Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Communist literature – publishing“

Albanian literature written from the 1940s to the present day can be called contempo-rary Albanian literature, or in other words, World Literature after the Second World War. The allowed literature was the only method of socialist realism, which was ideol-ogized and politicized, i.e. subject to communist ideology and politics. It was not free literature, but entirely engaged in the service of socialism and communism. The meth-od of socialist realism had some very narrow and binding criteria for all those who thought of publishing their works. Such were the communist members, the positive hero and the struggle against foreign middle-class influences. In such a situation, we can say that it was purely subject to ideology and communist politics. Due to its very narrow scheme, most of the literary work written during this period had its own value and function during the period of the communist system. This type of literature form some writers was accepted with conviction, while others were used to compromise to publish their works. Although under very strict censure, many important works were published which could have been contrary to socialist realism. Such works were with an indirect expression or with a subtext, often in symbolic and allegorical forms. These works consist of some of the greatest values of contemporary Albanian literature, the first and the foremost authors of this kind of literature, their best works, publishers, and their echoes in the language of translation.

The following review article brings a presentation of the published in 2018 encyclopaedia of Czech literary samizdat. The analysed publication consists of two parts – a comprehensive introduction discussing the question of independent literary culture in Czechoslovakia under communist regime pressure and an entry section with more than 300 entries about Czech independent self-publishing activities. The presentation of the following book provokes the need to re-examine the phenomenon of Czech samizdat, reflecting on its chronological framework, definition, meaning and role in creating and keeping alive an independent culture in the era of domination of the communist regime (1948–1989).

AbstractThe 140 years between 1850 and 1990 cover an important period from the beginning of modern literature and modern publishing houses in the second half of the nineteenth century till the end of the Communist regime. Over this period some 450 Dutch and Flemish literary works were translated into Czech and some 75 into Slovak. Historical novels and novellas make up a good part of them.As Connor (2015) has clearly shown, historical novels were a popular genre in Communist times for ideological reasons. They were considered “excellent educational instruments for people not yet apt to understand heavier work like the Communist Manifesto” as the young translator Olga Krijtová wrote to the Communist Dutch writer Theun de Vries in the early 1950s. Reviews, editor’s reports and editorial statements indicate, however, that historical novels had a similar function already before Communism, from the beginnings of Czech and Slovak translation of Dutch written literature.In this paper, we will discuss several historical novels in Czech translation by Hendrik Conscience, Louis Couperus, Madelon Székely-Lulofs, Theun de Vries, and Harry Mulisch – to illustrate changing ideological views.

This paper examines the profile of the Albatros Publishing House in Bucharest (specialising in youth literature) and the activity of its director, writer Mircea Sântimbreanu. He held this position for almost two decades and recounted his experience in a volume of memoirs. I tried to explore these memoirs mainly in parallel with accounts from archival documents and secondary literature. The Albatros Publishing House was a micro-universe for assessing the impact of successive ideological offensives by the Romanian Communist Party on book production and on the youth in general (mainly the July 1971 Theses and the other party directives of the 1970s, as well as the Mangalia Theses of 1983). By the 1980s, the regime’s propaganda had acquired ultra-nationalistic nuances. This paper will also exemplify such developments by discussing the scandal generated by the 1983 publication of Saturnalii by Corneliu Vadim Tudor, a volume of poems with strong antisemitic tenor. Using mainly diaries, journals, secondary literature and archival documents, this article also analyses the strategies deployed by the communist regime in order to coerce the young generation – through the agency of publishing houses – to assume the new literary-political ideology of revolutionary humanism (the Socialist Realism of the Ceaușescu era).

The article presents a brief overview of the literature of the Portuguese language in Poland during the communist period, as well as exposes the conditions of the publishing market of that period. The thesis of the text is that it was the policy of the governing communist party that influenced the choices of titles and authors to publish in light of political events in Portugal and its overseas territories in Africa (later PALOP) and in Brazil.

Children's literature publishing in Hong Kong is supposed to enjoy the freedom of a free market economy and legal autonomy. However, the market structure and the titles available in the market dominated by imported titles reveal that children's books published in Hong Kong have little room to feature the local voice. The market conditions are tough and publishers are incentivised to publish for the larger Sinosphere market. As a result, Cantonese is absent in imported texts annotated with either Mandarin phonetics ruby characters in Hanyu Pinyin or Zhuyin symbols. Non-fiction picturebooks feature a version of history that is biased towards the Chinese Communist Party political rhetoric. Hong Kong subjectivity thus struggles to find space to be represented; usually it is found in publications by smaller independent publishers.

This study attempted to explain the promotion system and changes in China's publishing policy during the 13th 5-year rule period (2016-2020) and the 14th 5-year rule period (2021-2025) through literature analysis of Chinese publishing policy documents, academic research, and reporting. First of all, China's publishing-related ministries continue to support the publishing industry and public libraries during the 12th five-year period, expanding reading infrastructure in rural areas, and support overseas publications. In addition, the reading rate of Chinese people is also increasing along with the increase in the publication of paper and e-books by domestic Chinese publishers. In addition, since the Central Propaganda Department of the Communist Party of China became the responsible department of China's publishing policy from March 2018, China's publishing policy promotion system has strengthened its connection with the Communist Party and Xi Jinping's ideas and policy promotion and education. However, despite the ongoing difficulties of offline bookstores in China due to the discount competition of Chinese e-commerce companies, Chinese publishing ministries do not implement a book sales price system and only local governments in some administrative districts provide subsidies for offline bookstores. In addition, copyright infringement of overseas video content by some Chinese companies and the prohibition of publications criticizing China's political and social problems continue.

Abstract This paper retraces the history, activities, and contribution of an intellectual commune active in Quetta, Pakistan between 1950 and 1954: the ‘Laṭxāna commune’. Laṭxāna (Psht. ‘House of idleness’) is the name of a place in which Baluch, Pashtun, Urdu-speaking and Sindhi intellectuals settled in 1950. Laṭxāna’s intellectuals were in close contact with the Communist Party of Pakistan and its cultural branch, the Progressive Writers’ Association, and attempted to spread socialist or communist thought in Baluchistan. Following an agenda outlined by communist and progressive writers, they set out to develop literature in the languages of Baluchistan, launching a Baluchi literary association and a Pashto-language journal and publishing the first collections of modern Baluchi poetry. Laṭxāna’s members also promoted their outlook through journalism, and edited journals, such as Xāwar, Nawā-e waṭan and Ciltan. In 1954, the Laṭxāna intellectuals—who had so far been simple representatives of the Communists or Progressives in Baluchistan—started their own political movement. They created a political party and published a manifesto, which called for a socialist Baluchistan free from the influence of landowners and feudal leaders. Alongside ideological disagreements, the arrest of some of the commune’s prominent members finally led to the closure of Laṭxāna, but the group nevertheless had a long-lasting influence on Baluchistan’s political and intellectual landscape. In this paper, I shall discuss the commune’s literary, journalistic, and political contributions, notably through the accounts of its founding fathers, Mir Abdullah Jamaldini and Sain Kamal Khan Sherani.

Soviet images of French literature are often reduced to the Stalinist canon of the late 1930s that comprised classical literature, including “modern classics,” like Romaine Rolland or Anatole France; and Communist and leftist writers selected as ideologically and aesthetically suitable for the Soviet reading audience, such as Henri Barbusse, Paul Vaillant Couturier, and others. This stereotype being partially true suggests, however, a simplistic and flattened view of the Soviet reception of French literature. It should be noted that even in the late 1930s there existed a certain amount of diversity in the choice of French authors; for example, International Literature magazine from time to time published ideological opponents like Pierre Drieu la Rochelle or Henry de Montherlant. As for the 1920s, in the course of the New Economic Policy both state and private publishing companies offered a wide and varied range of writers and books that included classics, “proletarian” and “revolutionary” authors along with adventure fiction, love stories, and “colonial novels,” easy reading, “decadent,” conservative, and “reactionary” writers. The paper traces transformations of publishing policy during the pivotal years of late 1920s and early 1930s, the period of the “Great Turn” in Soviet society, marked by processes of centralization, total state control, and tightening of censorship. Archival documents allow us to analyze the role of Soviet intellectuals (literary critics, reviewers, editors, publishers) in the elaborating of new guidelines and implementing new practices in publishing policy and organizing readers feedback. A collection of readers’ letters of the mid-thirties, stored in the archival funds of GIKHL (State Publishing House of Fiction), documents the process of the making of the Soviet reader and shows a range of readers’ opinions and attitudes to French writers and their works at the early stage of Stalinist canon forming.

Translations contribute to spreading but also shaping of cultural memory. While the choice of titles which get to be translated is contingent on many factors which the publishers take into consideration, decision-making in totalitarian countries is fettered. In communist Czechoslovakia, the final selection of books, and therefore memories, had to meet yet another criterion which deformed the natural literary development – censorship. The article focuses on Norwegian literature which was introduced into Czech between 1945 and 1968. Norwegian literature had already had a strong position on the Czechoslovak literary market since the end of the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century thanks to several publishing houses, translators, and the introduction of the Nobel Prize in literature. This tradition was first interrupted by the WWII and shortly after again by the communist coup in 1948. Although the restrictions began loosening later, the Soviet intervention in 1968 installed the restrictions again.The object is to present and examine the image of Norwegian literature in Czech literary memory as it was shaped by the cultural policies of totalitarian Czechoslovakia; and to show and explain which type of literature could enter Czech bookshops and libraries. The focus often shifted to a specific literary genre, republishing the earlier works of the Norwegian canon, or works by authors whose work was translated into Czech although they were marginalized in Norway and did not make it into the Norwegian national canon. An important part of such a perception is not only remembering but also forgetting. The article therefore also maps the active suppressing of memories by black-listing particular authors or works.Lastly, the article is also concerned with peritexts of translation, namely introductions and afterwords, as these often contributed to mediation of the transfer.

The presented article raises the problem of the Second World War in the context of the events that took place on its main direction — the Eastern Front, where, without exaggeration, the fate of all mankind was decided. The racial doctrine of Hitler's Nazism left no chance for the physical existence of most peoples, who were treated by it as inferior and those who could only be in slavery. Thus, on May 9, 1945, perpetuated not only the victory of one military bloc over another, but also the right of the human community to its diversity and life in conditions of racial and national equality, tolerance, and humanism. This article is devoted to the problem of covering the events of the war in book prints published in the Ukrainian SSR shortly after its end. The purpose of the presented research was to conduct a content analysis of previously unused and now forgotten books of 1945—1946 editions published in the USSR and devoted to the war of 1941—1945. The study involved literature of various genres, publishing volumes and purpose, namely: official documents (state and party), scientific works, memoirs (memoirs, memoirs), epistolary, fiction and poetry. Realizing this goal, the author worked on book prints published in several publishers of the Ukrainian SSR at that time, in particular, the Ukrainian State Publishing House (State Publishing House of Ukraine), the Ukrainian Publishing House of Political Literature (Political Publishing House of Ukraine), the State Publishing House of Fiction (Lithuania), the publishing house of Odessa State University named after I. Mechnikov, the publishing house of the Dnipropetrovsk regional committee of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks of Ukraine. Based on this work, the author came to the conclusion that the printing press of the first postwar years laid a solid foundation of a huge literary community, which for many decades determined the public attitude to the events of the Great Patriotic War.

In this article I reenact the transitional nature defining the antifascist movement during the 1930s and 1940s, and I do so by using as the scenario for my reflections the novel Contra viento y marea (1941) by the Spanish writer María Teresa León. This novel was launched by the principal publishing imprint of the largest antifascist association in Argentina soon after the arrival in Buenos Aires of its author. Considering the fluid nature of a political movement whose orientations took shape according to the historical evolution and the geographical location of the struggle against fascism, Contra viento y marea illuminates new convergences and divergences in the refraction of this movement across Hispanic cartographies. The novel, written by a communist card-carrier, diverges from the author’s political position during the Spanish Civil War and from the Soviet-encouraged literary model, Socialist Realism. Despite this heterodoxy, the text received attention from Argentinian antifascism, which was dominated at that time by local communism and interested in the testimonial value of a work authored by an intellectual who played a prominent role in the fight against Spanish fascism.

The German occupation period in Latvia followed the twenty years of Latvian independence and a year of the Soviet occupation. The shifts in the translation policies at these critical junctions were incredibly fast. The independence period saw a developed translation industry. The source language variety was growing; the variety of literature translated and the quality of translations was broad. The communist system quickly nationalized the publishers, ideologised the system and reshaped the translation pattern. Russian was made the main source language and other languages minimized. The share of ideological literature grew exponentially. Soon after the German invasion the publishers regained their printing houses and publishing was renewed. During the German occupation around 1500 books were published. Another reorientation occurred, with German literature taking around 70 per cent of the source texts. Most of the other source texts were Nordic. No pulp literature was produced. Translation quality was generally high. The focus was on literary classics, travel literature and biographies (many German musicians). There are few ideologically motivated translations. The official policies of the regime as regards publishing in Latvia appear to be uncoordinated and vague, with occasional decisions taken by ‘gate-keepers’ in Ostministerium and other authorities according to their own preferences. There was a nominal pre-censorship, but the publishers were expected to know and sense what was acceptable. In their turn the latter played safe sticking to classical and quality translations. Yet the statistics of what was published reflects the general drift. Some high class translations into German of Latvian classics were published.

The article presents the mechanisms of censorship in the 1980s in the People’s Republic of Poland as well as its consequences that still affect the present. It examines examples of the works subjected to the control as well as the writers of the period, including those who were banned from printing in the country. It indicates fragments of texts once removed from books and discusses works that could not be published in Poland in the 1980s. References are made to the three literary spheres existing at that time in the People’s Republic of Poland: in the first, the “official” one, freedom of speech was significantly limited, and all texts were checked by the Main Office for the Control of Presentations and Public Performances (Główny Urząd Kontroli Prasy, Publikacji i Widowisk); the second (drugi obieg), also described as the free, underground, independent publishing sphere, was not subject to censorship and was illegal, according to the laws in force at that time; the third sphere was émigré literature, by which we mean Polish language materials published abroad. The aim of this article is to show the complexity of this situation as well as its consequences for the present day.

