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1
Kersh, Natasha. „Processes of transition in education in Latvia : aspects of policy reforms and development with particular reference to financing and privatisation“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365568.
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2
Stephens, A. W. „The Comintern and Asia : ideas and realities“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124493.
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The 'April Theses' submitted by Lenin to the
Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party early in 1917
included a call for the foundation of a new international
socialist movement to guide and coordinate world
communism.'*' In Lenin's opinion there were two main
imperatives for such an organisation: the need to provide
an alternative to the reformist (as opposed to
revolutionary) Second International; and the perceived
imminence of socialist revolution throughout Europe. The
First Congress of the Communist International subsequently
convened in Moscow in March 1919, by which time the
Bolsheviks had seized state power in Russia and
revolutionary prospects elsewhere still appeared
favourable. Under Lenin's forceful patronage, the
Comintern seemed set to play a leading role in the attempt
to realise those prospects.
3
Sehgal, Rajeev Kumar. „Alienation, freedom and Communism“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271180.
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4
Tanasoiu, Iuliana-Cosmina. „Intellectuals and politics : from Communism to post-Communism : the case of Romanian intellectuals“. Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.409445.
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5
Uhl, Katharina Barbara. „Building communism : the Young Communist League during the Soviet thaw period, 1953-1964“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:485213b3-415d-4bc1-a896-ea53983c75f8.
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The present study focuses on the activity of the Young Communist League (Komsomol) to promote the communist project during the so-called Thaw period in the Soviet Union (1953-1964). The term ‘communist project’ describes the complex temporal triangle in which the relevance of the present was rooted in its relationship to the heroic past and the bright future. Young people were supposed to emulate the heroism of previous generations while fighting remnants of the undesired past. This was presented as a precondition for achieving the communist future. The structure of this study reflects the chronology of the communist project. It analyzes the rhetoric used by the Young Communist League to promote the communist project and explores the strategies used to mobilize youth for building communism. The first chapter focuses on the organizational structure of the Komsomol and assesses its readiness for this task. Despite attempts to strengthen horizontal communication and control, streamline administration and reorganize its structure, the Komsomol remained hierarchal and bureaucratic. The second chapter explores the promotion of past heroism in rituals, social practices and the use of public space. The third chapter is also concerned with the past; it describes the Komsomol’s fight against ‘remnants of the past’, primarily religion and deviant behaviour such as hooliganism, heavy drinking and laziness. The final chapter focuses on the Komsomol’s attempts during the Thaw to bring about the future: its efforts in the economy, moral, political and cultural education, and the realm of leisure.
6
Kokosalakis, Yiannis. „The Communist Party in Soviet society : communist rank-and-file activism in Leningrad, 1926-1941“. Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22993.
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This thesis examines a little studied aspect of the Soviet Union’s history, namely the activities of the mass membership of the Communist Party during the interwar period, specifically 1926-1941. Based on extensive research in central and regional party archives, it revisits a number of specialised scholarly debates by offering an account of key processes and events of the period, including rapid industrialisation and mass repression, from the viewpoint of rank-and-file communists, the group of people who had chosen to profess active support for the regime without however acquiring positions of political power. The account provided is in the form of an in-depth case study of the party organisation of the Red Putilov – later Kirov – machine-building plant in the city of Leningrad, followed by a shorter study of communist activism in another major Leningrad institution, the Red-Banner Baltic Fleet. It is shown that all major political initiatives of the leadership generated intense political activity at the bottom levels of the party hierarchy, as the thousands of rank-and-file members interpreted and acted on central directives in ways that were consistently in line with their and their colleagues’ interests. As these interests were hardly ever in harmony with those of the corresponding level of the administrative state apparatus, the result was a nearly permanent state of tension between the executive and political branches of the Soviet party-state at the grassroots level. The main argument offered is that ultimately, the rank-and-file organisations of the communist party were an extremely important but contradictory element of the Soviet Union’s political system, being a reliable constituency of grassroots support for the regime while at the same time placing significant limits on the ability of state organs to actually implement policy. This thesis therefore challenges interpretations of Soviet state-society relations based on binary narratives of repression from above and resistance from below. It identifies instead an element of the Soviet system where the line between society and the state became blurred, and grassroots agency became possible on the basis of a minimum level of active support for the regime. It is further argued that the ability of the mass membership to influence the outcome of leadership initiatives was predicated on the Marxist-Leninist ideological underpinnings of most major policies. In this way, this thesis also contributes to the recent literature on the role of ideology in the Soviet system. The concluding chapter considers the value of the overall findings of this thesis for the comparative study of 20th century socialist states.
7
Mishler, Paul C. „The littlest proletariat: American Communists and their children, 1922-1950“. Thesis, Boston University, 1988. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38078.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
This is a study of the political culture of the Communist Party of the United States as seen through the activities and programs they organized for children. Beginning in the early 1920s Communist-organized children's activities were designed to transmit the values and ideology of the movement to, what they hoped, would be the next generation of radicals. These activities ranged from children's organizations, such as the Young Pioneers of America, to a variety of after-school programs, cultural groups, and summer camps. Through the use of oral historical sources as well as printed and manuscript documents, this study explores the ways participation in the Communist movement was an aspect of the activists daily lives, intertwined with their concerns about their families and communities. In providing for the education and socialization of their children, Communists confronted the issue of their own place within American culture. For many, that relationship was structured by their own immigrant backgrounds, and their interest in maintaining their ethnic culture in the face of Americanization. For others, it was the search for those aspects of the American tradition which would be compatable with their radical social and political beliefs. Embedded in these children's activities were a multiplicity of ideals for what a socialist United States would look like. In the programs they organized for children Communists expressed autopian spirit, which is common to all radical movements. Thus, Communists' ideas about the role of the family and the process of child-rearing, and their attempt to counter the hostile influences of public schools, established religion, and organizations such as the Boy Scouts reflected their concerns about the relationship between themselves and their children and between their families and American society. In the organizations and activities they created for their children the Communists expressed their view of their place in history and their hopes for the future.
