Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Commuting South Australia Adelaide Metropolitan Area“

About 600 surface samples and key horizons of 240 soil profiles from a 90 x 20 km study area extending from the metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, to its rural hinterland, were analysed for lead. Atmospheric fallout was collected monthly at 19 locations for 2 years, and up to 3 years at fewer sites in the same area. Lead in atmospheric fallout showed little year-to-year variation and tended to be seasonally controlled with highest values in winter. Collection of lead in fallout was unaffected by the filtering action of vegetation. The lead content of surface soils and atmospheric fallout showed that part of petrol-lead emitted within Adelaide from automotive exhausts has measurably contaminated the rural landscape to about 50 km downwind of the city. The variation in lead content of surface soils in the agricultural region near Adelaide can be largely explained in terms of accessions of aerosol-lead of automotive origin. This research complements previous investigations which showed that the lead isotopic compositions of selected soils were close to the composition of the lead tetraethyl used in South Australia. An environmental budget showed that only 3% of the lead in petrol burned in Adelaide has been dispersed via the atmosphere beyond the immediate highway zone, and deposited on the land surface within 50 km of the city centre. On the assumption that no more than 35% of the lead is retained within the vehicle, and that about half of the total burned lead is deposited near the roadway, the 30% of the total lead which cannot be accounted for (about 200 t at the time of this study) has probably dispersed beyond the study region and should be viewed as a contribution to continental and global pollution. Lead levels measured in rainfall, air and soils were low in relation to the accepted standards and experience. Although the lead levels were low, this investigation indicates the likely dispersal pattern of other pollutants with similar atmospheric residence times, and thus provides guidance to planning decisions concerning placement of polluting industries, and in relation to possible industrial accidents which cause pollution.

During 1997 researchers at the University of South Australia conducted qualitative and quantitative research with 663 students from a diverse range of secondary schools in the Adelaide metropolitan area. The research focussed on how 13 to 15 year old adolescents view and handle conflict with their peers and conflict with adults at school, such as teachers and counsellors. This paper reports on Phase 1 of the research, and on comments gathered from adolescents in Focus Groups about their experiences of conflict. Comments about the high level of aggression and violence in some secondary schools would indicate that broader, community-centred approaches may be needed before conflict management strategies, such as peer mediation, can work.

The Royal District Nursing Service (RDNS) of South Australia provides home- and community-based nursing care to people residing in the Adelaide Metropolitan area. The service is funded predominantly by the Home and Community Care Program. It provides community nursing services in the areas of wound management, palliative care, HIV/AIDS care, continence management, disability care, mental health and dementia care, and diabetes management. In 2000-2001, the service made 439,700 visits to people's homes or saw them in a nurse-led nursing centre. In addition, the nursing staff had 84,000 contacts other than face to face that were related to client care. These contacts include the co-ordination of care with other service providers for new and existing clients of RDNS.

The shortage of vegetation cover alongside urban structures and land hardscape in cities causes an artificial temperature increase in urban environments known as the urban heat island (UHI) effect. The artificial heat stress in cities has a particular threat for usability and health-safety of outdoor living in public space. Australia may face a likely 3.8°C increase in surface temperature by 2090. Such an increase in temperature will have a severe impact on regional and local climate systems, natural ecosystems, and human life in cities. This paper aims to determine the patterns of the UHI effect in micro-scale of Adelaide metropolitan area, South Australia. The urban near-surface temperature profile of Adelaide was measured along a linear east-west cross-section of the metropolitan area via mobile traverse method between 26 July 2013 and 15 August 2013. Results indicate that the while the maximum UHI effect occurs at midnight in the central business district (CBD) area in Adelaide, the afternoon urban warmth has more temperature variations (point-to-point variation), especially during the late afternoon when local air temperature is normally in its peak. Thus, critical measurement of heat-health consequences of the UHI effect need to be focused on the afternoon heat stress conditions in UHIs rather than the commonly known night time phenomenon. This mobile traverse urban heat study of Adelaide supports the hypothesis that the UHI effect varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. Classical UHI measurements are commonly performed during the night – when the urban-rural temperature differences are at their maximum. Thus, they fall short in addressing the issue of excess heat stress on human participants. However, having thermally comfortable urban microclimates is a fundamental characteristic of healthy and vibrant public spaces. Therefore, urban planning professionals and decision makers are required to consider diurnal heat stress alongside nocturnal urban heat islands in planning healthy cities. The results of this article show that the diurnal heat stress varies in the built environment during daily cycles and within short distances. This study confirms that the maximum urban heat stress occurs during late afternoon when both overall temperature and daily urban warmth are at their peak. Literature indicates that diurnal heat stress peaks in hard-landscapes urban settings while it may decrease in urban parklands and near water bodies. Therefore, urban greenery and surface water can assist achieving more liveable and healthy urban environments (generalisation requires further research). A better understanding of daily urban warmth variations in cities assists urban policy making and public life management in the context of climate change.