The journalistic activity of the Ukrainian nationalist clandestine in the field of education in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR in the postwar period is analyzed. On the basis of archival documents and modern historiography, the main methods and means of implementing the ideological influence of the OUN on local youth and the pedagogical intelligentsia have been determined. The goal is to make a general review of propaganda literature for young people and materials of a pedagogical and educational nature that were distributed by the nationalist clandestine. Accordingly, the task is to determine the educational and moral foundations of insurgent literature for schoolchildren and students. In the course of the study, it was substantiated that an important component of the confrontation between the Ukrainian national liberation movement and the Stalinist regime was the educational area, and the influence on the intelligentsia and the youth largely ensured control over the entire society. It was determined that the ideological activity of the rebels in Western Ukraine had significant support and understanding from the local population. On the basis of the source material, it is shown that the publishing activity of the Ukrainian liberation movement was diverse in terms of forms, topics, and goals. In order to satisfy the intellectual needs of the youth, the underground published works on history, philosophy, literature, geography and economics. The reaction of the Soviet leadership to the publishing activities of the national forces in the educational sphere and the methods of their countermeasures, which were mainly of a repressive nature, are highlighted. It was established that the agitational and propagandistic influence of the OUN in the educational area of the Western Ukrainian region significantly complicated the establishment of Soviet power here and the spread of the communist worldview. Along with the armed struggle, the ideological, educational and publishing activities of the Ukrainian insurgents contributed to the preservation and development of the national-state idea in Ukrainian society. Keywords: educational area, OUN, ideology, propaganda, clandestine literature, Soviet power, western regions of the Ukrainian SSR.

Fake canonizations are prevalent in the former communist countries wherein arts and culture in general may still function as propaganda weaponry at the hands of the sponsoring state. The public is almost eliminated from the process of canonization, as the publishing houses, art galleries, and cultural industries seldom survive and flourish from sales to a real public. As a rule, their rarefied public is summoned from a flimsy contingent, from the less promoted artists who try thus to conjure the benevolence of the critics and famed authors/artists, and from those who are ready to attend cultural events as long as they are financially covered by the state. For instance, a sizable percent of the funds directed towards literature from the state budget in Romania has been constantly invested in the promotion of Mircea Cărtărescu in the vain hope (so far) the Romanian literature will be awarded the Nobel Prize for literature and will cure thus a profusely nourished complex of inferiority. Maybe in the new future. Meanwhile, many more modern and impactful writers simply vanish into the abyss of anonymity as the bookshops are interested in promoting only those writers coming from publishing houses with a subscription to the state budget. This would be one explanation for the constant decrease in the public paying for literary and artistic works. The result of an haphazard process of canonization and of the lack of a free cultural market (at least 50% of investments coming from private sources) are obvious. Wherefrom the impending need of an interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary super-arch-canon.

The paper is dedicated to the dialogue between Ezra Pound and Sergey Tretyakov on the pages of a Dutch magazine Front edited by a Dutch writer Sonja Prins, and other periodicals. This particular episode of Pound’s contacts with left-wing writers hasn’t been duly researched so far. In spite of the dangerous political atmosphere in the 1930s, authors with different ideological views could freely exchange their ideas in the periodicals. The Front published a wide range of anti-bourgeois authors — their views varied from communist to fascist. The Federation of Organizations of Soviet writers (FOSP) was mentioned as a co-founder of Front, although later its name was withdrawn because of the magazine’s publishing policy, which allowed right-wing writers. Tretyakov’s essay “Writer-kolkhoznik” was published in the first issue of the Front; the next issue contained Pound’s response to this essay. In spite of his pro-fascist views, Pound seemed interested in Tretyakov’s work on the kolkhoz. Later both writers continued to argue outside the magazine — Tretyakov mentioned Pound in his Berlin lecture The Writer and the Socialist Village, Pound referred to Tretyakov, this time purely ironically, in Italian press. In the end the dialogue failed, both writers tended to speak about their own main topics — Tretyakov continued to reflect on the writer in the kolkhoz, and Pound was interested in the classical Russian literature and in the attitude to the classical Russian literary heritage in the new socialist Russia.

The article analyzes the implementation mechanism and organizational system of anti-religious agitation and propaganda in Soviet Ukraine. The author recorded a conflict between the republican and all-union centers for religious cults regarding the implementation of religious policies and atheization of the population. It is analyzed how the change in the state leadership of the USSR in 1954 led to a radical reassessment of the ideological struggle with religion as a relic of class formations in the minds of people.It was established that in the 1960s cinematographic works were actively involved in anti-religious propaganda. The actual number of regional commissioners to the Council for Religious Affairs also increased, committees for assistance were set up in all cities and districts of the regions, public councils for the coordination of anti-religious work were organized under the regional committees of the Communist Party of Ukraine. It was found out that within the framework of the atheistic education of society, the Soviet leadership introduced the concept of Soviet «non-religious» holidays and rituals, honoring the leaders of communist labor. The structural formalization of organizations responsible for the introduction of the new Soviet rituals in the 1970s is analyzed.The article describes the employment of the media resource and state publishing houses that published millions of copies of atheistic periodicals and literature for the sake of «eradicating the religious consciousness of the masses» by the party leadership. The reduction of state influence on the affairs of believers since the mid-1960s and the harsh criticism of the liberal course in relation to religion at the All-Union Conference of Commissioners for Religious Affairs in 1972 are analyzed. It is proved that, despite the «Perestroika», the idea of religion as a reactionary ideology and the need to transform the society of mass atheism into a society of general atheism prevailed in atheistic education.The author found out that in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine a discussion on the importance of rethinking the strategy of religious policy to establish a dialogue with churches and guaranteeing believers the possibility of religious freedom began only in 1990.

In the 1920s, the activities of the Buryat Scientific Committee were multifunctional. In addition to scientific researches, the committee carried on educational, publishing and translation activities, including the dissemination of communist ideas. Scientific modernization of Buryatia was impossible without a full-fledged reference apparatus, namely, a library. Organization of cooperation with leading scientific and educational structures of Russia has become a priority in the work of the Committee. By 1928, contacts have been established with over 40 institutions. The largest libraries, research institutes, publishing houses of central scientific journals were among them, for example, with the library of the Asian Museum of the Academy of Sciences, the Leningrad Institute of Living Oriental Languages, the Scientific Association of Oriental Studies, the Central Bureau of Regional Studies, the Kazan University, the Institute for the Study of Languages and Ethnic Cultures of Eastern Peoples, etc. In addition, contacts were established with famous Russian orientalists: A. V. Burdukovsky, B. Ya. Vladimirtsov, V. A. Kazakevich, N. K. Klyukin, S. F. Oldenburg, N. N. Poppe. Book exchange, including international, was established. It was the first channel of acquisition of the Committee’s library, including the distribution of scientific literature. The transfer of bibliographic values from the leading cultural, scientific and educational institutions of the country was the second channel for replenishing the Committee’s library. The acquisition of rare scientific oriental publications in bookstores in Moscow and Leningrad was the third channel. Collecting the items of scientific, cultural and historical value in the regions of Buryatia was the fourth channel of the Committee’s collections. The donating was the fifth channel. For example, D. Ye. Khangalova donated personal materials of the famous Buryat ethnographer and folklorist M. N. Khangalov to the Committee. The receipt of an obligatory sample of new literature was the sixth channel for the accumulation of scientific publications. Аccordingly, the chairman of the Buryat Scientific Committee, an outstanding orientalist and public figure, Bazar Baradin and his associates made significant contribution to the organization of the library, to the accumulation of a complex of academic scientific literature, which contributed to more successful scientific modernization of the republic.

The paper covers unknown pages of Yevhen Kasianenko’s creative activity. Yevhen Kasianenko (1889—1937) was one of the pioneers of Ukrainian aircraft construction, a translator, and an active participant in the socio-political and literary movement of the 1910s—1930s. The study reconstructs the literary and business relations between Yevhen Kasianenko, Vasyl Ellan-Blakytnyi, and Valerian Polishchuk. The author analyzes their views on organizational and conceptual forms of Ukrainian literature. The analysis of the projects and polemics initiated by the writers tackles the question of the cultural and historical origins of the ‘Red Renaissance’ and the specifi cal formation of the Ukrainian proletarian literature. This paper explores Yevhen Kasianenko’s involvement in the press of the Ukrainian People’s Republic period, his participation in the emergence of Ukrainian-language Soviet periodicals, the first associations of proletarian writers, and Ukrainian publishing houses, as well as his role in communication between Soviet writers and emigre artists. The study analyses for the first time the criminal case against Kasianenko and outlines his extensive connections within the Ukrainian literary environment. Kasianenko was one of those whose activity the Russian Communist Party leadership used for Sovietization policies in Ukraine as well as for the Ukrainization of the Bolshevik policy. He contributed to legitimizing the party’s political practices and symbolic images. Kasianenko’s biography shows that in ideological, scholarly, and cultural aspects, the Soviet civilization project was not radically innovative, largely existing in the orbit of the pre-revolutionary socio-cultural movement.

The author offers the reader a document - a unique monument of the political thought of the Ukrainian Resistance movement to the communist regime of the 1960-1980s. The eleven-page manuscript "Ostanne slovo Niny Strokatoi na protsesi v Odeskomu oblasnomu sudi 17 travnia 1972" reveals the opposition's view on the "freedom of speech" in the USSR, the reasons for samizdat (self-publishing), stigmatizing nationalism, and the government's disregard for Ukraine's right to secede from Russia declared by Lenin. The document focused on the need to hand over "senseless censorship" to justice, to stop ignoring the principles of democracy, which "opens the way to tyranny." It emphasizes the urgent need for a critical estimate of imperfections and social distortions, the use of the constitutional right to receive and disseminate information, and the recognition of the indivisibility of freedom and the finality of the realization of the national idea. At the same time, the source shows the way to solve the problem of publicity through the adoption of the law on the press and information, which would specify the constitutionally guaranteed "freedom of speech in general and freedom of the printed word in particular." It meant the transfer of declared guarantees in the field of specific social practice. In response to the charge of acquainting with the work of samizdat stated, "the natural right of intellectuals and scholars to read and preserve any literature." Ukrainian patriotism is characterized as the natural essence of the Ukrainian, "which is inherited, becomes a moral asset, and does not allow to become a bastard, a fatherless, a janissary." Against the background of modern flirting between Western Europe and the Moscow aggressor, N. Strokata's reminder that "hordes of Batu Khan, khans and sultans stopped with Ukrainian blood" is relevant – this allowed European nations to rise so high. She not only convicted the anti-democratic communist dictatorship but also expressed confidence that "better times are already within us." Keywords: independence, nationalism, national idea, samizdat, freedom of speech, censorship, human rights.

In his 1992 article, ‘Today, Freedom is Unfettered in Hungary,’ Columbia University history professor István Deák argued that after 1989 Hungarian historical research enjoyed ‘unfettered freedom. Deák gleefully listed the growing English literature on Hungarian history and hailed the ‘step-by step dismantling of the Marxist-Leninist edifice in historiography’ that he associated with the Institute of History at the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS) under the leadership of György Ránki (1930–88). In this article he argued that the dismantling of communist historiography had started well before 1989. Besides celebrating the establishment of the popular science-oriented historical journal, History (História) (founded in 1979) and new institutions such as the Európa Intézet – Europa Institute (founded in 1990) or the Central European University (CEU) (founded in 1991) as turning points in Hungarian historical research, Deák listed the emergence of the question of minorities and Transylvania; anti-Semitism and the Holocaust; as well as the 1956 revolution. It is very true that these topics were addressed by prominent members of the Hungarian democratic opposition who were publishing in samizdat publications: among them János M. Rainer, the director of the 1956 Institute after 1989, who wrote about 1956. This list of research topics implies that other topics than these listed before had been free to research and were not at all political. This logic interiorised and duplicated the logic of communist science policy and refused to acknowledge other ideological interventions, including his own, while also insisting on the ‘objectivity’ of science. Lastly, Deák concluded that ‘there exists a small possibility that the past may be rewritten again, in an ultra-conservative and xenophobic vein. This is, however, only a speculation.’ Twenty years later Ignác Romsics, the doyen of Hungarian historiography, re-stated Deák's claim, arguing that there are no more ideological barriers for historical research. However, in his 2011 article Romsics strictly separated professional historical research as such from ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented interpretations of the past, which leave aside professional criteria and feed susceptible readers – and there are always many – with fraudulent and self-deceiving myths’. He thereby hinted at a new threat to the historical profession posed by new and ideologically driven forces. The question of where these ‘dilettantish or propaganda-oriented’ historians are coming from has not been asked as it would pose a painful question about personal and institutional continuity. Those historians who have become the poster boys of the illiberal memory politics had not only been members of the communist party, they also received all necessary professional titles and degrees within the professional community of historians.

After the end of the Second World War and the creation of the Federative People’s Republic of Yugoslavia (since 1963 the Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia) the Ruthenians in the new state, although a small national community, could accomplish their national rights, among them the most important were: the right of gaining education in their native language; founding of cultural, educational and national organizations, the right to be informed and have publications in their native language etc. In the period after the war, as well as in the interwar period, the Ruthenian community encountered many dilemmas, opposing views and polemics concerning the basic issues on their ethnicity and national identity. The part of the Ruthenian intellectuals advocated of the Ruthenians as members of the Ukrainian nation, striving to establish stronger cultural, educational and national connections with Ukraine and Ukrainian Diaspora. On the other hand, a part of intelligentsia, which leaned on the authorities and the Communist Party, advocated a pro-Ruthenian attitude, claiming that the Ruthenians living in this region were autochthonous, special Slavic people and that they didn’t have their Motherland. Yugoslav authorities seemingly didn’t participate in the discussions and polemics between the two Ruthenian options, but nevertheless they supported the protagonists of the pro-Ruthenian orientation and favored the attitude that the Ruthenians didn’t have their Motherland. As the most signifi cant achievement of the Ruthenian community in Yugoslavia in that period was the education in the Ruthenian language in the eight-year elementary school, publishing of weekly newspapers, magazines, annual books — calendars, literary works, radio shows in the Ruthenian language, establishing cultural and artistic societies, drama clubs, music festivals etc. Another signifi cant success was establishing connections and cooperation with Ukraine and Ukrainians in Diaspora in the fi eld of literature, publishing, science and mass culture. Certainly, there was a rise and fall in that cooperation, mostly depending on the attitude of the authorities towards the concrete actions and their protagonists.