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8
McCorquindale, John Derek. „Spatial Practices of Icarian Communism“. Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2008. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd2352.pdf.
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9
Salmons, Kristi B. „Witchcraft, communism and social control“. Huntington, WV : [Marshall University Libraries], 2003. http://www.marshall.edu/etd/descript.asp?ref=353.
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10
Parker, Douglas Scott. „Women in communist culture in Canada : 1932 to 1937“. Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=22614.
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During the Great Depression of the 1930s, many artists, writers, and dramatists joined the Communist Party of Canada and its cultural wing, the Progressive Arts Club. They produced plays, and contributed articles, poems and stories to socialist magazines, such as Masses and New Frontier. As the depression deepened and radical politics became less sectarian, women played a more prominent role in the cultural realm of radical politics. Their increased participation changed the way women were represented in art and literature; women's roles became less stereotypical, and women artists and writers combined both socialist and feminist concerns in their work. The journal New Frontier, founded by Jean "Jim" Watts and edited by two women and two men, provides numerous examples of socialist-feminist writing. Dorothy Livesay, one of the editors and a member of the Communist Party from 1932 to 1937, deserves special attention for her contribution to Canadian literature of social protest.
11
McNiece, Matthew A. „"Un-Americans" and "Anti-communists" the rhetorical battle to define twentieth-century America /“. [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2008. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-12042008-164541/unrestricted/McNiece.pdf.
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12
Gautam, Bhaskar. „Structuring of Communism in Nepali Politics“. 京都大学 (Kyoto University), 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2433/188858.
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13
Durgan, Andrew. „Dissident communism in Catalonia 1930-1936“. Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1988. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1548.
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This thesis traces the history of dissident communism in Catalonia during the years of the Spanish Second Republic. It centres on the ideological, organisational and tactical development of the Bloc Obrer i Camperol (Workers and Peasants Bloc) and, from 1935, the Partido Obrero de Unificacion Marxista (Workers Party of Marxist Unification). It places the dissident communist parties in the context of the turbulent years leading up to the Civil War and the changing fortunes of the Spanish workers movement both in Catalonia and at a national level. In particular, the history of the BOC and POUM is examined in relation both to other tendencies in the region's labour movement - anarcho-syndicalists, socialists and "Official" communists - and to Catalan nationalism. Reference is also made to the Catalan dissident communists' relations with, and ideological differences from, the international communist movement. The principal aspects of the BOC's and POUM's politics - united front and trade union policies, the agrarian and national questions, concept of the revolutionary party and analysis of the threat of fascism - are placed in their overall context. Finally, the analysis underlying their positions - the impossibility of the middle classes or petty bourgeoisie carrying out the final stages of the bourgeois (democratic) revolution, the choice between revolution or counter-revolution - is assessed critically throughout the thesis.
14
Doyon, Jérôme. „Rejuvenating communism : the Communist Youth League as a political promotion channel in post-Mao China“. Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0029/document.
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Comment l’Etat-Parti chinois renouvelle-t-il son élite et maintient-il sa cohésion dans la période post-Maoïste ? Il s’agit d’une question fondamentale pour comprendre l’évolution du système politique chinois. Or, les explications fournies par la littérature sur la question sont loin d’être satisfaisantes. J’aborde ces questions à travers une étude unique du rôle joué par la Ligue des Jeunesses Communistes dans le recrutement et la promotion des cadres de l’Etat-Parti depuis les années 1980. Je montre que du fait de la situation politique de l’après Révolution Culturelle et des besoins en jeunes soutiens de certains dirigeants, un système de « mobilité sponsorisée » s’est développé afin de renouveler l’élite politique chinoise. Des étudiants sont recrutés dès l’université et formés par les organisations de jeunesse du Parti. Ils sont alors placés sur une filière de promotion rapide, avec des opportunités de carrière et de formation uniques. Ce qui les conduit à des postes de dirigeants au sein de l’Etat-Parti. Par ailleurs, à travers les différentes étapes du processus de « mobilité sponsorisée », les jeunes recrues développent un rôle spécifique en tant que futurs cadres dirigeants et transforment leurs cercles de sociabilité. En conséquence, ils renforcent leur engagement politique et donc leur intérêt personnel à la survie du régime. Enfin, la nature décentralisée de l’Etat-Parti, et de ses organisations de jeunesse ; rend difficile pour les jeunes recrues d’établir des groupes cohésifs qui pourraient s’organiser contre l’Etat-Parti lui-mêmeHow does the Chinese Party-State renew its political elite and maintain its cohesion in the post-Mao era? This is a key question in order to understand the evolution of China’s political system and still the explanations one can find in the literature are far from satisfactory. I approach these questions through a unique account of the role played by the Chinese Communist Youth League (CYL) in terms of cadres’ recruitment and promotion since the 1980s. I show that due to post-Cultural Revolution politics and the need for leaders at the time to recruit loyal young cadres, a “sponsored mobility” system was developed to renew the Party-State’s elite. College students are recruited and trained through the Party’s youth organizations. They are put then on a unique promotion path, which includes specific opportunities and trainings, and which leads them to leadership position in the Party-State. In addition, through the various steps of the sponsored mobility process, the young recruits develop a specific social role as future officials and transform their social circles. As a result, they cultivate a political commitment to their career in the Party-State and to the survival of the regime. Finally, the decentralized nature of the Party-State and its youth organizations make it difficult for the young recruits to establish cohesive groups which could organize against the Party-State itself
15
March, Luke. „Communism in transition? : the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet era“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343106.
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16
Yin, Zhiguang. „The politics of art : Creation Society and the making of Chinese Marxist individuality“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609835.
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17
Dogan, P. M. J. „The process of theoretical and political change in the international Communist movement“. Thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124604.
