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Thematische Bibliographien / Committee on Race Relations / Dissertationen

Dissertationen zum Thema „Committee on Race Relations“

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Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

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1

Straughan, Frank L. Jr. „Phases of a Man Called 'Moon': Mayor Landrieu and Race Relations in New Orleans, 1960-1974“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2011. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1347.

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This study examines the political career of Maurice Edwin "Moon" Landrieu from his election to the Louisiana legislature in 1960 to the end of his first term as mayor of New Orleans in 1974. Landrieu was a white southern liberal who vigorously supported the agenda of the civil rights movement. He succeeded in building an unprecedented coalition between liberal, middle-class whites and a large segment of the black community. As the 1970s unfolded, however, he found his coalition increasingly threatened not just by disgruntled white conservatives, which might be expected, but also by angry black radicals of the Black Panther Party. This study argues that Landrieu's firm commitment to opening up political and economic opportunity to all citizens enabled him to keep his progressive, biracial coalition together and to help pave the way for the 1978 election of Ernest "Dutch" Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans.

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2

Rose, Harriett DeAnn. „Dallas, Poverty, and Race: Community Action Programs in the War on Poverty“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc9042/.

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Dallas is a unique city whose history has been overshadowed by its elite. The War on Poverty in Dallas, Texas, has been largely overlooked in the historical collective. This thesis examines the War on Poverty, more specifically, Community Action Programs (Dallas County Community Action Committee) and its origin and decline. It also exams race within the federal program and the push for federal funding among the African American and Mexican American communities. The thesis concludes with findings of the politicization of the Mexican American community and the struggle with African Americans for political equality.

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3

Suttlar, Sandra. „Race relations and the Bible“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1995. http://www.tren.com.

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4

Brown, Darryl K. „Racism and Race Relations in the University“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539624383.

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5

Gonaver, Wendy. „Race Relations: A Family Story, 1765-1867“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626283.

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6

Riley, Kristen M. „Discourse on Race and Racism: A Phenomenological Analysis of Responses to Black.White“. Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2008. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/RileyKM2008.pdf.

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7

Hammond, Ralph E. „The development of a workshop on racial reconciliation“. Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2001. http://www.tren.com.

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8

McDonald, J. J. „Race relations in Austin, Texas, c. 1917-1929“. Thesis, University of Southampton, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238829.

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9

Fenning, Quinnie O. „To help Black and Korean Christians to experience Christian fellowship“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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10

Goodwin, Gerald F. „Race in the Crucible of War: African American Soldiers and Race Relations in the "Nam"“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1399548260.

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11

Mercer, Kobena Paul. „Powellism : race, politics and discourse“. Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.268169.

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12

au, J. Boyd@murdoch edu, und James Graham Boyd. „Faith, race and strategy: Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945“. Murdoch University, 2008. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081015.132836.

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Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japans imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japans relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japans relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japans connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japans evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japans supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.

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13

Mokhele, M. P. „Race relations in two post-apartheid Sesotho farm novels“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50434.