The article examines a specific episode in the history of the literary process in the 1920s-1930s – A.M. Gorky’s participation in the activities of the Russian Association of Proletarian Writers. In the autumn of 1931, work began on the “History of factories and plants” – the main common cause of the writer and the organization. Within the framework of the project “Maxim Gorky and the grassroots literary movement”, it became possible to study the sources stored in the fund of the Moscow Association of Proletarian Writers (A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature of the Russian Academy of Sciences). Reports, transcripts of meetings of the literature groups at factories, district committees of the CPSU (The Communist Party of the Soviet Union), RAPW and MAPW members reflected the involvement of the grassroots literary movement in the work on the “History of factories and plants”. The writer’s epistolary legacy and published documents supplemented archival sources, which allowed reconstructing the actors’ communicative ties with Gorky. The structure of interaction was formed according to he–they scheme. Where he is Gorky, and where they are RAPW, MAPW, literary groups at factories, representatives of the association’s board, grassroots authors – participants in Gorky’s publishing project. The writer broke the classical vertical hierarchical structure of the actor’s interaction. Therefore, a new communication system, parallel to the main one, emerged, headed by the formative institution – Gorky. In this way “History of factories and plants” writing teams were able to expand their creative activities. The literary groups of the MAPW at the factories managed to continue their work until 1933, after the liquidation of the RAPW in the spring of 1932, when the affairs of grassroots literary organizations were transferred to the Organizing Committee of the Union of Soviet Writers.

Abstract: “The work of censorship carries a great deal of responsibility”. A documentary glimpse of the activity of them Estonian SSR Glavlit in 1941–1948" Censorship was one of the important social control mechanisms of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Main Administration for Literary and Publishing Affairs, or Glavlit (in Russian Glavnoe upravlenie po delam literaturȳ i izdatel’stv), was established under the jurisdiction of the People’s Commissariat for Education on 6 June 1922 by decree of the Russian SFSR Council of People’s Commissars. Its task was to combat the ideological opponents of the Soviet regime. The censorship of essentially all printed works published in the Soviet Union was gradually placed under Glavlit’s jurisdiction. By the end of the 1930s, Glavlit was transferred to the jurisdiction of the USSR Council of People’s Commissars (starting in 1946 the Council of Ministers), but substantially, censorship officials were placed under the direction of subordinate institutions and officials of the Communist Party, and of the state security organs. The same kind of institutions in the Soviet republics and oblasts were subordinated to the central Glavlit of the USSR. The Glavlit of the Estonian SSR was established by decree of the Estonian SSR Council of People’s Commissars on 23 October 1940. The task of Glavlit was to prevent the disclosure in print and in the media of Soviet military, state and economic secrets with the overall objective of banning the publication of all manner of ideas and information that was unacceptable to the regime. It was also to prevent such ideas and information from reaching libraries. To this end, both pre-publication censorship (the review of control copies of printed works before their publication) and post-publication censorship (review of published printed works, the physical destruction or obstruction of access to works that have proven to be unsuitable) were implemented. In order to carry out censorship, lists of banned literature were drawn up in cooperation with the state security organs, along with enumerations of information that was forbidden to publish in print. These formed the basis for the everyday work of Glavlit’s censors, in other words commissioners. Not a single printed work or media publication could be published during the Soviet era without Glavlit’s permission (departmental publishing houses practiced self-censorship). In addition to scrutinising printed works, the monitoring of art exhibitions, theatre productions and concert repertoires, the review of cinema newsreels, and provision of guidelines for publishing houses and libraries also fell within Glavlit’s jurisdiction. Censors also read mail sent by post and checked the content of parcels (first and foremost the exchange of postal parcels with foreign countries). In the latter half of the 1980s, when Mikhail Gorbachev rose to lead the Soviet Union, Glavlit’s control functions in society gradually started receding. State censorship was done away with in the Soviet Union on 12 June 1990, depriving the former censorship office of its substantial functions. Glavlit was disbanded in Estonia on 1 October 1990. The Estonian SSR Glavlit activity overview for the years 1940–1948 is published below. This is a report dated 20 October 1948 from Leonida Päll, the head of the Estonian SSR Glavlit (in office in 1946–1950), to Nikolai Karotamm, the Estonian SSR party boss of that time. This document provides a brief departmental insight into the initial years of the activity of the Estonian SSR Glavlit. It outlines the censorship agency’s main fields of activity, highlights the key figures of that time, and describes the agency’s concrete achievements, including recording the more important works and authors that had been caught between the gearwheels of censorship.

The analysis of professors in Humanities at Vilnius University in 1948–1956, the period of studies and post-graduate course of Donatas Sauka, established that professors who had not accepted the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism and who had obtained their academic titles in independent Lithuania or pre-revolutionary Russia had left the university. During the first year of Soviet rule, a group of persons who had contributed to Lithuania’s incorporation into the USSR and undertaken to establish the doctrine at the university became professors. They were active in the 1940s and 1950s and created a climate of fear. Some lecturers who were neutral towards the doctrine had been granted the title of professors for their contribution to the science in order to raise the prestige of the university. A cluster of lecturers who attempted to interpret literature without applying primitive sociologisation was formed in the Department of Lithuanian Literature in mid 1950s. At the initiative of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, actions were taken (1956–1961) to force the group of young lecturers to follow the requirements of the doctrine. Having defied the requirements, they were dismissed. D. Sauka belonged to the group, but had retained his job as a lecturer without changing his views towards the doctrine. Some professors, associate professors, and students at the university participated in the ideological cleansing of the Department of Lithuanian Literature. They were later promoted. During the 1960s, among literary scholars only Jurgis Lebedys became a professor. At that time, high qualification requirements for obtaining a professor’s title were set in the USSR. Those who had obtained the titles of professors had different approaches towards the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. Some showed support only formally and expanded the scope of analysed issues by slowly validating new fields of knowledge and developed individual thinking; others attained high qualification and performed the actions of implementing the doctrine required by the party leaders; still others sought their personal goals by using maintenance of the doctrine as a pretext. The guardians of the doctrine created obstacles for unwanted persons in becoming professors by trying to prevent them from defending their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses and publishing their articles and works; they tried to create a wall of silence around them. In the 1970s, D. Sauka and Vytautas Kubilius defended their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses; both of them had surpassed the topics defined by the doctrine and opened new fields of knowledge in Lithuanian literature and culture. Attempts were made to prevent them from defending their theses, but thanks to the vigilance of his colleagues, D. Sauka defended his thesis and became a professor after four years. The approval of V. Kubilius’s doctoral (post-doctoral) title lasted six years, yet one of the strongest literary critics and scholars was not granted the title of professor from the Soviet university. In the 1980s, a number of students at Vilnius University obtained titles of professors. The doctrine itself had changed at that time, the communist government avoided scandals, the level of mentality was higher at the university, and simultaneously, the behaviour of lecturers themselves was self-censored; some of the guardians of the doctrine had voluntarily abandoned their position and those who appreciated the works of their talented colleagues appeared. At the juncture of the 1980s and 1990s, professors of Vilnius University became more prominent in the society: these were personalities that developed individual thinking of their own and others, done valuable work for the culture of Lithuania, retained relations with the nation and had the goal of creating an independent state of Lithuania.

The analysis of professors in Humanities at Vilnius University in 1948–1956, the period of studies and post-graduate course of Donatas Sauka, established that professors who had not accepted the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism and who had obtained their academic titles in independent Lithuania or pre-revolutionary Russia had left the university. During the first year of Soviet rule, a group of persons who had contributed to Lithuania’s incorporation into the USSR and undertaken to establish the doctrine at the university became professors. They were active in the 1940s and 1950s and created a climate of fear. Some lecturers who were neutral towards the doctrine had been granted the title of professors for their contribution to the science in order to raise the prestige of the university. A cluster of lecturers who attempted to interpret literature without applying primitive sociologisation was formed in the Department of Lithuanian Literature in mid 1950s. At the initiative of the Central Committee of the Lithuanian Communist Party, actions were taken (1956–1961) to force the group of young lecturers to follow the requirements of the doctrine. Having defied the requirements, they were dismissed. D. Sauka belonged to the group, but had retained his job as a lecturer without changing his views towards the doctrine. Some professors, associate professors, and students at the university participated in the ideological cleansing of the Department of Lithuanian Literature. They were later promoted. During the 1960s, among literary scholars only Jurgis Lebedys became a professor. At that time, high qualification requirements for obtaining a professor’s title were set in the USSR. Those who had obtained the titles of professors had different approaches towards the doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. Some showed support only formally and expanded the scope of analysed issues by slowly validating new fields of knowledge and developed individual thinking; others attained high qualification and performed the actions of implementing the doctrine required by the party leaders; still others sought their personal goals by using maintenance of the doctrine as a pretext. The guardians of the doctrine created obstacles for unwanted persons in becoming professors by trying to prevent them from defending their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses and publishing their articles and works; they tried to create a wall of silence around them. In the 1970s, D. Sauka and Vytautas Kubilius defended their doctoral (post-doctoral) theses; both of them had surpassed the topics defined by the doctrine and opened new fields of knowledge in Lithuanian literature and culture. Attempts were made to prevent them from defending their theses, but thanks to the vigilance of his colleagues, D. Sauka defended his thesis and became a professor after four years. The approval of V. Kubilius’s doctoral (post-doctoral) title lasted six years, yet one of the strongest literary critics and scholars was not granted the title of professor from the Soviet university. In the 1980s, a number of students at Vilnius University obtained titles of professors. The doctrine itself had changed at that time, the communist government avoided scandals, the level of mentality was higher at the university, and simultaneously, the behaviour of lecturers themselves was self-censored; some of the guardians of the doctrine had voluntarily abandoned their position and those who appreciated the works of their talented colleagues appeared. At the juncture of the 1980s and 1990s, professors of Vilnius University became more prominent in the society: these were personalities that developed individual thinking of their own and others, done valuable work for the culture of Lithuania, retained relations with the nation and had the goal of creating an independent state of Lithuania.

Rad donosi analitički prikaz sudbine izabranih hrvatskih književnih kritičara/pisaca (V. Nikolić, A. Bonifačić, A. Barac…) koji su pisali kritike i eseje za postojanja Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (1941-1945). Nakon završetka Drugog svjetskog rata dolazi do osnutka komunističke Jugoslavije te zabrane objavljivanja, uz istodobno prešućivanja i zaborav hrvatske književnosti napisane za NDH. S druge strane, nakon raspada Jugoslavije 1991. i domovinskog rata u Hrvatskoj dolazi do rehabilitacije pojedinih tema, pisaca i njihovih djela koja su bila zabranjena i izložena trajnom zaboravu za vrijeme socijalističkog političkog sistema. Temeljno uporište ovoga rada je pokušati ponuditi odgovor na pitanje: kako i u kolikoj mjeri ideologija i politička diktatura jednoga razdoblja može utjecati na recepciju književnih i kulturnih vrijednosti nastalih za vrijeme drukčijeg ideološkog i političkog sistema. Oblivion and Ideology. On the Reception and Fate of Croatian Literary Critics Publishing in the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945) The paper provides an analytical account of the fate of selected Croatian literary critics/writers (V. Nikolić, A. Bonifačić, A. Barac...) who wrote reviews and essays in the Independent State of Croatia (1941-1945). After the end of the Second World War, communist Yugoslavia was founded and the publication was banned, and Croatian literature written in the NDH fell into oblivion. On the other hand, after the breakup of Yugoslavia in 1991 and the civil war in Croatia, there is a rehabilitation of certain topics, writers and their works that were banned and faced the risk of oblivion during the socialist political system. The fundamental basis of this work is to try to answer the question: how the ideology and political dictatorship of one period can influence the reception of literary and cultural values created during a different ideological and political system.

В статье рассматриваются пути влияния руководящей Партии СССР на воспитание ребенка через один из видов массовой культуры – детскую литературу. Начало XX века, а именно первые два десятилетия послереволюционного периода, знаменательно пристальным вниманием к детству, что обусловлено социально-политической парадигмой новой страны и необходимостью влиять на ребенка с целью воспитания нового типа советского гражданина, «человека будущего», который построит идеальное коммунистическое государство. Детская литература в только что созданной стране стала не просто адресована ребенку, а максимально обозначена с точки зрения социальных функций: ее описали и разбили на возрастные категории, указали темы и жанры, поставили задачи воспитания и образования. В предвоенные годы созываются различные тематические конференции, съезды и совещания; создаются многочисленные инстанции и издательства, призванные объединить силы лучших писателей, художников, педагогов и ликвидировать существующие недостатки в работе по созданию и продвижению детских книг, выдержанных высоким идейным уровнем. Отныне детская книга становится самостоятельным художественным явлением и рас- сматривается как мощный инструмент в идеологической борьбе за становление нового человека, а детство – как важнейший период, способствующий воспитанию человека, отвечающего высшим идеалам. Children’s Books and the Struggle for the Formation of the Ideal of the Soviet Man (1918-1930) The article examines the ways in which the leading party of the USSR used to influence children’s upbringing by means of one of the types of mass culture – children’s literature. The beginning of the 20th century, namely, the first two decades of the post-revolutionary period, were remarkable as for close attention to childhood, which resulted from the socio-political paradigm of the new country and the need to influence the child in order to educate a new type of Soviet citizen, a “man of the future” who would build an ideal communist state. Children’s literature in the newly created country was not addressed just to the child, but it was divided into categories regarding its social functions – taking into account the reader’s age. Topics and genres were pinpointed, the tasks aiming at proper upbringing and education were set. In the pre-war years various thematic conferences, congresses and meetings were convened; and numerous institutions and publishing houses were created to unite the power of the best writers, artists, teachers and to eliminate existing shortcomings in the work on creation and promotion of children’s books with high ideological level. From now on, children’s books have become an independent artistic phenomenon. They are viewed as powerful tool in the ideological struggle for the formation of a new Soviet man, whereas childhood is perceived as the most important period in shaping personality of the man of high ideals.