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Politics is the creature of conflict. It is the mechanism by
which conflict about public policy is resolved. It is about
decision and choice, it operates through competition and
compromise based on the relative priority of different
interests. Thus, the essence of political decision lies in
the process by which interests are apportioned a relative
worth and priority.
18
Lau, Chi-Chuen. „A journey of the repressed in Zhang Xianling's self-fictionalization“. Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2001. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/29569/.
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The dissertation studies the fictional journey of Zhang Xianliang from the viewpoint of political unconscious. Zhang has been under different kinds of labour reform and re-education in mainland China for twenty-two years. The experience is too painful to recall, yet too feared to be forgotten. The repressed trauma of Zhang is therefore displaced and disguised in the fictional language of reform, remembrance, love, sex and death. Each language fulfils one layer of Zhang's hidden wishes. Yet the desiring chain moves on with new forms of substitutions until death. The study investigates his unconscious psyche from the Historical subtexts of conflicting impulses between body and mind, self and Other, individual and socialist Ideological State Apparatuses, and the residual, dominant and emerging modes of production.
19
Shipway, M. A. S. „Anti-parliamentary communism in Britain 1917-1945“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.370982.
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20
Ritts, Morton. „Believing is seeing : Fabianism and Soviet Communism“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421524.
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21
Dmitrukowski, Tomasz. „Polish martial law the crisis of communism“. Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec%5FDmitrukowski.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald ; Tsypkin, Mikhail. "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Poland, martial law, solidarity, strikes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 67-69). Also available in print.
22
Centeno, R. I. „Cuban communism under Raúl Castro (2006-2014)“. Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/12244/.
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Drawing on a theory of non-transition from communist rule, in this thesis I argue that in the period 2006-2014 Cuba experienced a change from a charismatic post-totalitarian regime to a maturing post-totalitarian one. The basic argument behind these concepts is that the loss of the charisma of Fidel Castro as a source of legitimacy – he stepped down in 2006 – has pushed forward economic performance as a compensatory source, which explains the market reforms of Raúl Castro.
23
Parsons, Stephen Robert. „Communism in the professions : the organisation of the British Communist Party among professional workers, 1933-1956“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 1990. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34723/.
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This thesis is a historical study of middle-class members of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Although it is principally concerned with the period from 1933 to 1956 some attention is given to the Party's first decade and the years immediately after the great upheaval of 1956. The thesis examines the reasons why middle-class people were attracted to the Communist Party; the various cultural and political initiatives they were involved in and their changing role in the CP. The work describes the way middle-class Communists drew upon their professional and technical skills to contribute to the life of the Party and its political campaigns. Attention is also given to the relationship of middle-class Communists both to their working-class fellow members and to the Party leadership and how these relationships developed and changed over time. The thesis revises various previously accepted characterisations of middle-class Communists which have emphasised the superficial nature of their commitment to the CP in the late 1930s or concentrated attention on those who became entangled in the world of spying. The most important aspect of the study, however, is the examination of the way in which Communists in the professions related their Communism to their work and how in turn their professional concerns and attitudes influenced their politics. To this end detailed studies have been made of the political and occupational activities of Communists in three professional groups - architects, psychologists and school teachers.
24
Sparrow, Jeffrey William, und jeffspa@alphalink com au. „Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography & Communism: a love story“. RMIT University. Creative Media, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080102.123850.
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The creative project Communism: a love story is a piece of literary non-fiction: a biography of the communist intellectual Guido Carlo Luigi Baracchi (1887-1975). It investigates Baracchi's privileged childhood as the son of the government astronomer and a wealthy heiress, his career as a university activist, his immersion in Melbourne's radical and artistic milieu during the First World War, his role in the formation of the Communist Party of Australia, his changing attitudes to communism during the 1920s and 1930s while in Australia and overseas and his eventual identification with the Trotskyist movement. The project explores the different strands of thought within Australian communism, the impact of Stalinisation on the movement both in Australia and overseas, and the personal and political difficulties confronting facing anti-Stalinist radicals. It examines the tensions between Baracchi's political commitments and his upbringing, and situates Baracchi's tumu ltuous romantic relationships (with Katharine Susannah Prichard, Lesbia Harford, Betty Roland and others) in the context of his times and political beliefs. The exegesis Engineering your own soul: theory and practice in communist biography and autobiography examines the political and artistic tensions within the biographical and autobiographical writings of Betty Roland and Katharine Susannah Prichard in the context of the development of the world communist movement.
25
Swift, Ann. „The road to Madiun : the Indonesian communist uprising of 1948 /“. Ithaca (N.Y.) : Cornell Modern Indonesia project, Southeast Asia program, Cornell university, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37484830s.
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26
Caulet, Erwan. „La petite bibliothèque rouge : portrait de l'intellectuel communiste français en critique littéraire au temps de la Guerre Froide“. Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010583.
