 5(2), 97-105.Retrieved from https://approaches.gr/orff-music-therapy-history-principles-and-further-development-melanie-voigt/ Suggested citation: Habron, J. (2016). Dalcroze Eurhythmics in music therapy and special music education. Approaches: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Music Therapy, Special Issue 8(2), 100-104. [1] Italics in original. [2] The letters between Jaques-Dalcroze and Claparède are in the Bibliotheque de Genève and would repay editing and detailed study to illuminate this historical thread within Dalcroze Studies. [3] ‘Rhythmik’ (translated here as ‘Rhythmics’) is also known as ‘Musik und Bewegungspädagogik’ or ‘Rhythmisch-musikalische Erziehung’. Readers will come across different usages in this special issue. [4] For a report of the 2nd International Conference of Dalcroze Studies, see Conlan (this special issue) and for information about the 3rd International Conference of Dalcroze Studies (Quebec City, 2017), see page 111.