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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2005.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study examines the presentation of race relations in two Sesotho novels written after 1994. The purpose of the study is to establish whether or not post-apartheid Sesotho novels present race relations as they were presented during the apartheid era. The novels of focus are, N.S. Zulu's Nonyana ya Tshepo (The bird of hope) (1997) and T.W.D. Mohapi's Lehfaba fa fephako (The pain of hunger) (1999). The manner in which the authors who wrote during the two distinct eras presented the issue of race and presented race relations will be the focal point. At the end of this study it should be clear whether or not authors after 1994, that is, after the apartheid era continue to present race relations in an idealistic manner. During the apartheid era authors such Lesoro (1968) and Mophethe (1966) were very cautious when presenting race relations in their novels. The common factor in these novels is the portrayal of the white Afrikaner characters by the authors. White characters were portrayed as very merciful, good Samaritans and their relationship with their black counterparts were often harmonious and crisis free. Attributes of race such as racial discrimination, racial hatred, racial conflict and racial intolerance were seldom spoken about in those novels. This is reminiscent of the notorious apartheid laws, which prohibit freedom of press. White characters in some novels published during the apartheid era were not characters derived from real life. In N.S. Zulu's novel, Nonyana ya Tshepo we examine the portrayal of the characters from the two distinct races, black Africans and white Afrikaners. The author portrays the two groups of characters to be what Scholes (1981 :11) calls characters representative of a social class, race and a profession. Black characters are portrayed as the exploited, which are always inferior, submissive and subjected to racial discrimination by their white counterparts. White Afrikaners are portrayed as the exploiters, who are superior, oppressors and the ones who further the policy of apartheid. This state of affairs prompted the black Africans to develop hatred towards the Whites. Instead of idolizing their masters, Blacks do the opposite. Our main character, Tshepo who is said to be fathered by the white Afrikaner, is marginalized by his fellow Blacks and declared an outcast. In T.W.D. Mohapi's novel, Lehlaba la lephako, the main character, Seabata who lusts for power and wealth is seen struggling for both at the expense of his fellow black Africans. Seabata is used by his white boss, Sepanapodi, to maintain the legacy of apartheid. The narrator portrays Seabata in such a way that he could carry out his boss' mission. Seabata is power hungry and always likes to please his boss to attain that, even if that means creating enmity with his own black people. Seabata's socio-economic status makes him vulnerable to manipulation by Sepanapodi. Seabata was advised by his father that he should always strive to please his master in order to gain glory and wealth. He followed the advice slavishly and that left him devastated. He found himself at loggerheads with his colleagues, with the pastor, Nkgelwane, with a local teacher, Mohanelwa and with his wife, Mmabatho. Conflict between Seabata and the community is caused by the pain of hunger.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doelstelling van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel of die twee Sesotho novelles wat na 1994 geskrywe is, die verhouding tussen verskillende rasse behandel. Die doel van die studie is om uit te vind of die Sesotho novelles wat gedurende die tydperk van apartheid die aanbieding van rasse-verhouding dek, soos wat dit aangewys was gedurende die tydperk van apartheid. Die ondersoek sal gedoen word met die vergelykking van twee novelles wat na 1994 geskrywe is, d.w.s. N.S. Zulu se Nonyana ya Tshepo en T.W.D. Mohapi se Leh/aba /a /ephako . Die manier waarop die twee skrywers wat gedurende die twee afsonderlike tydperk, die kwessie van rasse behandel, en hoe hulle dit aangebied het, sal die fokuspunt wees. Aan die einde van hierdie studie moet dit duideliker word aan die lesers tot watter mate die skrywers wat na 1994 geskryf het, d.w.s na die apartheid tydperk, nog die rasse-verhouding op 'n idealistiese manier aangebied het. Die skrywers wat gedurende die apartheid tydperk geskrywe het, soos Lesoro (1968) en Mophethe (1966) was baie versigtig toe hulle die rasse-verhouding in hulle novelles aangebied het. Die gewone faktor van hierdie novelles is die uitbeelding van die wit Afrikaners se karakters deur die skrywers. Wit karakters is altyd as baie barmhagtig, en as goeie Samaritane beskrywe, en hul verhouding teenoor hulle swart teenhangers is dikwels eensgesind en vry van krisis uitgebeeld. Die hoedanigheid van rasseonderskeiding wat rassehaat, rasse in stryd met mekaar, en rasse onverdraagsaamheid, is in daardie tyd seide van geskryf in die novelle. Dit herinner die leser aan die ongunstige apartheidswette wat nie vryheid van die pers toegelaat het nie. Wit karakters, in sommige novelle wat gedurende die tydperk van apartheid gepubliseer is, is nie karakters wat van die ware lewe afgelei is nie. In N.S. Zulu se novelle, Nonyana ya Tshepo word 'n uitbeelding gemaak van karakters van die twee afsonderlike rasse, die swart Afrikaners en die wit Afrikaners. Die skrywer beeld die twee groepe van karaktes as die wat Scholes (1981 :11) noem die wat verteenwoordigend van 'n sosiale klas, rasse en beroep is. Swart karakters is beskrywe as diegene wat geeksploiteer word, wat altyd as minderwaardige, onderworpe en mindere rasse beskou word. Hulle word gediskrimineer deur hulle wit landgenote. Wit Afrikaners is beskou as die eksploiteerders, wat die voortreflike onderdrukkers is en wat wat die beleid van apartheid laat voortgaan. Hierdie toestand het die swart Afrikaners gelei om haat te ontwikkel teenoor die Wittes. In plaas van om hulle meesters eer te bewys, het die swart Afrikaners die teenoorgestelde gedrag. Die hoofkarakter, Tshepo, wat geglo is dat hy kind van die wit Afrikaner is, is deur sy mense verban en as verworpeling verklaar. In T.W.D. Mohapi se novelle, Lehlaba la lephako het die hoofkarakter, Seabata, begeertes van mag en rykdom. Hy word opgelei as 'n stryder op koste van sy medemense, swart Afrikaners. Seabata is deur sy wit meester, Sepanapodi misbruik om die nalatenskap van apartheid te handhaaf. Die verteller beeld Seabata af op so 'n manier dat dit duidelik is dat Seabata sy baas se opdrag sou voortdra. Hy, Seabata het 'n wens om mag te he en bo alles om sy baas tevrede te stel op koste van ander swart Afrikaners, al maak dit hom 'n vyand van sy mense. Seabata se sosiale status het hom laat kwesbaar ge stel teenoor Sepanapodi se manipulasie. Sy vader het hom advies gegee dat hy altyd sy meester moes bevredig ter wille van glorie en rykdom. Hy het toe die advies van sy vader slaafs nagevolg, daarom het dit hom in 'n neerdrukkende gevoel laat eef. Aan die einde is hy in 'n konflik met andere soos sy kollegas, die plaaslike predikant, Nkgelwane, die onderwyser, Mohanelwa en sy vrou. Die stryd wat Seabata met al die mense in die gemeenskap het, is die oorsaak van hongersnood.