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La thèse examine ce que signifie être intellectuel et communiste à travers le cas du critique littéraire. Dans ce but elle reconstitue « l’ordre des livres » communiste lors de la première Guerre froide (milieu des années 1940-milieu des années 1950). Après une présentation liminaire du contexte d’exercice et d’écriture de la critique littéraire d’« expression communiste » en Guerre froide, une première partie dresse un panorama de cette critique et de ses caractéristiques dans l’avant-Guerre froide et un contexte encore de basses eaux idéologiques. Puis la thèse étudie son durcissement et sa « pamphlétarisation », son anti-américanisation : son entrée en Guerre froide. Une troisième partie restitue le déploiement bibliographique, la « petite bibliothèque rouge » communiste de Guerre froide qui en découle, tandis que la dernière partie brosse les variantes, la crise larvée et l’ébauche d’inflexion du milieu des années 1950 de cette critique littéraire. Il résulte de ce parcours un portrait du critique littéraire communiste en « penseur d’orthodoxie » des livres et des auteurs, aux tendances « publicistes » fortes et un aperçu de la « culture littéraire » communiste : réaliste social(ist)e, soucieuse de thématiques issues du quotidien, des luttes politiques et sociales en France et dans le monde, dix-neuviémiste dans ses références esthétiques et littéraires, soucieuse d’efficience politique et sociale, anti-formaliste sur les plans esthétique et thématique…This Master's thesis tackle what it means to be a Communist and an intellectual through the example of literary appreciation. In order to do so, it will reconstruct the Communist “order of books” during the first Cold War (mid 1940s-mid 1950s). After a presentation of how this literary criticism came to be and its writing process, a first part will give a comprehensive overview of the criticism and its caracteristics, before the Cold War, when ideologies were still fledgling. Then the thesis will focus on how the literary criticism became more radical, sounding more like pamphlets and being more anti-American; in other words, how it took part in the Cold War. The next part will analyze the development of a bibliography, which would later evolve into the "little red library" of Communism during the Cold War. Finally, the last part will show how the literary criticism started to morph in the mid 1950s, it will explain its variations and the dormant crisis that it experienced. As a result of this work, we will be able to draw a portrait of the Communist literary critic as a thinker who would envision his readings and its authors through the prism of Marxist orthodoxy, someone who would strongly feel about expressing his political views. We will see a glimpse of the Communist literary culture, with its both social and socialist realism, which was concerned with everyday issues or political and social struggles, both in France and abroad. In this culture, the influence of the 19th century could be seen in its esthetic and literary references alike, as it strove to achieve something socially and politically, in an uncluttered fashion, as far as topics and style were concerned
27
Rusu, Petru Claudiu. „La construction et l’instrumentalisation de l’idée nationale pendant le régime communiste de Roumanie, 1948-1971“. Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040237.
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La perception de la communauté humaine construite par l'écrivain Ayn Rand intégrait le principe selon lequel une culture ne peut exister sans un courant permanent des idées, sans les "esprits indépendants" pour le soutenir, vu que l'être humain a impérativement besoin d'un espace de référence, une vision globale de l'existence – quelque rudimentaire qu'elle soit, en assurant les repères de la conscience sociale, en argumentant le bien et le mal, en justifiant les actions et un code de valeurs intrinsèques. Cette prémisse génère les hypothèses de recherche de notre thèse, le palier épistémique général visant à identifier la grille fonctionnelle inhérente au régime totalitaire/marxiste-léniniste de Roumanie, impliquée dans la structuration du milieu intellectuel et dans l'inculcation d'une nouvelle identité nationale référentielle et adaptée aux principes idéologiques. En ce sens, les interrogations de base proposent un sujet peu étudié dans l'historiographie relative au contexte politique et culturel d’après La Seconde Guerre Mondiale : y-avait-il un discours identitaire créé dans l'espace de recherche, intrinsèque dans la "nouvelle culture socialiste" construite par l'idéologie communiste ? La différenciation du discours schématique officiel, caractérisé par une simplicité intelligible pour les masses "prolétariennes", a-t-elle donné au discours théorique sur l'idée de nation (nationalisme, spécificité de la communauté nationale et traditions culturelles) les fonctions d'extension/application des prémisses idéologiques définitoires ? Les normes du milieu intellectuel, déterminées par les effets totalitaires et destructeurs de la "dictature du prolétariat", mises en contraste avec les valeurs culturelles et scientifiques des régimes libres et démocratiques, ont mis en oeuvre un modèle de comportement qui dépend des intérêts politiques du parti-état. Ainsi, notre thèse reconstruira-t-elle le cadre institutionnel pour la création du discours national-identitaire, analysera les étapes de formation et les thèmes récurrents, les modèles de transformation conceptuelle des phrases clés extraites de la pléthore du phénomène national rendra la relation des acteurs impliqués dans l'établissement de l'identité nationaleThe perception of the human community built by the writer Ayn Rand integrated the principle that a culture cannot exist without a permanent stream of ideas, without the "independent minds" to support it, as a human being has an imperative need for a reference space, a comprehensive view of existence - no matter how rudimentary, providing the components of a social consciousness, arguing good and bad, justifying actions and a code of intrinsic values. This assumption generates the research hypotheses of our thesis, the general epistemic level aiming at identifying the functional scale inherent to the totalitarian/Marxist-Leninist regime in Romania, involved in structuring the intellectual environment and instilling a new national identity and tailored to the referential ideological principles. To that end, the basic interrogations propose a less studied topic in the area of historiography regarding the political and cultural post-war context: was there an identitary discourse comprised by the "new socialist culture" built by communist ideology? Did the differentiation of the official schematic discourse characterized by an intelligible simplicity for the proletarian masses, give the theoretical discourse on the idea of nation, nationalism, national community characteristics and cultural traditions, the extension/application of the defining ideological prerequisites? The standards of the intellectual milieu caused by the totalitarian and destructive effects of the "dictatorship of the proletariat", placed in contrast with the cultural and scientific values of the democratic regimes, implemented a behavioral model dependent on the political interests of the party-state. Thus, our thesis will reconstruct the institutional framework for the creation of the nationalist-identitary discourse, will analyze the formative stages and recurring themes, the patterns of conceptual transformation of the key phrases extracted from the national phenomenon plethora will render the relationship between the actors involved in the construction of national identity
28
Ferreira, John Kennedy. „Do socialismo utópico ao científico na América Latina: apontamentos sobre o encontro do comunismo latino-americano e a III Internacional Comunista“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-11032016-141317/.
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O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo.The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.
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Soares, Ede Ricardo de Assis. „Os comunistas e a formação da esquerda (Alagoinhas, 1945-1956)“. Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, 2013. http://repositorio.ufba.br/ri/handle/ri/14522.