Findings from a qualitative study of recently retired non-professional men in the southern metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, highlighted policies that contributed to the men's feelings of increased autonomy and acceptance of retirement as a life stage; factors they related strongly to their experience of wellbeing in retirement. The policies aimed for full employment, high levels of home ownership, financial security in retirement, centralised wage fixing, high minimum wages and optional retirement age. However, the discourse of economic rationalism of Australian governments since the late 1980s appears to be placing many of these policies in jeopardy. Health workers are in a prime position to review, report and act on the effects on the health of citizens of such major policy changes. This article challenges them to do so in collaboration with the communities with whom they work.

Research applying residential property value as a socioeconomic status measure is increasing. The literature includes several measures of residential property value socioeconomic status, all of which highlight location as an important component. This paper examines the drivers of the location component of residential property value that form the basis of its application as a socioeconomic status measure. The metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, is used as a study area to analyse the composition and context embodied in residential property location value. The focus of this paper is to provide an understanding of the drivers of residential property value calculated as the relative location factor, deliberately constructed to reflect the effect on value due to location. The analysis reduced the traditional composition measures of social structure into a smaller number of factors using principal component analysis and regressed these against relative location factor. A spatial lens was applied to the results using Moran’s I to visualise the composition and context influence embodied in relative location factor. The results provided a significantly enhanced understanding of both the composition and context of socioeconomic status wealth that may be a more suitable socioeconomic status measure than the traditional composition measures of income, education and occupation. This paper provides an original interpretation of the contribution and use of residential property location value enabling a broader understanding of socioeconomic status, concluding that relative location factor provided a more informed measure of socioeconomic status, capable of enhancing social science and health research and policy formation.

Objectives. This paper describes the longitudinal component of a larger mixed methods study into the processes and outcomes of chronic condition management and self-management strategies implemented in three Aboriginal communities in South Australia. The study was designed to document the connection between the application of structured systems of care for Aboriginal people and their longer-term health status. Methods. The study concentrated on three diverse Aboriginal communities in South Australia; the Port Lincoln Aboriginal Health Service, the Riverland community, and Nunkuwarrin Yunti Aboriginal Health Service in the Adelaide metropolitan area. Repeated-measure clinical data were collected for individual participants using a range of clinical indicators for diabetes (type 1 and 2) and related chronic conditions. Clinical data were analysed using random effects modelling techniques with changes in key clinical indicators being modelled at both the individual and group levels. Results. Where care planning has been in place longer than in other sites overall improvements were noted in BMI, cholesterol (high density and low density lipids) and HbA1c. These results indicate that for Aboriginal patients with complex chronic conditions, participation in and adherence to structured care planning and self-management strategies can contribute to improved overall health status and health outcomes. Conclusions. The outcomes reported here represent an initial and important step in quantifying the health benefits that can accrue for Aboriginal people living with complex chronic conditions such as diabetes, heart disease and respiratory disease. The study highlights the benefits of developing long-term working relationships with Aboriginal communities as a basis for conducting effective collaborative health research programs. What is known about the topic? Chronic condition management and self-management programs have been available to Aboriginal people in a range of forms for some time. We know that some groups of patients are keen to engage with care planning and self-management protocols and we have anecdotal evidence of this engagement leading to improved quality of life and health outcomes for Aboriginal people. What does this paper add? This paper provides early evidence of sustained improvement over time for a cohort of Aboriginal people who are learning to deal with a range of chronic illnesses through accessing structured systems of support and care. What are the implications for practitioners? This longitudinal evidence of improved outcomes for Aboriginal people is encouraging and should lead on to more definitive studies of outcomes accruing for people engaged in structured systems of care. Not only does this finding have implications for the overall management of chronic illness in Aboriginal communities, but it points the way to how health services might best invest their resources and efforts to improve the health status of people with chronic conditions and, in the process, close the gap between the life expectancy of Aboriginal people and that of other community groups in Australia.