In 1952, the Communists changed the copyright law in Poland that limited copyright protection and linked it to censorship. From the very beginning, however, they deliberately violated copyright laws and international conventions, including the Berne Convention which Poland had been a member of since 1920. The new law strengthened government control over publishing policies and over the transmission of intellectual content that ultimately led to restrictions on the freedom of expression. In particular, the law introduced strict rationing of authors’ earnings, which ceased to be market-driven and depended on administrative decisions. In the case of translations, noncompliance with international regulations led to the withholding of approvals for Polish translations and prevented Polish literature from entering foreign markets, especially Western ones. Books were published without translation approvals, and royalties were charged in violation of international rules. Additionally, payments were withheld especially to Western countries, and the provisions of publishing contracts were not respected. Foreign publishing agencies were abolished and trade contacts were taken over by a state agency. These practices resulted in a significant deterioration of contacts with foreign publishers, including those from the countries in the so-called Eastern Bloc. The result was a narrow readership of foreign literature (especially Western literature), a reduction in the quality of the translations of both Polish and foreign authors, and the absence of translated Polish literature.

The first Margaret Atwood book appeared in 1984 in Hungarian translation but that does not mean that Európa Publishing House did not follow Atwood’s literary work closely during Communism. Both her prose and poetry were reviewed, often shortly after the original English language publication. The paper examines twenty-two reviewing in-house documents that Európa Publisher used as part of the selection process and an informal censorship procedure. First, the study draws the cultural context for the in-house selection tools and then identifies key themes in the anonymized reviewing documents of the era, such as: possible titles for the books, poetry weighed on scales, the practice of multiple reviewing, social classes in translation, relying on paratexts, the reputation of international success behind the Iron Curtain, and in what way is this literature “Canadian”? The paper tracks the publishing paths of all Atwood books reviewed during and immediately after the political change of 1989, concluding that the tools for selecting books for translation have changed, not only due to the political change, but as a result of the accelerated publishing practices that focus on bestseller lists, literary prizes, pitches of literary agencies and a network of personal contacts.

An Artist in a Watershed Time: New Forms of Expressing Faith and Religiosity in Texts by Vaidotas DaunysThis article discusses Christian themes in the works of the Lithuanian poet, essayist, publisher and editor Vaidotas Daunys (1958–1995). Daunys belonged to the generation of Lithuanian writers born between 1947 and 1995, whose most intense creative period were the 1980s and 1990s – the dusk of the Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republic, the activity of Sąjūdis (Reform Movement of Lithuania), and the beginning of systemic transition in the independent Republic of Lithuania. Still within the confines of the Soviet system, the ideological demands of the Communist Party of the USSR and the omnipotent censorship, a careful process began in Lithuanian literature of reconstructing severed bonds with its own national (including émigré) and Western European culture. The political breakthrough of 1990 resulted in a completely new political situation and sped up the existing cultural processes. An important position within Lithuanian culture was reclaimed by religion (mostly Catholicism), Christian tradition, and the closely related national and patriotic themes. The author analyses Vaidotas Duanys’s most important works (poems as well as essays) against the backdrop of his biography but also as an expression of the Christian tradition and its shape at the turn of the 1990s. Vaidotas Daunys’s creative biography places him among those who throughout the Soviet period balanced between the conformism of the socio-political status quo and a (naїve?) faith in creative independence and the possibility to safeguard one’s own worldview. Daunys was the editorin-chief of the Pergalė [Victory] monthly (from 1987), the Veidai [Faces] almanac (1985–1988) and, starting from 1988, the Krantai [Shores] monthly. In 1985, he published his first book of poetry, entitled Metų laikai [The Four Seasons]; the next one, Kelio ženklai [Road Signs], appeared in 1999, after the poet’s death. In independent Lithuania, he established the Regnum Foundation (whose fields of activity include publishing, music and culture) and reactivated the tradition of the inter-war cultural criticism magazine Naujoji Romuva [The New Romuva]. Vaidotas Daunys died tragically in the summer of 1995, while preparing to take flight at a balloon race. Twórca w czasach przełomu: nowe formy wyrażania wiary i religijności w tekstach Vaidotasa DaunysaNiniejszy artykuł został poświęcony tematyce chrześcijańskiej w twórczości litewskiego poety, eseisty, wydawcy i redaktora – Vaidotasa Daunysa (1958–1995). Należał on do pokolenia litewskich pisarzy urodzonych między rokiem 1947 a 1955, których najintensywniejszy okres twórczy przypadł na lata 80. i 90. XX wieku – schyłek Litewskiej Socjalistycznej Republiki Radzieckiej, okres Sąjūdisu (Litewski Ruch na Rzecz Przebudowy) i początek transformacji ustrojowej niepodległej Republiki Litewskiej. Jeszcze w czasach istnienia Związku Radzieckiego, wymogów ideologicznych partii komunistycznej (KPZR) i wszechwładnej cenzury w literaturze litewskiej końca lat 80. ubiegłego wieku rozpoczął się ostrożny proces rekonstrukcji zerwanych więzi z własną kulturą narodową (także emigracyjną) oraz z kulturą zachodnioeuropejską. Przełom polityczny roku 1990 stworzył zupełnie nową sytuację polityczną i przyśpieszył wcześniejsze procesy kulturowe. Swoją ważną pozycję w litewskiej kulturze zaczęła odzyskiwać religia (przede wszystkim katolicyzm) i tradycja chrześcijańska, a także blisko z nią związana tematyka narodowo-ojczyźniana. Autorka analizuje najważniejsze utwory V. Daunysa (lirykę i eseistykę) z jednej strony w kontekście wydarzeń biograficznych, z drugiej jako wyraz tradycji chrześcijańskiej na przełomie lat 80. i 90. XX wieku. Biografia twórcza sytuuje V. Daunysa w gronie tych, którzy w czasach sowieckich balansowali między konformizmem polityczno-społecznego status quo a (naiwną?) wiarą w samodzielność twórczą i możliwość ochrony własnego światopoglądu. Był redaktorem miesięcznika „Pergalė” [Zwycięstwo] (do 1987 roku), almanachu Veidai [Oblicza] (1985–1988), a od 1988 roku czasopisma „Krantai” [Brzegi]. W 1985 roku wydał debiutancki tomik poetycki Metų laikai [Pory roku], następny Kelio ženklai [Znaki drogowe] ukazał się już po jego śmierci (1999). Po przełomie niepodległościowym założyciel Fundacji „Regnum” (obejmującej działalność wydawniczą, muzyczną i kulturalną), odnowiciel tradycji międzywojennego katolickiego czasopisma kulturalnego „Naujoji Romuva” [Nowe Romowe]. Zginął tragicznie podczas przygotowań do lotu w zawodach baloniarskich latem 1995 roku.

The purpose of the study is to unbiased analysis of sources and literature on the use of psychiatry in punitive and repressive purposes in the Ukrainian SSR. The article uses the following methods of research: comparative-historical, typologies, classifications, problem-chronological, etc. The first works in which the facts of the struggle of the totalitarian system with the active members of the brotherhood of the ECB began to be publicized by means of repressive psychiatry were the self-published bulletins that were periodical and published in the 70's and 80's. Soviet researchers did not mention in their works the facts of torture of believers by means of repressive medicine. Modern scholars, especially specialists in the field of psychiatry, partially re-thought and reinterpreted the crimes of repressive medicine over dissent and active members of the brotherhood of the ECB. At the same time, there is no comprehensive scientific-historical research about punitive psychiatry as a form of struggle against political opponents, and in particular with active members of the ECB in the second half of the twentieth century. There is no time for this, so we will try to fill this gap somewhat.The study found that the systematic use of psychiatry for the imprisonment of dissidents in a psychiatric hospital began in the late 1950's in connection with mass rehabilitation of political prisoners who, after returning from places of detention, openly opposed all kinds of abuse of power, lack of freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that the Soviet regime under the psychiatric repressions was summed up the theoretical and legal basis, that led to the list of restrictions on so-called mentally ill: in professional capacity and in general, in capacity, in correspondence and many others, even if they were not brought to criminal responsibility; it was shown that in the 70-80s of the XX century. punitive and repressive machine of the totalitarian system, in the name of the leaders of the security forces and their analysts with maniacal zeal, developed anti-human torture for dissenters, the main role in their humiliation now relied on psychiatrists and their Jesuit methods based on the so-called «innovative» teaching of the Moscow school of psychiatrists A. Snezhevsky about «slowed down schizophrenia», this diagnosis was recognized only in the USSR and its satellites. Under the diagnosis of «delayed schizophrenia» could fall anyone who somehow expressed dissatisfaction with the actions of the ruling regime. It was found out that in the late 70's of the twentieth century threats with a psychiatric hospital to active believers have become systemic, especially the secret services have been pressured on the members of the Council of the Relatives of the ECB Prison, who were engaged in printing and publishing crimes of totalitarian power against humanity and freedom of conscience and religion; it is proved that in the early 1970's reports of unjustified hospitalization of political and religious dissidents in psychiatric hospitals reached the West and the United States. In order to prevent an international scandal, the leadership of a totalitarian state, together with intelligence agencies, decided to set up a group of advocacy specialists who also developed a plan of major measures to expose anti-Soviet slander campaign on so-called «political abuses» in psychiatry; in spite of the measures taken by the leadership and special services of the totalitarian regime, regarding the debunking of the so-called «myths about punitive medicine in the USSR,» the international community has gathered a lot of facts and interviewed persons over which there were inhumane torture in medical institutions throughout the communist state, which proved to be evidence the fact that the USSR in the 70's and 80's of the twentieth century the main method of combating dissent was the repressive psychiatry.

The article is devoted to the functioning of literature (and, more broadly, cultural texts) in popular circulation and the transformation of their role in the 20th century. The starting point for the analysis is the link between commercialisation (as an immanent feature of the ‘lowbrow’ circulation) and the artistic quality of the output that is part of it. The examples of the phenomena under discussion come from different linguistic milieux. This highlights the transnational nature of popular works, which feature invariant solutions to plots. In these two contradictory yet simultaneous tendencies can be observed: schematisation and de-schematisation, which renews conventionalised solutions. The author also emphasises the role of English-language works in the creation of figures of the collective imagination. Their presence in the minds of readers and the transformations they undergo with the development of industrial society and urbanisation processes can be traced from the late 19th century to the 1990s. That is why the 20th century — a period of intense expansion of popular culture — is a cohesive cultural entity with distinguishable individual periods. They are usually associated with socio-political crises, with stories becoming a cultural response to them and, at the same time, their artistic reception in the imaginarium communis. In addition, this is a time of technological progress, significantly affecting the distribution and media-based mediation of cultural texts in popular circulation. Literature has ceased to be a ‘separate phenomenon’ in it, hence the need to look at it as a part of a larger whole, with which it enters into various relationships. The domination of English-language output during the analysed period is associated with the global hegemony of the Anglo-American entertainment model. At the same time — in the works available to Polish-speaking readers — its ‘over-presence’ stems from the appearance after 1989 of a large number of translations, which have significantly influenced domestic pop-culture; moreover, their popularity in the reality of the free market economy has been determined by the read- ers themselves with their purchasing choices. It is hard to speak in this situation of the existence of national models of popular culture, although undeniably there are authors who dominate the local publishing markets. And yet they, too, exist in the context of the global pop culture industry.

Venous leg ulceration (VLU) is predominantly managed in primary care by district nurses, however much of the research takes place in secondary care. This study aimed to identify to what extent nurses are involved in publishing VLU research and to ascertain how much VLU research is conducted in primary care. Three searches of literature published between 2015 and 2020 were undertaken, reviewing VLU publications on interventions, quality of life and qualitative research. Some 37% of intervention studies had one or more nurse authors, compared with 65% of quality of life studies and 86% of qualitative research publications. Of papers that providing details of recruitment, 39% of intervention and quality of life studies included primary care as a recruitment setting. Qualitative studies were more likely to recruit from primary as well as secondary care (50%). Nurses are involved in leading VLU research but are more likely to publish quality of life and qualitative research than intervention studies. The majority of nurse authors in this field are based in academic institutions. A minority of studies utilise primary care as a recruitment setting for VLU research. More must be done to enable VLU research in community settings and to promote the involvement of clinical nurses in research.

ABSTRACTThis volume published in 1991 contains the contributions of specialists in the field of geriatric psychiatry who met in 1989 to discuss the state of knowledge on the pathology of anxiety in the elderly. Written from a medical perspective, it contains 16 relatively short chapters divided into five sections which cover topics related to diagnosis, epidemiology, comorbidity, neurobiology, pharmacology, and pharmacological and psychotherapeutical treatments. The major weaknesses of the book reside in its atheoretical stance and its exclusive medical focus. We learn very little on the phenomenology and etiology of anxiety in the elderly, and on therapeutic interventions other than anxiolytics. Still it may be worth reading simply because there is such a derth of literature on anxiety in the elderly. Readers interested in the psychological research on this topic may consult the additional references cited.

Apropos Rosa Luxemburg: Nordic Modernists Negotiate the Borders of Revolution and the Avant-Garde Staging oneself as an avant-garde or modernist writer during the inter-war period involved precarious negotiations between national, regional (in this case the Nordic) and international roles and positions, and involved questions of import and influence. But these questions were also influenced by the notion that avant-garde art and aesthetics depended on violence, a violence which was more often than not encoded as masculine. For this reason, literary images of the female revolutionary are particularly revealing in terms of the issues and ideas at stake. This article presents two interpretations of Rosa Luxemburg by Emil Bønnelycke and Hagar Olsson as part of a larger pattern concerning the dynamics between cultural centers and peripheries, as well as the connection between avant-garde aesthetics and violence. When Emil Bønnelycke first read his Rosa Luxemburg. Prosalyrisk Symphoni pathêtique in memoriam in February 1919, he shocked and excited the audience by drawing a revolver and firing it at the ceiling at the moment of Luxemburg’s death. Interestingly enough, Bønnelycke’s Luxemburg is represented in two ways: one is the weak woman who is entirely directed towards the masculine power and hatred which she finds embodied in Liebknecht. The other Luxemburg is presented in stylized passages that function as a leitmotiv in the short work. Here she is a young girl with a child’s holy passion and an, as of yet, passive defiance against the evils she has witnessed. The figure of Luxemburg is de-eroticized in both versions; but whereas the middle-aged woman painfully exhibits her impotence; the young girl is invested with a power of resistance, which is nonetheless non-acute. This appears to be Bønnelycke’s way of restoring gender roles without completely disarming the energy of revolution which he needed in order to be able to represent the ”European panic” in Denmark, under relatively safe conditions. In the inter-war period, Hagar Olsson paradoxically interpreted Finland as a neutral Nordic country, out of contact with the war and revolutions of Europe. Instead, she was inspired by her experiences of the communist uprising in Estonia 1924, publishing her own translation of an Estonian poem dedicated to Luxemburg by a young communist poet, Ida Meerits. The context was an article from 1925 dedicated to a new type of poet— the singing revolutionary. Olsson singled out the word flyttfåglar (”migratory birds”) from the poem, using it to reflect on the borders between art and revolution, a theme which she developed in other articles as well. She wrote that, in their internationalism, the new, engaged poets were like migratory birds. Her discussions concerned the violence of revolution and avant-garde geography as a power play between dominating and dominated literatures. The figure of the revolutionary woman in Olsson’s dramas— S.O.S. (1928) and Det blåa undret (The Blue Wonder, 1932), and in the photo- novel På Kanaanexpressen (On the Canaan Express, 1929)— further highlights the complex ways in which Olsson interwove the problem of violence, the import of avant-garde aesthetics, and gender in her inter-war work.