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Esta dissertação analisa a militância dos membros do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB), na cidade de Alagoinhas/BA, entre os anos de 1945 a 1956. No percurso desta pesquisa, relacionamos as ações dos comunistas à formação de uma cultura política de esquerda no município e seus efeitos para o jogo político em curso durante esses anos. This dissertation analysis the militancy of the communist party members, in the town of Alagoinhas/BA, between 1945 and 1956. The political choices of the communists were crossed with the making of a left wing political culture in the city and their effects to the local political power at these years. We investigate the tactics used by the party when it was legalized and across the time when the party became clandestine.
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Zhou, Wei. „Marxism and human rights : a theoretical perspective /“. Thesis, Click to view the Table of Contents. Click to view the Abstracts, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B20353650.
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Nettleton, Nordica Thea. „Consumerism and communism, the American exhibition in Moscow“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/MQ46990.pdf.
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Vicary, Bozena M. „Catholicism, communism and national identity : Poland, 1945-1985 /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1985. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arv6292.pdf.
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St, George Elizabeth. „Nationalism and communism in the historiography of Vietnam /“. Title page, contents and introduction only, 1992. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ars139.pdf.
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Valantiejus, Vaidotas. „Post-communism as the form of the political“. Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140722_081328-24659.
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The aim of this dissertation is to analyze the relationship between the event of post-communism and the democratic nature of the political. Three main tendencies of post-communist condition are analyzed: the relationship between post-communism and historicism; the interaction between post-communism, liberalism and postmodernism; the relationship between unitarism and pluralism. The fundamental assumption of the analysis is the significance of post-foundational political thought for the understanding of post-communism. Post-communism is analyzed not as linear liberal modernization, but as democratic transformation. Post-communism is the hybrid condition that includes the alter egos of communism, liberalism and postmodernism. Post-communism assimilates the potential alter egos of liberalism and postmodernism and therefore transforms the distinction of friend/enemy to the criterion of friend/friend, which ignores the nature of the political. Condition of post-communism requires not the eradication of differencies, but self-reflection of the differential nature of the political. The task of new democracy of post-communism is to articulate the possibility of democratic pluralistic politics under post-totalitarian conditions. However, post-communism is reluctant to accept the dimension of post-totalitarianism and tries to converge with universal post-liberalism. Dominating liberal pluralism assimilates democratic pluralism which becomes democratic procedural minimalism.Disertacijos tikslas yra išnagrinėti sąveikas tarp postkomunizmo įvykio prigimties ir demokratinės politiškumo prigimties. Darbe yra nagrinėjamos trejopos sąveikos: postkomunizmo ir istorizmo santykis; postkomunizmo, liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo santykis; vienovės ir pliuralumo santykis. Specifinei postkomunizmo būklės analizei taikomos postfundacionalizmo filosofijos idėjos. Postkomunizmas nagrinėjamas ne pabrėžiant liberalios modernizacijos turinį (kaip tranzitologinėse koncepcijose), bet analizuojant demokratinės transformacijos sąlygas ir galimybes. Postkomunizmo tapatybė formuojasi kaip hibridinis trijų sudedamųjų dalių – komunizmo, liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo – darinys. Liberalizmo ir postmodernizmo alter ego yra asimiliuojami universalistinėje draugo/draugo asociacijoje, kuri pakeičia išorinę draugo/priešo skirtį, nurodančią politiškumo prigimtį. Diferencinės politikos kilmės problema yra nauja, aktuali ir tęstinė postkomunizmo būklės problema. Postkomunizmas linkęs pamiršti posttotalitarizmo komponentą (jeigu išeinama iš komunizmo, tai išeinama ir iš totalitarizmo) ir siekia prisišlieti prie postliberalizmo tendencijų. Demokratinio pliuralizmo idėją asimiliuoja dominuojanti liberalios pliuralizacijos tendencija.
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Menon, Dilip M. „Caste, nationalism and communism in Malabar, 1900-1948“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315840.
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Budiawan. „Mematahkan pewarisan ingatan wacana anti-komunis dan politik rekonsiliasi pasca-Soeharto /“. Jakarta : Lembaga Studi dan Advokasi Masyarakat, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=PajaAAAAMAAJ.
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Based on the author's doctoral dissertation entitled : Breaking the immortalized past : anti-communist discourse and reconciliatory politics in post-Suharto Indonesia.Includes bibliographical references and index.
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Goulart, Laryssa de Souza. „Astrojildo Pereira e a formação do Partido Comunista Brasileiro /“. Assis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93356.