This article makes a case for the everyday while on tour and argues that the ability to continue with everyday routines and social relationships, while at the same time moving through and staying in liminal or atypical zones of tourist locales, is a key part of some kinds of tourist experience. Based on ethnographic field research with grey nomads (retirees who take extended tours of Australia in caravans and motorhomes) everyday life while on tour is examined, specifically the overlap and intersection between the out-of-the-ordinary “tourist zone” and the ordinariness of the “everyday zone.” The “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” can be readily differentiated by their obvious geospatial boundaries (being at home or being away on holiday). More specifically, the “everyday zone” refers to the routines of quotidian life, or the mundane practices which make up our daily, at-home lives. These practices are closely connected with the domestic realm and include consumption practices (clothing, cooking, mass media) and everyday social interactions. The “tourist zone” is similarly concerned with consumption. In this zone, however, tourists are seen to consume places; the culture, landscape, and peoples of exotic or out-of-the-ordinary tourist locales. Needless to say this consumption of place also includes the consumption of services and objects available in the tourist destinations (Urry, “The Consuming of Place” 220). The notion of tourists being away from home has often been contrasted with constructions of home—with the dull routines of everyday life—by social scientists and tourist marketers alike in an effort to illuminate the difference between being “away” and being at “home.” Scott McCabe and Elizabeth Stokoe suggest that peoples’ notion of “home” takes into account the meaning of being away (602). That is to say that when people are away from home, as tourists for example, they often compare and contrast this with the fundamental aspects of living at home. Others, however, argue that with the widespread use of mobile communication technologies, the distinction between the notion of being at “home” and being “away” becomes less clear (White and White 91). In this sense, the notion of home or the everyday is viewed with an eye towards social relationships, rather than any specific geographical location (Jamal and Hill 77–107; Massey 59–69; Urry, “The Tourist Gaze” 2–14; White and White 88–104). It can be argued, therefore, that tourism entails a fusion of the routines and relationships associated with the everyday, as well as the liminal or atypical world of difference. This article is based on semi-structured interviews with 40 grey nomads, as well as four months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out in rural and remote Australia—in Western Australia, the Northern Territory, and South Australia. Grey nomads have been part of Australian senior culture for at least four decades. They are a relatively heterogeneous group of tourists encompassing a range of socio-economic backgrounds, preferred activities, health status, and favoured destinations (Davies et al. 40–1; Economic Development Committee 4; Holloway 117–47), as well age cohorts—including the frugal generation (1910–1932), the silent generation (1931–1946), and the baby boomer generation (1946–65). Grey nomads usually tour as spousal couples (Tourism Research Australia 26; Onyx and Leonard 387). Some of these couples live solely on government pensions while others are obviously well-resourced—touring in luxury motorhomes costing well over half a million dollars. Some prefer to bush camp in national parks and other isolated locations, and some choose to stay long term in caravan parks socialising with other grey nomads and the local community. All grey nomads, nonetheless, maintain a particularly close link with the everyday while touring. Mobile communication technologies anchor grey nomads (and other tourists) to the everyday—allowing for ready contact with existing family and friends while on tour. Grey nomads’ mobile dwellings, their caravans and motorhomes, integrate familiar domestic spaces with a touring life. The interior and exterior spaces of these mobile dwellings allow for easy enactment of everyday, domestic routines and the privatised world of adult spousal relationships. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself accommodates both travel and an everyday domestic life further blurs the distinctions between the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone”. In this sense grey nomads carry out a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile; anchored in the everyday domestic life while at the same time being nomadic or geographically unstable. This blurring of the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zone” is attractive to senior tourists, offering them a relatively safe and comfortable incursion into tourist locales, where established routines and patterns of everyday life can be maintained. Other homes-away-from-homes such as serviced apartments, holiday homes and house swaps also offer greater connection to the everyday, but are geographically anchored to specific tourism spaces. The caravan or motorhome allows this at-home connection for the peripatetic tourist offsets the relative rigours of outback touring in remote and rural Australia. Everyday Social Relationships in the “Tourist Zone” When tourists go away from home, they are usually thought of as being away from both place (home) and relationships (family and friends). Nowadays, however, being away from home does not necessarily mean being away from family and friends. This is because the ease and speed of today’s telecommunication technologies allows for instantaneous contact with family and friends back home—or the virtual co-presence of family and friends while being away on tour. In the past, those friends and relations who were geographically isolated from each other still enjoyed social contact via letters and telegrams. Such contacts, however, occurred less frequently and message delivery took time. Long distance telephone calls were also costly and therefore used sparingly. These days, telecommunication technologies such as mobile phones and the Internet, as well as the lower cost of landline phone calls, mean that everyday social contact does not need to be put on hold. Keeping in contact is now a comparatively fast, inexpensive, and effortless activity and socialising with distant friends and relatives is now a routine activity (Larsen 24). All grey nomads travel with a mobile phone device, either a digital mobile, Next G or satellite phone (Obst, Brayley and King 8). These phones are used to routinely keep in contact with family and friends, bringing with them everyday familial relationships while on tour. “We ring the girls. We’ve got two daughters. We ring them once a week, although if something happens Debbie [daughter] will ring us” (Teresa). Grey nomads also take advantage of special deals or free minutes when they scheduled weekly calls to family or friends. “I mainly [use] mobile, then I ring, because I’ve got that hour, free hour” (Helen). E-mail is also a favoured way of keeping in contact with family and friends for some grey nomads. This is because the asynchronicity of e-mail interaction is very convenient as they can choose the times when they pick up and send messages. “Oh, thank goodness for the e-mail” (Pat). Maintaining social contact with family and friends at a distance is not necessarily as straightforward as when grey nomads and other tourists are at home. According to discussants in this study and the Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee, mobile phone coverage within Australia is still rather patchy when outside major metropolitan areas. Consequently, the everyday task of kin keeping via the phone can be somewhat intermittent, especially for those grey nomads who spend a great deal of time outside major towns in rural and remote Australia. “You can never get much [reception] but [...] they can just ring the mobile and just leave a message and we will get that message [later]” (Rena). Similarly, using the Internet to e-mail family and friends and catch up with online banking can only be carried out when passing through larger towns. “I do it [using the Internet] like every major town we went through. I’d stop and do a set of e-mails and I used to do my banking” (Maureen). The intermittent phone coverage in remote and rural Australia was not always viewed as an inconvenience by discussants in this study. This is because continuing engagement with family and friends while on tour may leave little respite from the ongoing obligations or any difficulties associated with family and friends back home, and encroach on the leisure and relaxation associated with grey nomad touring. “I don’t want the phone to ring […] That’s one thing I can do without, the phone ringing, especially at 4:00 in the morning” (Rena). In this way, too much co-presence, in the form of mobile phone calls from family and friends, can be just as much a nuisance when away from home as when at home—and impinge on the feeling of “being away from it all.” Naomi White and Peter White also suggest that “being simultaneously home and away is not always experienced in a positive light” (98) and at times, continued contact (via the phone) with friends and family while touring is not satisfying or enjoyable because these calls reiterate the “dynamics evident in those that are [usually] geographically proximate” (100). Thus, while mobile communication technologies are convenient tools for grey nomads and other tourists which blur the boundaries between