The authors reflects on the progress of anthroponymy and patronomy sounds tendency and its applied linguistic policy in the last century and the beginning of the new millennium. The research is carried out in two periods: during and post-communism. The authors have done a long-time research on this topic, which has resulted in an accurate argumentative discourse on pre-linguistic choices of these sonoric complex usages in family discourse. The authors have listed carefully the entry of Illyrian/Albanian names and the tendency of sonoric usages, which were part of language planning process; and everything is argued on the basis of national spirit of the time. The linguistic policy of entering of Illyrian names into family discourse is also seen as a general trend of Renaissance (1730-1912) for the purpose of restoring historic memory to Albanians. After the 1990-s, the beginning of democracy in Albania, nonetheless the publishing of the study on newborn names, the linguistic policy has never been applied for many reasons. For the last two years, 2015-2016, linguistics, students, surveyors, educational secretaries, members of civil status, have listed a number of reasons on the choices of the names of newborns in Albania. The freedom of choice of the sonoric complex, the trend of names, the tendency of names in the western world, emigration, etc., are some of the reasons to justify the choices and the linguistic behavior of sonoric complexes. The study is carried out in several municipalities and it is noticed that sonoric choices are highly influenced by the trends in media. There is an avoidance of inherited muslim, catholic and orthodox names and of those names claimed by linguistic policy of 1970-1990. Such linguistic tendency is argued on national basis by making comparisons on the frequency of uses. Diachronic comparisons of Albanian names found in registers of different years reflect the cultural trends of the parents. Albanian families have been quite generous with the borrowings of names from other cultures. Borrowings, as an integral part of linguistic policy, are result of foreign literature, movies, history and fashion.

The purpose of the article is to analyze the statistical parameters, qualitative characteristics of the Ukrainian (as well as the Soviet in general) book publishing, publishing houses, groups of publications, printing, the press of the 1920s through the prism of the then-Bolshevik worldview in combination with the national-indigenous beliefs of A Press of the Ukrainian SSR to the 15th Anniversary of October (1932). Descriptive, comparative, inductive, deductive methods, as well as methods of systematization and generalization were used to analyze this work, fit it into the context of the development of national and world book publishing and periodicals, formulate conclusions. Ukrainian scientists of the Soviet era have bypassed the work of M. Aguf, fearing accusations of nationalism, and researchers of the period of independence do not pay attention to her because of her biased attitude as being openly engaged. There is a certain overlap in the book: for example, the characteristic of the publishing production of 1917–18 years in Ukraine is overlooked, the overt court falsifications in the IED case are recounted and so on. M. Aguf is constantly guided by the Communist Party guidelines and perspective in covering the development and problems of book publishing. However, it relies primarily on statistics, which enables it to characterize trends in the quantitative and qualitative development of book publishing, the dominance of propaganda-political, anti-religious literature in publishing portfolios, the centralization of the publishing sphere, the press and party-state control over them.At the same time, M. Aguf notes the significant growth of Ukrainian-language publications, publications in the languages ​​of other national minorities, Scientific, technical, reference literature, classical and contemporary fiction Ukrainian literature, the achievements of rooting in this field. It outlines IT and significant problems with the staff in the publishing and periodical sphere, development of the Union and republican printing and paper industry, book distribution, satisfaction of the Reader Queries. M. Aguf's book describes the 1920s as a very fruitful period in the development of not only the Ukrainian Soviet, but also the national book publishing.

This is a modified version of the introduction to a chapter from my PhD thesis concerning publishing and reading practices during XX-th century Romania. The present excerpt delineates the social and cultural context in the first decade after the Revolution that toppled the communist regime of Nicolae Ceaușescu at the end of 1989. With a focus on the notion of literacy, I explore how the changes in the material and social landscape produced lingering effects in book consumption and reading practices.

Translating Barthes in the 1980s, in Romania, was a real challenge. The present text is intended to recall the discovery of that unclassifiable “writer” at the time when, in 1983, we proposed to the Universe Publishing House in Bucharest to publish a sort of Essential Barthes into Romanian, entitled “The Novel of The Writing”. It will therefore be a nostalgic, but at the same time ambivalent and, as far as possible, critical look on what the writings and especially the writing of Roland Barthes nourished the “happy” readers who were the literary figures of communist Romania. For, in fact, behind all this was “hunger”: a desire to know something else, to harmonize with the other, to cross barriers, to be somewhere else than in the standardized world of Eastern Europe.

The article analyzes discussions around the documentary film Shoah, by Claude Lanzmann, conducted in the uncensored press in communist Poland. In the literature on the subject, a popular thesis claims that the democratic opposition in Poland, like the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic, subjected this film to explicit criticism. The authors’ research into discussions about the Holocaust in the Polish independent press leads to the opposite conclusion. Ours analysis shows that authors publishing in the underground press had varied reactions to Lanzmann’s film. Voices opposing the official campaign against the director and his film predominate (which did not mean a complete lack of criticism vis-à-vis some of the movie’s features). We found only two opinions that can be considered clearly negative. The debate about Lanzmann’s film is important because it shows the complexity of the democratic opposition’s attitude of toward Polish-Jewish history and memory. In the opposition elite’s view of history, two currents ran in parallel, often in statements authored by the same people. On the one hand, the trend was primarily affirmative, as a reaction to the communist propaganda that bypassed or completely distorted some aspects of Polish history. On the other hand, there was also a tendency to include more controversial or even clearly shameful aspects of the history of Poland.

В статье рассматриваются потенциал делопроизводственных документов при исследовании специфики советской цензуры в Казахстане. Для анализа использованы архивные документы: Центрального государственного архива Республики Казахстана (ЦГА РК) и архива Президента Республики Казахстана (АП РК). Для проведения исследования мы опирались на следующие группы архивных материалов: директивные, организационно-распорядительные, информационно-справочные. Данный документы сформированы в системе государственно-партийного контроля сферы литературы и издательства, целью которого является формирование в сознании казахского населения политической линии коммунистической партии. Основой идейно-политического контроля являются механизм цензуры, который начинает формироваться с 1922 года. Делопроизводственные материалы в фондах архивных учреждений Казахстана способствую исследованию формирования механизма и направления деятельности в советский период Главного управления по делам литературы и издательств Казахской Советской Социалистической республики (Главлита КазССР): обеспечение охраны тайн Государства и политико-идеологический контроль над печатной продукцией; состояние работы обллитов (областных управлений по делам литературы и издательства); изъятие и очистку книготорговой сети и библиотек от идеологических враждебной литературы; вычерки предварительной цензуры и нарушений; укомплектование работников Главлита КазССР. Ключевые слова: делопроизводственные документы, военные цензоры, вычерки, сводки, доклады, предварительная, последующая цензура. Мақалада Қазақстандағы кеңестік цензураның ерекшелігін зерттеуде қолданылатын іс жүргізу құжаттарының әлеуеті қарастырылады. Зерттеу барысында төмендегідей архив құжаттарына талдау жасалынады: Қазақстан Республикасының Орталық мемлекеттік архиві (ҚР ОМА) және Қазақстан Республикасы Президентінің архиві (ҚР ПА). Зерттеу жүргізу үшін біз архив құжаттарының келесі топтарына сүйендік: директивалық, ұйымдастырушылық-өкімдік,ақпараттық-анықтамалық. Бұл құжаттардың мақсаты қазақ халқының санасында Коммунистік партияның саяси желісін қалыптастыруға ықпал ететін, әдебиет пен баспа саласында мемлекеттік-партиялық бақылау жүйесін қалыптастыру болып табылған. 1922 жылдан бастап қалыптаса бастаған цензура механизмінің негізі, идеялық-саяси бақылау болып табылады. Қазақстан архивтерінің қорларындағы іс жүргізу материалдары Қазақ Кеңестік Социалистік Республикасының әдебиет істері және баспалар жөніндегі Бас басқармасының (ҚазССР Главлиті): мемлекеттің құпияларын қорғауды қамтамасыз ету және баспа өнімдеріне саяси-идеологиялық бақылау жасау; обллиттердің (облыстық әдебиет істері және баспа басқармалары) жұмысының жай-күйі; кітап сату желісі мен кітапханаларды идеологиялық жағынан «дұшпандық сипаттағы» әдебиеттерден тазарту; алдын ала цензура және өшірілген «мәтіндердің» сызбалары; ҚазКСР Главлиті басшысының қызметкерлерін жасақтау туралы кеңестік кезеңдегі қызметінің тетігі мен бағытының қалыптасуын зерттеуге ықпал етеді. Кілт сөздер: іс жүргізу құжаттары, әскери цензорлар, өшірулер, есептік ақпараттар, баяндамалар, алдын ала цензура, кейінгі цензура. The article examines the potential documents of management and record keeping in the study of the specificity of Soviet censorship in Kazakhstan. These archival documents were used to analyze State Central Archive of the Republic of Kazakhstan (SCA RK) and Archive of President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (AP RK). To conduct the study, we relied on the following types of archival materials: directive, regulatory and administrative, information and reference. The given documents formed in the system of state-party control of the sphere of literature and publishing. The aim of this control is to form the political line of the Communist Party in the minds of Kazakh population. The basis of ideological and political control is the mechanism of the censorship the shape of which starts from 1992. Documents of management and record keeping materials in the funds of archival institutions of Kazakhstan contribute to the study of the formation of the mechanism and direction of activity in the Soviet period of the General Administration of literature and publishing of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic (Glavlit KazSSR): ensuring the protection of the State secrets, political and ideological control over printed materials; work status of obllit (Regional Department of Literature and publishing house); withdrawal and cleaning of bookselling network and libraries from “hostile ideological literatures”; crossing out preliminary censorship and violations; manning employees of Glavlit KazSSR. Keywords: documents of management and record keeping, military censors, crossing out, summaries, reports, preliminary, post-censorship.

Types of state and typology of states is always one of the major subjects of theory of state and law. The Marxist - Leninist theory of socio-economic forms and theory of civilization are two theories when studying this topic. Each way of approaching has great values as well as certain limitations. Therefore, it is important to look for their rational points to understand the nature and role of the state fairly, being suitable to its development history and diversity. This article summarizes views of Russian jurists on the above issue. Keywords: Types of state, theory of socio-economic forms, theory of civilization, views of Russian jurists. References: [1] M.N. Marchenco, Theory of state and law, Iuridicheskaia Literatura Publishing House, Matxcova (1996) 90-96.[2] V.N. Khropanhiuc, Theory of state and law, Ochiechestvo Publishing House Matxcova, (1993) 63-72.[3] V.V. Lazarev, Theory of state and law, Iurist, Matxcova (1995) 243-247.[4] V.N. Khropanhiuk, Lí luận nhà nước và pháp luật, Ochiechestvo Publishing House, Matxcova (1993) 68-70.[5] M.N. Marchenco, (Chủ biên), Lí luận nhà nước và pháp luật, Norma Publishing House, Matxcova, 1 (2010) 199-227.[6] A.I. Đemiđop, Practical methodology in jurisprudence, Journal of Jurisprudence, No.4 (2001)14.[7] V.V. Ilin, Politics, Knhigee Publishing House Universitet, Matxcova, (1999) 79.[8] T.N. Ratko, V.V. Lazarev, L.A. Morosova, Theory of state and law, Prospect Publishing House, Matxcov (2015) 454-458.[9] Ho Chi Minh, Complete Works, National Political Publishing House, Hanoi (1995) 465.[10] D.L Brandenberger, A brief synopsis of "History of the Russian Bolshevik Communist Party of", ("Ensin B.N. Presidential Research Center", Moscow, Russian, 2014. [11] A.V. Vengerov, Theory of state and law, part 1. Theory of state, Iurisprudensia Publishing House, Moscow, (2000) 87.[12] Iu.V. Laptov, Eastern Despotism, Journal of Economic-Historical Research Moscow, Russian (2007).[13] C. Marx and Ph., Complete Works, Political Publishing House (Polichicheskaia Literatura), Moscow, Russian, Vol. 22, (1975) 200-201.[14] V.I.Lê-nin, Toàn tập, Tập 39, NXB Tiến bộ Progres, Мatxcova (1977) 73.[15] V.I.Lenin Complete Works, Progressive Publishing House (Progres), Moscow, Russian, Vol. 39 (1977) 73.[16] R.Z. Livshis, Nhà nước và pháp luật trong xã hội ngày nay: sự cần thiết có cách tiếp cận mới, Tap chí Nhà nước và pháp luật Xô viết, số 10 (1990) 14.[17] A.Ia. Gurevich, Lí thuyết hình thái và thực tiễn lịch sử. Tạp chí Những vấn đề triết học, số 11 (1990).[18] M. Barg, Cách tiếp cận theo các nền văn minh về lịch sử. Tạp chí Komunist, số 3 (1991) 29.[19] A.I Gurevich: Triết học và sử học, Tạp chí Những vấn đề triết học, Matxcova, số 10 (1988), 20.[20] O.A Rogacheva, О. А. Рогачева, Основные подходы к типологии государства) // Концепт. - 2014. - Спецвыпуск № 24. -ART 14791. - 0,4 п. л. - URL: http://e-kon- cept.ru/2014/14791.htm. - Гос. рег. Эл № ФС 7749965. - ISSN 2304-120X. ART 14791 УДК 340.15 (Truy cập ngày 14/02/2020).[21] A.Ph. Vishnhievski và Iu.A. Meliekholies, Проблемы типологии государства и права в современной теоретической юридической науке. А. Ф. Вишневский , Ю. А. Мелеховец, https://www.barsu.by/vestnik/Download/hist_6_2018_114.pdf, truy cập 14/02/2020).[22] Hoàng Thị Kim Quế, Giáo trình Lí luận nhà nước và pháp luật, NXB Đại học Quốc gia Hà Nội, (2015) 107.