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Orientador: Milton Carlos CostaBanca: Angelo Priori
Banca: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti
Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como foco a análise da vida e obra de Astrojildo Pereira (1890- 1965) e seu envolvimento com o Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) de 1922 a 1930, período correspondente à formação do partido, onde Astrojildo ganhou destaque atuando como secretário-geral da organização. Representante da primeira geração de dirigentes intelectuais do PCB, Astrojildo, ao lado de militantes intelectuais e trabalhadores, organizou a fundação do partido em 1922, sendo considerando o principal fundador da agremiação, obteve o reconhecimento oficial para o partido junto à Internacional Comunista, realizou uma intensa atividade na imprensa operária com o intuito de arregimentar novos membros, até que no início da década de 1930, Astrojildo foi afastado e expulso do PCB. O objetivo central deste estudo é analisar e desmistificar a trajetória de Astrojildo Pereira no PCB, durante a década de 20, destacando os eventos fundadores, como a sua transição do anarquismo para o comunismo, o trabalho de preparação para a fundação, assim como, o fim dessa trajetória, os acontecimentos mal esclarecidos em relação à sua expulsão e ao ostracismo que viveu na década de 30. Considerando-o pouco estudado academicamente, a ideia é situá-lo no partido, mas reconhecer também a sua identidade própria, alheia ao PCB, como intelectual respeitado pela sociedade brasileira. Outro ponto relevante é a cultura política inserida na sociedade pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro, que gerou uma nova configuração política no país. Por meio de uma estrutura, organização e ideologia pioneiras, o PCB insere os trabalhadores no cenário político brasileiro, através do marxismo. A partir da obra Construindo o PCB de Astrojildo Pereira, consideramos as inovações do marxismo na sociedade oligárquica dos anos 20, priorizando as culturas... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The present work focuses on the analysis of the life and work of Astrojildo Pereira (1890- 1965) and his involvement with the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) from 1922 to 1930, a period corresponding to the formation of the party, where Astrojildo gained prominence acting as Secretary General of the organization. Representative of the first generation of intellectual leaders of the PCB, Astrojildo, alongside militant intellectuals and workers, organized the founding of the party in 1922, and he is considered the main founder of the party, obtained the official recognition for the party forward the Communist International, held an intense activity in the working press in order to gather new members, until in the early 1930s, Astrojildo was removed and expelled of the PCB. The main goal of this study is to analyze and demystify the trajectory of Astrojildo Pereira in PCB during the 20's, highlighting the founding events, as the transition from anarchism to communism, the preparatory work for the Foundation, until the end of this trajectory, the poorly understood events in relation to their expulsion and ostracism that lived in the 30's. Considering him little studied academically, the idea is to situate him in the party, but also recognize their own identity, others to the PCB, as the intellectual respected by Brazilian society. Another relevant point is the political culture inserted in the society by the Brazilian Communist Party, which spawned a new political setup in the country. By means of a structure, organization and pioneering ideology, PCB inserts the workers at the Brazilian political scene through Marxism. From the book Building the PCB from Astrojildo Pereira, it can consider the Marxism innovations in the oligarchic society of the 20's, prioritizing the cultures in conflict and the process of acculturation of Marxism in the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)... (Complete
Mestre
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Bosphore-Pérou, Rolande. „Militants et militantisme communiste à la Martinique, 1920-1970 : identification, formes et implication“. Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AGUY0800.
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A travers diverses sources et particulièrement des sources orales recueillies auprès d’anciens militants communistes simples adhérents ou responsables et d’articles de la presse communiste martiniquaise, cette thèse cherche à éclairer sur la ferveur militante d’hommes et de femmes de la Martinique, d’une famille politique essentielle dans le courant du XXe siècle.Cette étude parcourt une longue période s’étendant principalement de 1920 à 1971, montrant les débuts balbutiants du communisme à la Martinique, son ascension, sa période florissante et les débuts de son lent déclin. La problématique est d’abord de faire découvrir des Martiniquais dans leur vécu de militant communiste, montrer comment ces hommes et ces femmes s’approprièrent une doctrine, la transformèrent peut-être pour l’adapter à leurs besoins, à leur culture. Il s’agit également d’examiner quelle structure communiste fut mise en place en Martinique, cette organisation était-elle à l’image des fédérations métropolitaines ou était-ce une formation politique spécifique au milieu martiniquais?Ensuite pour mieux appréhender les choix et les parcours, il a fallu arriver à l’identification des modèles, des origines de ce militantisme et la formation des militants. Les référents furent tant des figures propres au marxisme et au socialisme international et national que des personnalités contestataires du milieu politique martiniquais.Puis proposer une lecture des pratiques et des stratégies militantes pour évaluer la qualité et la particularité de cette militance ainsi que les conséquences de l’engagement de ces militants dans différentes sphères. Quelles étaient leurs propositions, pourquoi leurs revendications politiques différaient-elles de celles des autres communistes coloniaux ? Comment expliquer leurs choix d’une nouvelle société plus égalitaire dans un État socialiste mais toujours associé à la France ?Ce travail de recherches positionne cette militance au centre d’une analyse qui explore l’histoire politique et sociale d’une population, en s’appuyant sur d’autres disciplines comme la sociobiographie et les sciences politiques. Il examine le façonnement d’une société par un groupe politique prégnant entre 1920 et 1971, ainsi que les réponses de ce groupe face à différents problèmes politiques et sociaux en privilégiant une approche par les acteursThrough various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors
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Zavatti, Francesco. „The Burden of Sad Times. Another Face of the Twentieth Century : Review of Stefano Bottoni's book 'Un altro Novecento L’Europa orientale dal 1919 a oggi' ['Another twentieth century: Eastern Europe from 1919 to the present day']“. Södertörns högskola, Centrum för Östersjö- och Östeuropaforskning (CBEES), 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-17688.
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Grandjonc, Jacques. „Communisme/Kommunismus/Communism : origine et développement international de la terminologie communautaire prémarxiste des utopistes aux babouvistes : 1785-1842 /“. Trier : Karl-Marx-Haus, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb371662013.
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Di, Stefano Lorenzo. „Il Pcf in Corsica e il Pci in Sardegna, 1920-1991 : insediamento territoriale, storia elettorale, identità insulare“. Thesis, Corte, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022CORT0001.