the “everyday zone” and “tourist zones” in useful and pleasurable ways, their overuse may also encroach on tourists’ away time, thus interfering with their sense of solitude and quiescence when touring in remote or rural Australia. The “Everyday Zone” of the Caravan or Motorhome Being a tourist involves “everyday practices, ordinary places and significant others, such as family members and friends, but co-residing and at-a-distance” (Larsen 26). While tourism involves some sense of liminality, in reality, it is interspersed with the actuality of the everyday routines and sociabilities enacted while touring. Tim Edensor notes that; Rather than transcending the mundane, most forms of tourism are fashioned by culturally coded escape attempts. Moreover, although suffused with notions of escape from normativity, tourists carry quotidian habits and responses with them: they are part of the baggage. (61) Grey nomads go further than this by bringing on tour with them a domestic space in which everyday routines and sociabilities are sustained. Travelling in this manner “makes possible, and probably encourages, greater continuity with everyday routine than many other kinds of holiday making” (Southerton et al. 6). To be able to sleep in your own bed with your own pillow and linen, or perhaps travel with your dogs, makes caravanning and motorhoming an attractive touring option for many people. Thus, the use of caravans or motorhomes when travelling brings with it a great deal of mobile domesticity while on tour. The caravan or motorhome is furnished with most of the essentially-domestic objects and technologies to enable grey nomads to sleep, eat, relax, and be entertained in a manner similar to that which they enjoy in the family home, albeit within smaller dimensions. Lorna: We have shower, toilet. We had microwave, stereo. We have air conditioning and heating.Eric: Yeah, reverse cycle air conditioning.Lorna: Reverse cycle. What else do we have?Eric: Hot water service. Gas or 240 volt. 12 volt converter in that, which is real good, it runs your lights, runs everything like that. You just hook it into the main power and it converts it to 12 volt. Roll out awning plus the full annex.Lorna: Full annex. What else do we have? There’s a good size stove in it. The size of caravans and motorhomes means that many domestic tasks often take less time or are simplified. Cleaning the van takes a lot less time and cooking often becomes simplified, due to lack of bench and storage space. Women in particular like this aspect of grey nomad travel. “It is great. Absolutely. You don’t have toilets to clean, you don’t have bathrooms to clean. Cooking your meals are easier because everything is all […] Yeah. It’s more casual” (Sonya). This touring lifestyle also introduces new domestic routines, such as emptying chemical toilets, filling water tanks, towing and parking the van and refilling gas tanks, for example. Nonetheless grey nomads, spend significantly less time on these domestic tasks when they are touring. In this sense, the caravan or motorhome brings with it the comforts and familiarity of home, while at the same time minimising the routine chores involved in domestic life. With the core accoutrements of everyday life available, everyday activities such as doing the dishes, watching television, preparing and eating a meal—as well as individual hobbies and pastimes—weave themselves into a daily life that is simultaneously home and away. This daily life, at home in the caravan or motorhome, brings with it possibilities of a domestic routinised lifestyle—one that provides welcome comfort and familiarity when travelling and a retreat from the demands of sightseeing. On the farm I used to make jam and cakes, so I do it again [in the caravan]. I make jam, I made marmalade a couple of weeks ago. We’d often stay home [in the caravan], I’d just clean or do a bit of painting. (Jenny) Touring in a caravan or motorhome allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. “We go for a long walk. We come back and we see friends and we stop and have a coffee with them, and then you come home in the caravan at 2.30 and you can still have lunch” (Yvonne). Touring in a caravan or motorhome also frees grey nomads from dependence on prearranged tourist experiences such as organised tours or hotel meal times where much of the tourist experience can be regimented. We always went in hotels and you always had to dress up, and you had to eat before a certain time, and you had your breakfast before a certain time. And after 2.30 you can’t have lunch anymore and sometimes we have lunch at 2 o’clock. I like the caravan park [better]. (Donald) Despite the caravan or motorhome having close links with everyday life and the domestic realm, its ready mobility offers a greater sense of autonomy while