Resumen: Esta comunicación estudia algunos aspectos de la memoria de experiencias concentracionarias en los años inmediatamente posteriores a la II Guerra Mundial. En la primera parte se centra en la historia editorial de K.L. Reich, novela de Joaquim Amat-Piniella, señalando en particular su publicación parcial en una revista del exilio y un proyecto de publicación completa en Barcelona en 1948. La segunda parte intenta explicar el limitado éxito inicial de K.L. Reich por comparación con lo que sucedió con obras parecidas en otros países europeos, y en particular con Se questo è un uomo, de Primo Levi; se intenta mostrar que el anticomunismo de la guerra fría dejaba poco espacio para la memoria pública de los campos de concentración y que fue en los ambientes de la izquierda antifascista en los que ésta tendió a cultivarse.Palabras clave: Joaquim Amat-Piniella, Primo Levi, testimonios de los campos de concentración, recepción, guerra fría.Abstract: The present study considers some aspects of the remembrance of concentration camp experiences in the years immediately following World War II. The first part focuses on the publishing history of K.L. Reich, by Joaquim Amat-Piniella, pointing out specially its partial publication in France in 1945 and a project to publish the whole novel in Barcelona in 1948. The second part seeks to explain the limited success of K.L. Reich when it was first published, by considering what happened to similar works in other European countries and, in particular, Primo Levi's Se questo è un uomo. It argues that the anti-communism of the Cold War left little room for the public remembrance of the concentration camps and that it was the anti-fascist leftists who were most inclined to keep this memory alive. Keywords: Joaquim Amat-Piniella, Primo Levi, concentration camp testimonies, reception, Cold War.

Supporting community based-tourism (CBT) is a development strategy for local government to use tourism to improve local people’s livelihoods. Here local government takes over the agenda for the community and supplies updates and resources on development but leaves the decision making to the community itself. However it is not just the government that designs CBT strategies, the existing literature shows that members of academia and international organizations have been carrying out, publishing and analyzing CBT case studies, thus providing more insight as to why CBT fails or succeeds in communities. In general, the tourism transformation achieved by government may not always be satisfactory to the community as opposed to academia, international organizations, or the community itself. As each community is unique, the present study examines the general attitudes of 535 respondents about government performance in CBT from 40 different countries. The respondents are divided into four groups according to the respondents’ work experience with academia, government, international organizations, and the community. The results show that the government group sees themselves as the least productive, whereas the international organization group paradoxically sees the government’s ability in CBT as the most favorable. The outcome of this study provides a general overview of the capabilities and limits of government in CBT development which may be of use to communities and stakeholders that are considering becoming involved in such transformations.

Artikkel käsitleb luuletaja Ilmi Kolla (1933–1954) luulet stalinismiperioodi kontekstis kui vastupanu ajastu diskursiivsetele jõujoontele. Ilmi Kolla luuletuste enamikku ei olnud võimalik avaldada, sest need ei vastanud sotsialistliku realismi ja stalinliku ideoloogia nõuetele. Ka avaldamiseks vastu võetud tekstide puhul heitsid ajalehtede ja ajakirjade toimetused talle sageli ette luuletuste sobimatust kehtivate ideoloogiliste ja esteetiliste nõuetega. Selles mõttes võib Ilmi Kolla luulet näha sotsiaalse protestina, mis ei olnud küll otseselt selle eesmärgiga loodud, kuid mis toimis sellisel moel. The article analyzes the poetry of the Estonian writer Ilmi Kolla as the resistance toward the discursive hegemony of the Stalinist era. The dominant tenor of the Stalinist era was falsely optimistic, leaving no space for articulations of individual experiences and existential questions, the topics which were central for Ilmi Kolla’ poetry. The writers could not, in the Stalinist era, publicly oppose the ideological and social demands of Soviet rule. Instead, one could adapt the position of a passive dissenter; in the context of literary production, such a position could mean remaining silent (i.e. not publishing texts) or cultivating aesthetic practices which were out of touch with the official ideological demands of the era – this last option meant writing into the drawer.During the Stalinist period in Estonian SSR, the only officially accepted method of creating literary texts was ‘socialist realism.’ The acceptance of this method suggested ideological conformism; indeed many authors conformed to the ideological demands of the era. Estonian literature of earlier periods was re-evaluated according to Stalinist ideological demands. In poetry, the newly-established demand for socialist realism prescribed the range of accepted topics; acceptable themes included war, building up the new socialist society, class struggle and the struggle for peace, and the worship of Stalin. Ideological emphasis was laid on the foregrounding of a collective viewpoint and communist values. However, there were several authors who did not conform to the pressure; the poetess Betti Alver, for example, did not publish any poems during the twenty postwar years.Ideological education of authors became one of the cornerstones of producing the socialist realist works; of particular importance was guiding the literal production of young authors. This was arranged through the Writers Union, where advisers of prose and poetry were employed. Journal editors performed the same role and critical articles were published concerning the production of young authors. As a young author, the position of Ilmi Kolla in the Soviet literary landscape was precarious because she hardly complied with requirements of socialist realism. Therefore, she failed to publish most of her poems. Kolla indeed tried to conform and wrote conforming poetry for earning income, but these poems often failed. Even poems which were accepted by the editorial board for publication were not considered ideological enough and were harshly criticized. The central theme in Kolla’s poetry was individual and erotic love, instead of collective values demanded by socialist realism. Kolla’s poetry tended to have existential undertones and was tempered by a sense of sorrow. Such poetic modes were considered unacceptable in the context of Stalinism since these indicated a sense of human weakness, understood according to Stalinist ideology as lacking in optimism and yielding to negativity and decadent feelings. The most well known poem by Kolla, “Sorrowful moments” carries a sense of an approaching death; it focuses on an individual who loves and longs for the happiness, whose soul is sick and who is thinking about the transciense of life and about the appoaching death. This poem was published only after Kolla’s death in 1957 and then became widely read. The poem has been considered Kolla’s existential outcry; it has been interpreted as a turning point in the poetic practices of the period (Veidemann 2000). Many poems by Ilmi Kolla which she could not publish during her lifetime were distributed from hand to hand in a manuscript form after her death, impacting in this way the attitudes of many people. Readers have recalled how discovering the poetry of Kolla affected them strongly in the Stalinist atmosphere of the 1950s; many remember how Kolla’s poems became close to their hearts and were experienced in the context of the era as something extraordinary and out of sync with the official trends. A collection of Kolla’s poetry was published after her death in 1957, but the compiler Heljo Mänd has acknowledged that she did not dare to publish Kolla’s more spiritual poetry because of the fear of criticism. Since individualism was suppressed in the Soviet Union, the expression of poetic individualism can be understood as a form of dissent or opposition (Hersch 2016). Therefore, the poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be seen as an opposition to Soviet rule and as a protest toward society which repressed individuality. In addition to Kolla’s poetry as a poetic dissent, her freeminded personality was also somewhat inappropriate in the Soviet system. As many other writers, Kolla teased the system, conformed where necessary, but also used the system in her own interests. The poetry of Ilmi Kolla can be understood as a social protest which was not directly created for the purpose of dissent, but which functioned in this way in the Stalinist and post-Stalinist society.

In present scenario the exploit of conventional medicine is enlarging to newer prospects in addition to plants still stay as the original source of the structurally significant compounds that guide to the expansion of the innovative drugs. Recently Bangladesh has concerning forty five thousands plant variety among which therapeutic assets has been treated to the several thousands. The conventional Bangladeshi system of the medicine, Ayurveda reveals the exercise of the plants in treatment of the various diseases. The ethnobotanical investigation done in the most recent few decades have revealed cognitive, anti-inflammatory as well as analgesic actions of the plants mentioned in the conventional literature. Numerous herbal groundings are being stipulated as the anti-inflammatory, cognitive as well as analgesic in traditional literature. The research for innovative anti-inflammatory, cognitive and analgesic agents from enormous array of the medicinal plant sources is escalating. This reviews such type of the plant species in addition to their products which have demonstrated experimental and clinical anti-inflammatory and also analgesic, cognitive actions, the possible method of the action in addition to their therapeutic value. Several of the significant taxa which are originated efficient as cognitive, anti-inflammatory and analgesic agents such as Callophyllum inophyllum L, Ananas comosus (L.) Merr., Calotropis gigantea (L.) R.Br., Camellia sinensis (L.) Kuntz., Calotropis procera (Ak.) R.Br., Cannabis sativa L., Curcuma longa L., Kalanchoe crenata Andr., Spillanthes acmella Murr, Mangifera indica L., Ricinus communis Linn., Sida cordifolia L., Zingiber officinale Roscoe, Ginkgo biloba , Zizyphus jujube, Emblica Officinalis, Cocos nucifera, Celastrus paniculatus. Here these plants species have shown contrasting degrees of cognitive, anti-inflammatory as well as analgesic activities. Peer Review History: Received: 4 September 2020; Revised: 6 October; Accepted: 27 October, Available online: 15 November 2020 UJPR follows the most transparent and toughest ‘Advanced OPEN peer review’ system. The identity of the authors and, reviewers will be known to each other. This transparent process will help to eradicate any possible malicious/purposeful interference by any person (publishing staff, reviewer, editor, author, etc) during peer review. As a result of this unique system, all reviewers will get their due recognition and respect, once their names are published in the papers. We expect that, by publishing peer review reports with published papers, will be helpful to many authors for drafting their article according to the specifications. Auhors will remove any error of their article and they will improve their article(s) according to the previous reports displayed with published article(s). The main purpose of it is ‘to improve the quality of a candidate manuscript’. Our reviewers check the ‘strength and weakness of a manuscript honestly’. There will increase in the perfection, and transparency. Received file Average Peer review marks at initial stage: 6.0/10 Average Peer review marks at publication stage: 8.0/10 Reviewer(s) detail: Dr. Marwa A. A. Fayed, University of Sadat City, Egypt, maafayed@gmail.com Dr. Hatem Sameir Abbas, Al-Azhar University, Egypt, hsam8406@yahoo.com Comments of reviewer(s): Similar Articles: A REVIEW ON MEDICINAL USES OF DIFFERENT PLANTS OF EUPHORBIACEAE FAMILY EXPLORING THE ANTIPARASITIC ACTIVITY OF MEDICINAL PLANTS A STUDY ON DIFFERENT PLANTS OF APOCYNACEAE FAMILY AND THEIR MEDICINAL USES PHYTOCHEMISTRY STUDY OF PLANTS BELONGING TO CAPPARIS

This Article argues that Sullivan was not only a “civil rights case,” but also very much a libel case, one that was influenced by contemporaneous debates over libel law and freedom of the press. The Court intervened in what was perceived at the time as a near-crisis for the press caused by an increasing number of libel suits and large damage awards against publishers in the 1950s and ’60s. This escalation was a notable departure from the relatively tame “libel climate” of the previous forty years. For most of the first half of the twentieth century, the press had been able, to a remarkable degree, to avoid and defeat libel suits through strategic navigation of the libel law landscape. By combining a tactical accommodation of libel law with a dedicated resistance to it, the press had learned to “liv[e] with the law of libel.” By the 1940s, most of the nation’s major newspapers faced only a handful of libel suits each year, and the amount paid in judgments and settlements was low. The upset of that equilibrium, starting in the 1950s, put libel on the Supreme Court’s radar, and it spurred the Court to contemplate more aggressive intervention into the state law of libel. In what follows, I shed new light on Sullivan through an account of the history of libel law and litigation in the United States in the years prior to the case, and the libel law context in which Sullivan was initiated and rose through the courts. This Article does not dwell on the constitutional law developments that influenced Sullivan or the common law of libel prior to Sullivan, but instead focuses on how the press dealt with libel, and the practical implications of libel law for American print media in the years leading up to Sullivan. In so doing, it reveals a reality about libel law that cannot be readily gleaned from a study of case law or treatises: that for much of the twentieth century, especially prior to the 1950s, libel did affect press behavior and the ability of the press to publish newsworthy stories, although it likely did not have the highly chilling effect on the press that its rigid formal doctrines suggested. Libel law did impose burdens on the press; it did require self-censoring to some extent. Yet many sectors of the press enjoyed broad latitude to report the news and to comment on politics and public issues, libel law notwithstanding. That state of affairs, however, was seemingly threatened by changing libel trends in the 1950s and ’60s. Changes in the nation’s social and political culture, new dynamics of tort litigation, and new norms and practices of journalism increased the willingness and ability of plaintiffs to sue for libel and to recover damages. In an era when controversies around communism and civil rights, hostility towards the press, and large jury verdicts in tort cases encouraged the use of large-scale libel litigation as a weapon in political and cultural battles, when tort judgments increased nationwide, and when news publications received record-high jury verdicts in libel cases, many news outlets could no longer rely on their established systems for dealing with libel suits, and the likelihood of chilling effects was heightened. This change in the libel climate was not the only force encouraging the Court to institute constitutional protections in libel law, but it was an important factor, one that has been overlooked in standard accounts of the Sullivan case. This Article describes the libel law history leading up to New York Times v. Sullivan. It explores the cultural and legal contexts that surrounded the case, and it suggests the influence of those contexts on the Supreme Court’s actions in Sullivan. Drawing on legal sources, popular literature, journalism, and the archival papers of publishers, it offers an account of how the press accommodated and resisted libel, how libel law shaped the workings of the press, and how the press shaped libel law. The Article focuses on major newspapers (and to a lesser extent, magazines) that dealt regularly with libel issues and libel litigation, and also preserved substantial records of their operations. This Article chronicles the rise, fall, and partial resurgence of libel as a critical concern for the press in the United States from 1880 to 1964. Part I provides background on the law of libel. Part II describes the development of the mass circulation press in the late 1800s and the many libel suits that accompanied the rise of popular publishing. A surge of libel suits, spurred in part by sensationalistic yellow journalism, posed a formidable burden and near-existential crisis for newspapers in the late nineteenth century. By the early twentieth century, however, the adoption of professional ethics and standards of accuracy and objectivity in journalism, including fact-checking and “libel-vetting” programs at many newspapers, reduced the number of potentially actionable statements and defused the libel crisis. The need to reduce or avoid libel had become an integral part of the professionalization of journalism. Therefore, by the 1920s, primarily as a result of the press’s own efforts, libel had receded to the periphery of the problems faced by most major newspapers. As Part III describes, those elaborate systems of editing and checking for libel, the use of legal counsel to conduct prepublication review, and aggressive litigation strategies kept the number of libel suits and judgments low at most publications. These efforts consumed resources and curtailed some news content. Yet anecdotal accounts from publishers and lawyers suggests that they did not impose stifling burdens on publishing. A fairly broad freedom of the press existed, if not in formal law, then in the law’s practical operation. The 1950s saw the resurgence of libel suits against the press. In the political ferment of the postwar era, an emboldened, well-funded press engaged more forthrightly in political critiques and investigative journalism, and the subjects of such reporting reacted with libel suits. As Part IV describes, the number of libel suits against the press increased, as did the amount of damages claimed and awarded. Many of the press’s established strategies for dealing with libel no longer functioned as they once did. Libel law became more of a concern for the press, and libel cases became central to the era’s political and culture wars. Against this contentious backdrop, the Supreme Court made its first, historic intervention into libel law in New York Times v. Sullivan.