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L’histoire du Parti communiste italien (Pci) en Sardaigne, de la fondation en 1921 jusqu’à la dissolution en 1991, n’a pas encore été écrite. Cette thèse vise à combler cette lacune, tout en y ajoutant un aspect inédit : la rédaction croisée avec l’histoire du Parti communiste français (Pcf) en Corse. L’étude, structurée en trois périodes en fonction des grandes ruptures historiques (1920-1943 ; 1944-1962 ; 1963-1991) se focalise sur trois aspects : l’implantation territoriale, l’histoire électorale et l’identité insulaire. La première partie est caractérisée par la faiblesse des deux organisations politiques. La Résistance marque un tournant, notamment pour le Pcf corse, qui dans les années 1945-1947 est à son apogée militante et électorale, mais à partir de 1947 entame son déclin. Le tassement est dû aux conséquences de la guerre froide, à l’émigration des cadres du parti, à la ligne du Pcf sur la décolonisation et notamment sur la guerre en Algérie. L’érosion se stabilise après 1958, avec la participation des communistes corses aux principaux mouvements revendicatifs.Le Parti communiste italien en Sardaigne accroît son influence suite au choix d’une ligne politique autonomiste en 1947. Le Pci sarde, conduit par le secrétaire régional Velio Spano (1947-1957), puis par Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), atteint le pic des effectifs en 1954.À partir des années 1960, les deux îles traversent une phase caractérisée par l’urbanisation et le dépeuplement de l’intérieur, une rapide poussée démographique et un développement économique inégal, centré sur l’agriculture intensive et le tourisme de masse en Corse, et en Sardaigne s’ajoute la création des pôles industriels du secteur pétrochimique. Dans cette phase (1962-1991), le Pcf corse maintient son influence à travers l’implantation municipale, dans les bastions rouges de l’île. À Sartène, de 1959 à 2001, on retrouve la présence d’un maire communiste, tandis qu’à Bastia, de 1968 à 2014, les communistes occupent le siège de premier adjoint au maire radical. Au même moment en Sardaigne, le Parti communiste est à son apogée électorale, pendant la période du secrétariat national d’Enrico Berlinguer, entre la moitié des années 1970 et des années 1980. Aux élections politiques de 1976, le Pci sarde atteint 35,54% des suffrages, alors que le Pcf corse arrive tout juste à 16,20% aux législatives de 1978. De plus, les communistes de Sardaigne participent à l’exécutif régional de 1980 à 1982, et de 1984 à 1989. Il faut souligner néanmoins que si la région autonome sarde est constituée en 1948, le premier statut particulier de la Corse n’est approuvé qu’en 1982. Dans ce sens, le programme commun des communistes et des socialistes en 1972 marque un changement de ligne au sein du Pcf, avec le rôle joué par Félix Damette, théoricien français de la stratégie du socialisme autogestionnaire. Damette encourage le développement dans l’île du mot d’ordre favorable à un pouvoir régional démocratique. La Fédération de la Corse-du-Sud, née en 1976, se montre plus réceptive aux changements par rapport à la Fédération de la Haute-Corse, qui demeure plus centraliste et jacobine.En ce qui concerne l’identité insulaire, de 1947 à 1991, le Pci sarde est engagé dans l’application et l’actualisation de la ligne politique autonomiste. En Corse, le Pcf est plus attentif aux slogans et aux symboles insulaires dans la communication politique et, dans les années 1980, le parti accomplit une élaboration sur la langue et la culture régionale, grâce à l’engagement de Biancarelli, Bungelmi et MarcellesiThe history of the Italian Communist Party (Pci) in Sardinia, from its foundation in 1921 to its dissolution in 1991, has not yet been written. The thesis aims to fill this gap, while adding a new aspect: its intertwining with the history of the French Communist Party (Pcf) in Corsica. The study, structured in three periods corresponding to the great historical ruptures (1920-1943; 1944-1962; 1963-1991), focuses on three aspects: territorial implantation, electoral history and island identity. The first part is characterized by the weakness of the two political organizations. The Resistance marked a turning point, especially for the Corsican Party, which was at its militant and electoral peak between 1945 and 1947, but which, from 1947 onwards, began its decline. The decline was due to the consequences of the Cold War, the emigration of the party’s cadres, the Party’s agenda on decolonization and particularly because of the war in Algeria. The erosion stabilized after 1958, with the participation of Corsican communists in the main revendication movements.The Italian Communist Party in Sardinia increased its influence following the choice of an autonomist political line in 1947. The Sardinian Communist Party, led by the regional secretary Velio Spano (1947-1957), then by Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), reached its membership peak in 1954.From the 1960s onwards, the two islands went through a phase characterized by urbanization, depopulation of the inland, a rapid demographic growth and uneven economic development, based on intensive agriculture and mass tourism in Corsica, and on the creation of industrial poles in the petrochemical sector in Sardinia. During this phase (1962-1991), the Corsican Communist Party maintained its influence through the municipal establishment in the red bastions of the island. From 1959 to 2001, there was a communist mayor in Sartène, while in Bastia, from 1968 to 2014, the communists occupied the seat of the first deputy mayor with a mayor belonging to the Radical party. At the same time in Sardinia, the Communist Party was at its electoral peak, during the period of Enrico Berlinguer’s national secretariat, between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s. During the 1976 elections, the Sardinian Communist Party received 35.54% of the vote, while the Corsican Communist Party only scored 16.20% of the vote during the 1978 legislative elections. Moreover, the Sardinian communists participated in the regional executive committee from 1980 to 1982, and from 1984 to 1989. It should be noted, however, that while the autonomous region of Sardinia was established in 1948, the first special status for Corsica was only approved in 1982. In this sense, the common programme of the communists and socialists in 1972 marked a change of agenda within the French Communist Party. Félix Damette, a French theorist of the strategy of self-management socialism, encouraged the development in the island of the law that favors a democratic regional power. The Fédération de la Corse-du-Sud, born in 1976, was more receptive to change than the Fédération de la Haute-Corse, which remained more centralist.As regards island identity, from 1947 to 1991, the Sardinian Communist Party was committed to the implementing and updating the autonomist political agenda. In Corsica, the Party was more attentive to the island’s slogans and symbols used in political communication and, in the 1980s, the organization played an important role in the formalization of the regional language and culture, thanks to the commitment of Biancarelli, Bungelmi and Marcellesi
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McBride, Kenneth. „Eastern European time-based art during and after Communism“. Thesis, University of Plymouth, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10026.1/486.