touring: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place or timetable, and can move on at whim. Grey nomads often cross paths with other tourists dependent on guided bus tours. “They go in [to Kakadu] on a bus trip. All they do is go in on the main road, they’re in there for the day and there’re back. That’s absolutely ridiculous” (Vance). This autonomy, or freedom to structure their own tourist experiences, allows grey nomads the opportunity to travel at a leisurely pace. Even those grey nomads who travel to the same northern destination every year take their time and enjoy other tourist locations along the way. We take our time. This time, last time, we did three weeks before we got in [to] Broome. We spent a lot [of time] in Karratha but also in Geraldton. And when we came back, in Kalbarri, [we had] a week in Kalbarri. But it’s nice going up, you know. You go all through the coast, along the coast. (John) Caravan or motorhome use, therefore, provides for a routinised everyday life while at the same time allowing a level of autonomy not evident in other forms of tourism—which rely more heavily on pre-booking accommodation and transport options. These contradictory aspects of grey nomad travel, an everyday life of living in a caravan or motorhome coupled with freedom to move on in an independent manner, melds the “everyday zone” and the “tourist zone” in a manner appealing to many grey nomads. Conclusion Theories of tourism tend to pay little attention to the aspects of tourism that involve recurrent activities and an ongoing connectedness with everyday life. Tourism is often defined: by contrasting it to home geographies and everydayness: tourism is what they are not. [...] The main focus in such research is on the extraordinary, on places elsewhere. Tourism is an escape from home, a quest for more desirable and fulfilling places. (Larsen 21) Nonetheless, tourism involves everyday routines, everyday spaces and an everyday social life. Grey nomads find that mobile phones and the Internet make possible the virtual co-presence of family and friends allowing everyday relationships to continue while touring. Nonetheless, the pleasure of ongoing contact with distant family and friends while touring may at times encroach on the quietude or solitude grey nomads experienced when touring remote and rural Australia. In addition to this, grey nomads’ caravans and motorhomes are equipped with the many comforts and domestic technologies of home, making for the continuance of everyday domiciliary life while on tour, further obfuscating the boundaries between the “tourist zone” and the “everyday zone.” In this sense grey nomads lead a lifestyle that is both anchored and mobile. This anchoring involves dwelling in everyday spaces, carrying out everyday domestic and social routines, as well as maintaining contact with friends and family via mobile communication technologies. This anchoring allows for some sense of predictability: that you own and control the private spaces of your own mobile dwelling, and can readily carry out everyday domestic routines and sociabilities. Conversely, the ready mobility of the caravan or motorhome offers a sense of autonomy: that you are unfettered, not bound to any specific place and can move on at whim. This peripatetic form of dwelling, where the dwelling itself is the catalyst for both travel and an everyday domestic life, is an under researched area. Mobile dwellings such as caravans, motorhomes, and yachts, constitute dwellings that are anchored in the everyday yet unfixed to any one locale. References Davies, Amanda, Matthew Tonts, and Julie Cammell. Coastal Camping in the Rangelands: Emerging Opportunities for Natural Resource Management. Perth: Rangelands WA, 2009. 24 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.rangelandswa.com.au/pages/178/publications›. Economic Development Committee. Inquiry into Developing Queensland’s Rural and Regional Communities through Grey Nomad Tourism. Brisbane: Queensland Parliament, 2011. 23 Sep. 2011 ‹http://www.parliament.qld.gov.au/Documents/TableOffice/TabledPapers/2011/5311T3954.pdf›. Edensor, Tim. “Performing Tourism, Staging Tourism: (Re)Producing Tourist Space and Practice.” Tourist Studies 1 (2001): 59–81. Holloway, Donell. Grey Nomads: Retirement, Leisure and Travel in the Australian Context. PhD diss. Edith Cowan University: Perth, 2010. Jamal, Tanzin, and Steve Hill. “The Home and the World: (Post) Touristic Spaces of (in) Authenticity.” The Tourist as a Metaphor of The Social World. Ed. Graham Dann. Wallingford: CAB International, 2002. 77–107. Larsen, Jonas. “De-Exoticizing Tourist Travel: Everyday Life and Sociality on the Move.” Leisure Studies 27 (2008): 21–34. Massey, Doreen. “Power-Geometry and a Progressive Sense of Place.” Mapping the Futures: Local Cultures, Global Change. Eds. Jon Bird et al. London: Routeledge, 1993. 