Photo by 187929822 © Victor Moussa | Dreamstime.com INTRODUCTION The nonconsensual taking of a human organ to use in transplantation medicine violates ethical principles, including autonomy, informed consent, and human rights, as well as criminal laws. When such an organ harvesting is not just nonconsensual, but performed in a way that causes a death or uses the pretense of brain death without meeting the criteria, it also violates the dead donor[1] rule.[2] The dead donor rule is both ethical and legal. It prevents organ retrieval that would predictably cause the death of the organ donor.[3] Retrieval of a vital organ is permissible only after a declaration of death.[4] Forced organ harvesting may breach the dead donor rule as it stands. A reimagined, broader dead donor rule could consider a larger timeframe in the forced organ harvesting context. In doing so, the broad dead donor rule could cover intent, premeditation, aiding and abetting, and due diligence failures. A broad definition of forced organ harvesting is ‘‘the removal of one or more organs from a person by means of coercion, abduction, deception, fraud, or abuse of power. . .’’[5] A more targeted definition is “[t]he killing of a person so that their organs may be removed without their free, voluntary and informed consent and transplanted into another person.”[6] In the global organ harvesting context, forced organ harvesting violates the World Health Organization (WHO) Guiding Principle 3, which says “live organ donors should be acting willingly, free of any undue influence or coercion.”[7] Furthermore, WHO states live donors should be “genetically, legally, or emotionally” attached to the recipient. Guiding Principle 1 applies to deceased donors, covers consent, and permits donation absent any known objections by the deceased.[8] Principle 7 says, “Physicians and other health professionals should not engage in transplantation procedures, and health insurers and other payers should not cover such procedures if the cells, tissues or organs concerned have been obtained through exploitation or coercion of, or payment to, the donor or the next of kin of a deceased donor.”[9] There are underground markets in which organ hunters prey on the local poor in countries with low wages and widespread poverty[10] and human trafficking that targets migrants for the purpose of organ harvesting.[11] This paper explores forced harvesting under the backdrop of the dead donor rule, arguing that a human rights violation so egregious requires holding even distant participants in the chain of events accountable. By interfering with resources necessary to carry out bad acts, legislation and corporate and institutional policies can act as powerful deterrents. A broader dead donor rule would highlight the premeditation and intent evidenced well before the act of organ retrieval. I. Background and Evidence In China, there is evidence that people incarcerated for religious beliefs and practices (Falun Gong) and ethnic minorities (Uyghurs) have been subjects of forced organ harvesting. A tribunal (the China Tribunal) found beyond a reasonable doubt that China engaged in forced organ harvesting.[12] Additionally, eight UN Special Rapporteurs found a system of subjecting political prisoners and prisoners of conscience to blood tests and radiological examinations to determine the fitness of their organs.[13] As early as 2006, investigators found evidence of forced organ harvesting from Falun Gong practitioners. [14] Over a million Uyghurs are in custody there, and there is ample evidence of biometric data collection.[15] An Uyghur tribunal found evidence of genocide.[16] “China is the only country in the world to have an industrial-scale organ trafficking practice that harvests organs from executed prisoners of conscience.”[17] Witnesses testified to the removal of organs from live people without ample anesthesia,[18] summonses to the execution grounds for organ removal,[19] methods of causing death for the purpose of organ procurement,[20] removing eyes from prisoners who were alive,[21] and forcing live prisoners into operating rooms.[22] The current extent of executions to harvest organs from prisoners of conscience in China is unknown. The Chinese press has suggested surgeons in China will perform 50,000 organ transplants this year.[23] Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting (DAFOR) concluded, “[f]orced organ harvesting from living people has occurred and continues to occur unabated in China.”[24] China continues to advertise in multiple languages to attract transplant tourists.[25] Wait times for organs seem to remain in the weeks.[26] In the United States, it is common to wait three to five years.[27] II. The Nascent System of Voluntary Organ Donation in China In China, throughout the 1990s and early 2000s, the supply of organs for transplant was low, and there was not a national system to register as a donor. A 1984 act permitted death row prisoners to donate organs.[28] In 2005, a Vice Minister acknowledged that 95 percent of all organ transplants used organs from death row prisoners.[29] In 2007 the planning of a voluntary system to harvest organs after cardiac death emerged. According to a Chinese publication, China adopted brain death criteria in 2013.[30] There had been public opposition due partly to cultural unfamiliarity with it.[31] Cultural values about death made it more difficult to adopt a universal brain death definition. Both Buddhist and Confucian beliefs contradicted brain death.[32] Circulatory death was traditionally culturally accepted.[33] The Ministry of Health announced that by 2015 organ harvesting would be purely voluntary and that prisoners would not be the source of organs.[34] There are cultural barriers to voluntary donation partly due to a Confucian belief that bodies return to ancestors intact and other cultural and religious beliefs about respect for the dead.[35] An emphasis on family and community over the individual posed another barrier to the Western approach to organ donation. Public awareness and insufficient healthcare professional knowledge about the process of organ donation are also barriers to voluntary donation.[36] Although the Chinese government claims its current system is voluntary and no longer exploits prisoners,[37] vast evidence contradicts the credibility of the voluntary transplant program in China.[38] III. Dead Donor Rule: A Source of Bioethical Debate It seems tedious to apply this ethical foundation to something as glaring as forced organ harvesting. But the dead donor rule is a widely held recognition that it is not right to kill one person to save another.[39] It acts as a prohibition on killing for the sake of organ retrieval and imposes a technical requirement which influences laws on how death is declared. The dead donor rule prevents organ harvesting that causes death by prohibiting harvesting any organ which the donor agreed to donate only after death prior to an official declaration of death. There is an ongoing ethical debate about the dead donor rule. Many in bioethics and transplant medicine would justify removing organs in specific situations prior to a declaration of death, abandoning the rule.[40] Some use utilitarian arguments to justify causing the death of someone who is unconscious and on life support irreversibly. Journal articles suggest that the discussion has moved to one of timing and organ retrieval.[41] Robert Truog and Franklin Miller are critics of the dead donor rule, arguing that, in practice, it is not strictly obeyed: removing organs while a brain-dead donor is still on mechanical ventilation and has a beating heart and removing organs right after life support is removed and cardio-pulmonary death is declared both might not truly meet the requirement of the dead donor rule, making following the rule “a dubious norm.”[42] Miller and Truog question the concept of brain death, citing evidence of whole body integrated functions that continue indefinitely. They challenge cardio-pulmonary death, asserting that the definition includes as dead, those who could be resuscitated. Their hearts could resume beating with medical intervention. Stopping life support causes death only in those whose lives are sustained by it. Some stipulate that the organ retrieval must not itself cause the death. Some would rejigger the cause of death: Daniel Callahan suggests that the underlying condition causes the death despite removal of life support.[43] But logically, a person could continue life support and be alive, so clearly, removing life support does cause death. Something else would have caused brain death or the circumstance that landed the person on mechanical ventilation. To be more accurate, one could say X caused the irreversible coma and removing life support caused the death itself. Miller and Truog take the position that because withdrawal of life support does cause death, the dead donor rule should be defunct as insincere. To them, retrieving vital organs from a technically alive donor should be permissible under limited conditions. They look to the autonomous choices of the donor or the surrogate (an autonomy-based argument). They appreciate the demand for organs and the ability to save lives, drawing attention to those in need of organs. Live donor organ retrieval arguably presents a slippery slope, especially if a potential donor is close to death, but not so close to label it imminent. They say physicians would not be obligated to follow the orders of a healthy person wishing to have vital organs removed, perhaps to save a close friend or relative. Similarly, Radcliffe-Richards, et al. argue that there is no reason to worry about the slippery slope of people choosing death so they can sell their vital organs, whether for money for their decedents or their creditors.[44] The movement toward permissibility and increased acceptance of medical aid in dying also influence the organ donation arena. The slippery slope toward the end of life has potential to become a realistic concern. Older adults or other people close to death may want to donate a vital organ, like their heart, to a young relative in need. That could greatly influence the timing of a decision to end one’s life. IV. Relating the Dead Donor Rule to Forced Organ Harvesting There is well documented evidence that in China organs have been removed before a declaration of death.[45] But one thing the dead donor rule does not explicitly cover is intent and the period prior to the events leading to death. It tends to apply to a near-death situation and is primarily studied in its relationship to organ donation. It is about death more than it is about life. Robertson and Lavee investigated data on transplantation of vital organs in China and they document cases where the declaration of death was a pretense, insincere, and incorrect. Their aim was to investigate whether the prisoners were in fact dead prior to organ harvesting.[46] (The China Tribunal found that organs have been removed from live prisoners and that organ harvesting has been the cause of death.) They are further concerned with the possible role of doctors as executioners, or at least as complicit in the execution as the organ harvesting so closely follows it. V. A Broader Dead Donor Rule A presumed ethical precursor to the dead donor rule may also be an important ethical extension of the rule: the dead donor rule must also prohibit killing a person who is not otherwise near death for the purpose of post-death organ harvesting. In China, extra-judicial killings of prisoners of conscience are premeditated ― there is ample evidence of blood tests and radiology to ensure organ compatibility and health.[47] To have effective ethical force, the dead donor rule should have an obvious application in preventing intentional killing for an organ retrieval, not just killing by way of organ retrieval. When we picture the dead donor rule, bioethicists tend to envision a person on life support who will either be taken off it and stop breathing or who will be declared brain dead. But the dead donor rule should apply to healthy people subject to persecution at the point when the perpetrator lays the ground for the later killing. At that point, many organizations and people may be complicit or unknowingly contributing to forced organ harvesting. In this iteration of the dead donor rule, complicity in its violations would be widespread. The dead donor rule could address the initial action of ordering a blood or radiology test or collecting any biometric data. Trained physicians and healthcare technicians perform such tests. Under my proposed stretch of the dead donor rule, they too would be complicit in the very early steps that eventually lead to killing a person for their organs. I argue these steps are part of forced organ harvesting and violate the dead donor rule. The donor is very much alive in the months and years preceding the killing. A conspiracy of indifference toward life, religious persecution, ethnic discrimination, a desire to expand organ transplant tourism, and intent to kill can violate this broader dead donor rule. The dead donor rule does not usually apply to the timing of the thought of organ removal, nor the beginning of the chain of events that leads to it. It is usually saved for the very detailed determination of what may count as death so that physicians may remove vital and other organs, with the consent of the donor.[48] But I argue that declaring death at the time of retrieval may not be enough. Contributing to the death, even by actions months or years in advance, matter too. Perhaps being on the deathbed awaiting a certain death must be distinguished from going about one’s business only to wind up a victim of forced organ harvesting. Both may well be declared dead before organ retrieval, but the likeness stops there. The person targeted for future organ retrieval to satisfy a growing transplant tourism business or local demand is unlike the altruistic person on his deathbed. While it may seem like the dead donor rule is merely a bioethics rule, it does inform the law. And it has ethical heft. It may be worth expanding it to the arena of human trafficking for the sake of organ removal and forced organ harvesting.[49] The dead donor rule is really meant to ensure that death was properly declared to protect life, something that must be protected from an earlier point. VI. Complicity: Meaning and Application Human rights due diligence refers to actions that people or institutions must take to ensure they are not contributing to a human rights violation. To advise on how to mitigate risk of involvement or contribution to human rights violations, Global Rights Compliance published an advisory that describes human rights due diligence as “[t]he proactive conduct of a medical institution and transplant-associated entity to identify and manage human rights risks and adverse human rights impacts along their entire value and supply chain.”[50] Many people and organizations enable forced organ harvesting. They may be unwittingly complicit or knowingly aiding and abetting criminal activity. For example, some suppliers of medical equipment and immunosuppressants may inadvertently contribute to human rights abuses in transplantation in China, or in other countries where organs were harvested without consent, under duress, or during human trafficking. According to Global Rights Compliance, “China in the first half of 2021 alone imported ‘a total value of about 24 billion U.S. dollars’ worth of medical technology equipment’, with the United States and Germany among the top import sources.”