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Soviet-era Communism was a project of emergence that failed to realise its Utopian ambition. Nevertheless, it created an unprecedented simulacrum whose visual language was appropriated by a number of artists as a readymade. This artistic response to everyday reality shaped an unofficial narrative of the Communist epoch. Operating beyond the official realm these artists were subject to varying degrees of censorship, and their activities led to what became known as ‘non-official’ art. Non-official artists suffered from inferior materials, lack of exposure, and were forced to radicalize their methods of production. Without official support the everyday domestic realm and a diverse range of outdoor sites became sites of production. The primary arena, however, and the one that would become the most politicized, was the artist's body that often acted as one or both material and surface. On the one hand the thesis takes the Communist context as a common platform from which to discuss time-based art practices in Eastern Europe while, on the other, it proposes that such a general view is worthless since it does not pay sufficient attention to the particular conditions within each bloc country. While the former serves as a reference for artistic response in a wide view, the latter provokes a deeper, more contextualised, understanding of the social, political, and cultural conditions that ultimately shaped non-official art. To understand fully the effect of the Communist past also involves analysing it through the lens of the present day. A number of works produced pre- and post-1989 are analysed that offer insights into the past, its disintegration, and the transition period. The theoretical and critical thrust is shaped from primary research material gathered from artists, intellectuals, and critics throughout the region, so as to most clearly reflect its own contemporaneous and unfolding discourse. It builds on these key sources and underscores the difficulties faced when trying to locate the works within existing art history canons. Together with this written element, a further two curatorial strands complete the form of the thesis. A website has been created that reflects the thesis enquiry, three re-enactments of historical works are undertaken as a strategy that allows for a more experiential understanding of context, and three new performances devised by the author in response to the contexts researched complete the work. The thesis was written throughout Eastern Europe, and primarily in Poland where the author lives and works.
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Shore, C. N. „Organization, ideology, identity : The social anthropology of Italian communism“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373907.
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Smylie, Patrick. „Irish communism 1945-70 : cold war, partition and convergence“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534585.
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Kavanagh, Matthew Ryan. „British communism and the politics of education, 1926-1968“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2016. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-communism-and-the-politics-of-education-19261968(57ed121a-09a9-4349-97c0-ad8612a6f153).html.
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This thesis provides an analysis of British communist attitudes to education in English schools between 1926 and 1968. Although the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in many ways remained a marginal force in British politics throughout its life (1920-1991), historians have acknowledged that it made a contribution to cultural and industrial politics in Britain which far exceeded its membership figures and electoral success. Surprisingly, given that the Party produced several teacher trade union presidents and Britain’s foremost post-war educationalist, scholars have largely overlooked British communism’s role in the politics of education in schools – a field which straddles both areas in which the Party is widely regarded to have punched above its weight. Researchers into the Party’s internal life have also paid little attention to its schoolteachers’ group, despite the fact that it was one of the CPGB’s largest occupational groups, and the fact that leading communist teachers and educationalists also took up prominent positions inside the Party. Although some existing work has discussed CPGB attitudes to the education of children during the 1920s, 1940s and 1950s, to date there has been no PhD-length study which covers the period between 1926 and 1968 and has British communism and the politics of education as its sole focus. This study fills this gap by identifying individuals and institutions central to CPGB discussions and policy-making on education in schools, namely the leading figures in and around the Party schoolteachers’ group, and exploring how they anticipated, reflected or resisted the wider Party line in their work throughout several pivotal shifts in the CPGB’s position. Drawing upon source material unused by or unavailable to previous researchers, the thesis complicates existing arguments about the extent to which Party teachers and educationalists subordinated questions of educational content, method and theory to trade union work between 1926 and 1968. Furthermore the study also contextualises and illuminates the notable communist contribution to broader educational politics on the Left in Britain, particularly during World War Two and in the campaign for comprehensive education in the two decades which followed.
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Bounds, Philip. „British Communism and the politics of literature, 1928-1939“. Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42543.
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This thesis examines the work of the most important literary critics and theorists who were either members of, or closely associated with, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) in the period between 1928 and 1939. Its main concern is to provide a systematic and critical account of the communist understanding of the politics of literature. Its wider objective is to assess the ways in which the "Party theorists" were influenced by the CPGB's relationship with the world communist movement. The basic argument is that the work of the Party theorists had its roots in (1) the political strategies imposed on the CPGB throughout this period by the Communist International, and (2) the body of cultural doctrine enunciated by Soviet intellectuals at the famous Writers' Congress in Moscow in 1934. I argue that the Party theorists responded creatively to these external influences, usually (though not always) by drawing on ideas from the British tradition of cultural criticism to develop Soviet doctrine in distinctive ways. Moreover, in spite of its debt to Soviet theory, much of the British work on literature and culture was noticeably unorthodox - sometimes consciously so, sometimes not. I argue that these ideas are consistent with the main principles of the so-called "revisionist" school of CPGB historiography which has emerged over the last 15 years. Chapter One surveys the period between 1928 and 1933 when the CPGB adhered to the Communist International's "Class Against Class" strategy. It focuses on (1) the work of the Anglo-Australian critic P. R. Stephensen, (2) the ideas about cultural crisis developed by John Strachey and Montagu Slater, and (3) the communist response to the prevailing fashion for cultural conservatism. Chapter Two provides an overview of the ideas explored at the Soviet Writers' Congress in 1934. Chapters Three, Four and Five examine the work of Alick West, Ralph Fox and Christopher Caudwell, the three men who are usually regarded as the founders of Marxist literary theory in Britain. Chapter Six explores the consequences for British cultural Marxism of the Communist International's "Popular Front" strategy against fascism. Its particular focus is the attempt of British communists to combat the influence of fascism by tracing the history of the "English radical tradition".
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Clarke, Kimberly Anne. „The Collapse of Communism in East Germany 1945-1990“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625687.
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Lynn, Denise M. „Women on the march gender and anti-fascism in American communism, 1935-1939 /“. Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Froese, Paul. „The great secularization experiment : assessing the communist attempt to eliminate religion /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8862.
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Letch, Steven R. „War in Shangri-La : the information dimension of Nepal's Maoist insurgency & counterinsurgency. /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FLetch.pdf.
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