59–69. McCabe, Scott, and Elizabeth Stokoe. “Place and Identity in Tourists’ Accounts.” Annals of Tourism Research 31 (2004): 601–22. Obst, Patricia L., Nadine Brayley, and Mark J. King. “Grey Nomads: Road Safety Impacts and Risk Management.” 2008 Australasian Road Safety Research, Policing and Education Conference. Adelaide: Engineers Australia, 2008. Onyx, Jenny, and Rosemary Leonard. “The Grey Nomad Phenomenon: Changing the Script of Aging.” The International Journal of Aging and Human Development 64 (2007): 381–98. Regional Telecommunications Independent Review Committee. Regional Telecommunications Review Report: Framework for the Future. Canberra: RTIRC, 2008. Southerton, Dale, Elizabeth Shove, Alan Warde, and Rosemary Dean. “Home from Home? A Research Note on Recreational Caravanning.” Department of Sociology, Lancaster University. 1998. 10 Jan. 2009 ‹http://www.lancs.ac.uk/fass/sociology/papers/southerton-et-al-home-from-home.pdf›. Tourism Research Australia. Understanding the Caravan industry in WA: Grey Nomads—Fast Facts. Perth, Australia: Tourism WA (n.d.). Urry, John. “The Consuming of Place.” Discourse, Communication, and Tourism. Eds. Adam Jaworski and Annette Pritchard. Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 2005. 19–27. ———. The Tourist Gaze. London: Sage, 2002. White, Naomi, and Peter White. “Home and Away: Tourists in a Connected World.” Annals of Tourism Research 34 (2006): 88–104.

"June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 346-352) Investigates technical and cultural issues in using three dimensional computer visualisation modelling in a busy Australian city planning office, the local Council of the City of Adelaide, taking two directions: a modelling approach that emphasizes abstract, quick to create 3D models; and, by examining the social and organizational issues. This dual view paints a broader picture of the potential of 3D modelling within planning practice including the impediments and possible solutions to them.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 233-248). Draws on insights of feminist and post-structuralist theorists to question the way in which urban travel is currently reflected upon by urban professionals and the potential effects of these modes of reflection. Argues that in refusing to explicate the counter practices and counter stories of travel, researchers also ignore the potentially disruptive ways of thinking about and intervening in urban travel and urban space. Uses the City of Adelaide in South Australia, as a site through which to examine the way in which the spaces, bodies, and conduct of travel have been objectified and subsequently intervened upon by urban experts.

This study is an examination of residential mobility and its outcomes focussing on the forced relocation of public housing tenants from The Parks area of metropolitan Adelaide. In Euro-American countries, this type of residential mobility is increasingly used as a means of facilitating urban regeneration and countering the effects of the ongoing decrease in local public housing stock. The result is growing numbers of public tenants affected by relocation. The study agues that these public tenants have the right to a basic level of residential satisfaction, and in order for this satisfaction to be provided; the conditions and character of its formation must be understood. The thesis examines residential mobility and the formation of residential satisfaction to provide a basis for understanding the outcomes and effects of relocation, who is most affected, and how to target solutions to improve the relocation process. Despite the fact that households experience similar influences, and make their residential decisions in largely predictable ways, the formulation of residential satisfaction and the effects of relocation are highly individualised. Successful relocation is shown to be dependent on the inclusion of tenants' expert knowledge about their own residential satisfaction; this means that resident involvement in the process is crucial. This thesis investigates a means of combining these findings to improve the outcome of the relocation process for each individual tenant and their household. A prototype Spatial Decision Support System (SDSS) is constructed to allow relocating tenants to participate in their own relocation decision process. This SDSS allows local, spatially referenced information to be combined with each tenants own expert knowledge. This information is combined through a structured decision process, which is presented in a portable computer program with a simplified user interface. This SDSS is tested by relocating tenants and key stakeholders from The Parks to evaluate its usefulness in improving the relocation process.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Geography and Environmental Studies, 2002.