[51] The companies supplying the equipment may be able to slow or stop the harm by failing to supply necessary equipment and drugs. Internal due diligence policies would help companies analyze their suppliers and purchasers. Corporations, educational institutions, and other entities in the transplantation supply chain, medical education, insurance, or publishing must engage in human rights due diligence. The Global Rights Compliance advisory suggests that journals should not include any ill-gotten research. Laws should regulate corporations and target the supply chain also. All actors in the chain of supply, etc. are leading to the death of the nonconsenting victim. They are doing so while the victim is alive. The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2023, pending in the United States, would hold any person or entity that “funds, sponsors, or otherwise facilitates forced organ harvesting or trafficking in persons for purposes of the removal of organs” responsible. The pending legislation states that: It shall be the policy of the United States—(1) to combat international trafficking in persons for purposes of the removal of organs;(2) to promote the establishment of voluntary organ donation systems with effective enforcement mechanisms in bilateral diplomatic meetings and in international health forums;(3) to promote the dignity and security of human life in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted on December 10, 1948; and(4) to hold accountable persons implicated, including members of the Chinese Communist Party, in forced organ harvesting and trafficking in persons for purposes of the removal of organs.[52] The Act calls on the President to provide Congress a list of such people or entities and to sanction them by property blocking, and, in the case of non-US citizens, passport and visa denial or revocation. The Act includes a reporting requirement under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 that includes an assessment of entities engaged in or supporting forced organ harvesting.[53] The law may have a meaningful impact on forced organ harvesting. Other countries have taken or are in the process of legal approaches as well.[54] Countries should consider legislation to prevent transplant tourism, criminalize complicity, and require human rights due diligence. An expanded dead donor rule supports legal and policy remedies to prevent enabling people to carry out forced organ harvesting. VII. Do Bioethicists Mention Human Rights Abuses and Forced Organ Harvesting Enough? As a field, bioethics literature often focuses on the need for more organs, the pain and suffering of those on organ transplant waitlists, and fairness in allocating organs or deciding who belongs on which waitlist and why. However, some bioethicists have drawn attention to forced organ harvesting in China. Notably, several articles noted the ethical breaches and called on academic journals to turn away articles on transplantation from China as they are based on the unethical practice of executing prisoners of conscience for their organs.[55] The call for such a boycott was originally published in a Lancet article in 2011.[56] There is some acknowledgement that China cares about how other countries perceive it,[57] which could lead to either improvements in human rights or cover-ups of violations. Ill-gotten research has long been in the bioethics purview with significant commentary on abuses in Tuskegee and the Holocaust.[58] Human research subjects are protected by the Declaration of Helsinki, which requires acting in the best interests of research subjects and informed consent among other protections.[59] The Declaration of Helsinki is directed at physicians and requires subjects enroll in medical research voluntarily. The Declaration does not explicitly cover other healthcare professionals, but its requirements are well accepted broadly in health care. CONCLUSION The dead donor rule in its current form really does not cover the life of a non-injured healthy person at an earlier point. If it could be reimagined, we could highlight the link between persecution for being a member of a group like Falun Gong practitioners or Uyghurs as the start of the process that leads to a nonconsensual organ retrieval whether after a proper declaration of death or not. It is obviously not ethically enough to ensure an execution is complete before the organs are harvested. It is abuse of the dead donor rule to have such a circumstance meet its ethical requirement. And obviously killing people for their beliefs or ethnicity (and extra-judicial killings generally) is not an ethically acceptable action for many reasons. The deaths are intentionally orchestrated, but people and companies who may have no knowledge of their role or the role of physicians they train or equipment they sell are enablers. An expanded dead donor rule helps highlight a longer timeframe and expanded scope of complicity. The organ perfusion equipment or pharmaceuticals manufactured in the United States today must not end up enabling forced organ harvesting. With an expanded ethical rule, the “donor is not dead” may become “the donor would not be dead if not for. . .” the host of illegal acts, arrests without cause, forced detention in labor camps, extra-judicial killings, lacking human rights due diligence, and inattention to this important topic. The expanded dead donor rule may also appeal to the bioethics community and justify more attention to laws and policies like the Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2023. - [1] The word “donor” in this paper describes any person from whom organs are retrieved regardless of compensation, force, or exploitation in keeping with the bioethics literature and the phrase “dead donor rule.” [2] Robertson, M.P., Lavee J. (2022). Execution by organ procurement: Breaching the dead donor rule in China. Am J Transplant, Vol.22,1804– 1812. doi:10.1111/ajt.16969. [3] Robertson, J. A. (1999). Delimiting the donor: the dead donor rule. Hastings Center Report, 29(6), 6-14. [4] Retrieval of non-vital organs which the donor consents to donate post-death (whether opt-in, opt-out, presumed, or explicit according to local law) also trigger the dead donor rule. [5] The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2023, H.R. 1154, 118th Congress (2023), https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1154. [6] Do No Harm: Mitigating Human Rights Risks when Interacting with International Medical Institutions & Professionals in Transplantation Medicine, Global Rights Compliance, Legal Advisory Report, April 2022, https://globalrightscompliance.com/project/do-no-harm-policy-guidance-and-legal-advisory-report/. [7] WHO Guiding Principles on Human Cell, Tissue and Organ Transplantation, as endorsed by the sixty-third World Health Assembly in May 2010, in Resolution WHA63.22 https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/341814/WHO-HTP-EHT-CPR-2010.01-eng.pdf?sequence=1. [8] WHO Guiding Principles on Human Cell, Tissue and Organ Transplantation (2010). [9] WHO Guiding Principles on Human Cell, Tissue and Organ Transplantation (2010). [10] Promchertchoo, Pichayada (Oct. 19, 2019). Kidney for sale: Inside Philippines’ illegal organ trade. https://www.channelnewsasia.com/asia/kidney-for-sale-philippines-illegal-organ-trade-857551; Widodo, W. and Wiwik Utami (2021), The Causes of Indonesian People Selling Covered Kidneys from a Criminology and Economic Perspective: Analysis Based on Rational Choice Theory. European Journal of Political Science Studies, Vol 5, Issue 1. [11] Van Reisen, M., & Mawere, M. (Eds.). (2017). Human trafficking and trauma in the digital era: The ongoing tragedy of the trade in refugees from Eritrea. African Books Collective. [12] The Independent Tribunal into Forced Organ Harvesting from Prisoners of Conscience in China (China Tribunal) (2020). https://chinatribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/ChinaTribunal_JUDGMENT_1stMarch_2020.pdf [13] UN Office of the High Commissioner, Press Release, China: UN human Rights experts alarmed by ‘organ harvesting’ allegations (UN OTHCHR, 14 June 2021), https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2021/06/china-un-human-rights-experts-alarmed-organ-harvesting-allegations. [14] David Matas and David Kilgour, Bloody Harvest. The killing of Falun Gong for their organs (Seraphim Editions 2009). [15] How China is crushing the Uyghurs, The Economist, video documentary, July 9, 2019, https://youtu.be/GRBcP5BrffI. [16] Uyghur Tribunal, Judgment (9 December 2021) (Uyghur Tribunal Judgment) para 1, https://uyghurtribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2022/01/Uyghur-Tribunal-Judgment-9th-Dec-21.pdf. [17] Ali Iqbal and Aliya Khan, Killing prisoners for transplants: Forced organ harvesting in China, The Conversation Published: July 28, 2022. https://theconversation.com/killing-prisoners-for-transplants-forced-organ-harvesting-in-china-161999 [18] Testimony demonstrated surgeries to remove vital organs from live people, killing them, sometimes without ample anesthesia to prevent wakefulness and pain. China Tribunal (2020), p. 416-417. https://chinatribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/ChinaTribunal_JUDGMENT_1stMarch_2020.pdf; Robertson MP, Lavee J. (2022), Execution by organ procurement: Breaching the dead donor rule in China. Am J Transplant, Vol.22,1804– 1812. doi:10.1111/ajt.16969. [19] Doctors reported being summoned to execution grounds and told to harvest organs amid uncertainty that the prisoner was in fact dead. China Tribunal (2020), p. 52-53. [20]In testimony to the China Tribunal, Dr. Huige Li noted four methods of organ harvesting from live prisoners: incomplete execution by shooting, after lethal injection prior to death, execution by removal of the heart, and after a determination of brain death prior to an intubation (pretense of brain death). China Tribunal (2020), pp. 54-55. https://chinatribunal.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/03/ChinaTribunal_JUDGMENT_1stMarch_2020.pdf [21] A former military medical student described removing organs from a live prisoner in the late 1990s. He further described his inability to remove the eyes of a live man and his witnessing another doctor forcefully remove the man’s eyes. China Tribunal (2020), p. 330. [22] In 2006, a nurse testified that her ex-husband, a surgeon, removed the eyes of 2,000 Falun Gong practitioners in one hospital between 2001 and 2003. She described the Falun Gong labor-camp prisoners as being forced into operating rooms where they were given a shot to stop their hearts. Other doctors removed other organs. DAFOH Special Report, 2022. https://epochpage.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2022/12/DAFOH-Special-Report-2022.pdf [23] Robertson MP, Lavee J. (2022), Execution by organ procurement: Breaching the dead donor rule in China. Am J Transplant, Vol.22,1804– 1812. doi:10.1111/ajt.16969. [24] DAFOH Special Report, 2022. https://epochpage.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/3/2022/12/DAFOH-Special-Report-2022.pdf; DAFOH’s physicians were nominated for a Nobel Prize for their work to stop forced organ harvesting. Šućur, A., & Gajović, S. (2016). Nobel Peace Prize nomination for Doctors Against Forced Organ Harvesting (DAFOH) - a recognition of upholding ethical practices in medicine. Croatian medical journal, 57(3), 219–222. https://doi.org/10.3325/cmj.2016.57.219 [25] Robertson and Lavee (2022). [26] Stop Organ Harvesting in China, website (organization of the Falun Dafa). https://www.stoporganharvesting.org/short-waiting-times/ [27] National Kidney Foundation, The Kidney Transplant Waitlist – What You Need to Know, https://www.kidney.org/atoz/content/transplant-waitlist [28] Wu, Y., Elliott, R., Li, L., Yang, T., Bai, Y., & Ma, W. (2018). Cadaveric organ donation in China: a crossroads for ethics and sociocultural factors. Medicine, 97(10). [29] Wu, Elliott, et al., (2018). [30] Su, Y. Y., Chen, W. B., Liu, G., Fan, L. L., Zhang, Y., Ye, H., ... & Jiang, M. D. (2018). An investigation and suggestions for the improvement of brain death determination in China. Chinese Medical Journal, 131(24), 2910-2914. [31] Huang, J., Millis, J. M., Mao, Y., Millis, M. A., Sang, X., & Zhong, S. (2012). A pilot programme of organ donation after cardiac death in China. The Lancet, 379(9818), 862-865. [32] Yang, Q., & Miller, G. (2015). East–west differences in perception of brain death: Review of history, current understandings, and directions for future research. Journal of bioethical inquiry, 12, 211-225. [33] Huang, J., Millis, J. M., Mao, Y., Millis, M. A., Sang, X., & Zhong, S. (2015). Voluntary organ donation system adapted to Chinese cultural values and social reality. Liver Transplantation, 21(4), 419-422. [34] Huang, Millis, et al. (2015). [35] Wu, X., & Fang, Q. (2013). Financial compensation for deceased organ donation in China. Journal of Medical Ethics, 39(6), 378-379. [36] An, N., Shi, Y., Jiang, Y., & Zhao, L. (2016). Organ donation in China: the major progress and the continuing problem. Journal of biomedical research, 30(2), 81. [37] Shi, B. Y., Liu, Z. J., & Yu, T. (2020). Development of the organ donation and transplantation system in China. Chinese medical journal, 133(07), 760-765. [38] Robertson, M. P., Hinde, R. L., & Lavee, J. (2019). Analysis of official deceased organ donation data casts doubt on the credibility of China’s organ transplant reform. BMC Medical Ethics, 20(1), 1-20. [39] Miller, F.G. and Sade, R. M. (2014). Consequences of the Dead Donor Rule. The Annals of thoracic surgery, 97(4), 1131–1132. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.athoracsur.2014.01.003 [40] For example, Miller and Sade (2014) and Miller and Truog (2008). [41] Omelianchuk, A. How (not) to think of the ‘dead-donor’ rule. Theor Med Bioeth 39, 1–25 (2018). https://doi-org.ezproxy.cul.columbia.edu/10.1007/s11017-018-9432-5 [42] Miller, F.G. and Truog, R.D. (2008), Rethinking the Ethics of Vital Organ Donations. Hastings Center Report. 38: 38-46. [43] Miller and Truog, (2008), p. 40, citing Callahan, D., The Troubled Dream of Life, p. 77. [44] Radcliffe-Richards, J., Daar, A.S., Guttman, R.D., Hoffenberg, R., Kennedy, I., Lock, M., Sells, R.A., Tilney, N. (1998), The Case for Allowing Kidney Sales, The Lancet, Vol 351, p. 279. (Authored by members of the International Forum for Transplant Ethics.) [45] Robertson and Lavee, (2022). [46] Robertson and Lavee, (2022). [47] China Tribunal (2020). [48] Consent varies by local law and may be explicit or presumed and use an opt-in or opt-out system and may or may not require the signoff by a close family member. [49] Bain, Christina, Mari, Joseph. June 26, 2018, Organ Trafficking: The Unseen Form of Human Trafficking, ACAMS Today, https://www.acamstoday.org/organ-trafficking-the-unseen-form-of-human-trafficking/; Stammers, T. (2022), "2: Organ trafficking: a neglected aspect of modern slavery", Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking, Bristol, UK: Policy Press. https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/view/book/978144736. [50] Do No Harm: Mitigating Human Rights Risks when Interacting with International Medical Institutions & Professionals in Transplantation Medicine, Global Rights Compliance, Legal Advisory Report, April 2022, https://globalrightscompliance.com/project/do-no-harm-policy-guidance-and-legal-advisory-report/. [51] Global Rights Compliance, p. 22. [52] The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2023, H.R. 1154, 118th Congress (2023). https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1154. [53] The Stop Forced Organ Harvesting Act of 2023, H.R. 1154, 118th Congress (2023), https://www.congress.gov/bill/118th-congress/house-bill/1154. [54] Global Rights Compliance notes that Belgium, France (passed law on human rights due diligence in the value supply chain), United Kingdom, United States, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand have legal approaches, resolutions, and pending laws. p. 45. [55] For example, Caplan, A.L. (2020), The ethics of the unmentionable Journal of Medical Ethics 2020;46:687-688. [56] Caplan, A.L. , Danovitch, G., Shapiro M., et al. (2011) Time for a boycott of Chinese science and medicine pertaining to organ transplantation. Lancet, 378(9798):1218. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(11)61536-5 [57] Robertson and Lavee. [58] Smolin, D. M. (2011). The Tuskegee syphilis experiment, social change, and the future of bioethics. Faulkner L. Rev., 3, 229; Gallin, S., & Bedzow, I. (2020). Holocaust as an inflection point in the development of bioethics and research ethics. Handbook of research ethics and scientific integrity, 1071-1090. [59] World Medical Association Declaration of Helsinki: Ethical Principles for Medical Research Involving Human Subjects, adopted by the 18th WMA General Assembly, Helsinki, Finland, June 1964, and amended multiple times, most recently by the 64th WMA General Assembly, Fortaleza, Brazil, October 2013. https://www.wma.net/policies-post/wma-declaration-of-helsinki-ethical-principles-for-medical-research-involving-human-subjects/