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14

Boyd, James Graham. „Faith, race and strategy: Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945“. Thesis, Boyd, James Graham (2008) Faith, race and strategy: Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/723/.

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Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japan’s imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japan’s relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japan’s relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japan’s connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japan’s evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japan’s supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.

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15

Boyd, James Graham. „Faith, race and strategy : Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945 /“. Boyd, James Graham (2008) Faith, race and strategy: Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2008. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/723/.

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Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japan’s imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japan’s relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japan’s relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japan’s connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japan’s evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japan’s supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.

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16

Stobaugh, James P. „Racial anger“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.

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17

Scott, Bradley. „A comparative study of teacher perceptions of race and race relations in two selected school districts /“. Full text (PDF) from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3008438.

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18

Payne, Kevin C. „The development and implementation of a congregation and minister relationship committee within the local church“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1993. http://www.tren.com.

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19

Owe, Masumi. „Collective action in global governance : the case of the OECD Development Assistance Committee“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/67287/.

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This thesis examines the achievements and limitation of collective action in the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). With particular focus on two specific issues of ‘aid untying’ and ‘aid effectiveness’ between late 1990s and early 2010s, and two member countries namely the UK and Japan, the thesis first assesses the indicators (existence, forms and level) of collective action. It then explores the conditions (factors that account for the indicators) for collective action in the DAC. As literature on the OECD and the DAC is scarce, this thesis fills knowledge gaps by providing a detailed analysis of the DAC and offering insights into stronger global governance through the lens of collective action. Using primary evidence drawing on extensive interviews as well as OECD archival documents, the thesis advances four main findings. First, the DAC has achieved collective action only to some extent – it has successfully (if sometimes slowly) reached agreements, but implementation processes reveal more shortcomings. Second, successful agreement has resulted largely from leadership of the UK in the DAC together with work by the DAC Secretariat to build trust relationships as well as to nurture feelings of fairness among the members. The DAC’s limited membership and closed, homogenous nature encouraged this atmosphere. Third, DAC members’ motivations and incentives for collective action can be identified both at individual and institutional (government) levels, ranging between rationality and social/global norms, that are often intertwined and complex, making collective action challenging to understand. Fourth, the DAC is now in transition due to the rising influence of emerging countries and the growth of an additional locus of collective action at recipient country level. All this presents increasing challenges if the DAC is to maintain a reputation for collective action in the future.

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20

Bothner, Matthew S. „Charismatic religion and race relations: the Azusa Street Pentecostal Revival“. Thesis, Boston University, 1994. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27601.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02

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21

Jain, Prakesh C. Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. „Colonialism, class and race relations; the case of overseas Indians“. Ottawa, 1985.

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22

Coe, Aaron Daniel. „Chinese Merchants and Race Relations in Astoria, Oregon, 1882 - 1924“. PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/422.

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A large wave of Chinese immigrants came to the United States in the second half of the nineteenth century. Employment, mainly in the salmon-canning industry, drew thousands of them to coastal Astoria, Oregon. Taking the period between the first Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882 and the Immigration Act of 1924, this thesis focuses on the Chinese merchants in Astoria and their importance for our understanding of race relations in the town during these years. Specifically, the merchants help to make sense of how the Chinese related to the local white population, as different sources suggest different trends of amiability and hostility. Newspapers testify that local Chinese gained acceptance during the period, going generally from vilified outcasts to respected members of the community. Immigration case files, however, show that officials displayed little resistance to Chinese in the early exclusion years, but worked harder to deny Chinese applications toward the end of this period. So, from one body of records it seems that white Astorians grew more tolerant of Chinese during these years, while the other document set shows a rise in conflict with the immigrants. This apparent contradiction can be reconciled by considering the demographic changes in the Chinese immigrant community during this period, along with class biases and the role of merchants in immigration and social interactions.

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23

Muschalik, Kathrin [Verfasser], Michael [Gutachter] Wala und Josef [Gutachter] Raab. „Race and race relations in Los Angeles during the 1990s / Kathrin Muschalik ; Gutachter: Michael Wala, Josef Raab“. Bochum : Ruhr-Universität Bochum, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1125106530/34.

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24

Clements, Philip. „What does 'good' equal opportunities training look like? A model of fair treatment training in the police service derived from the experience of police officers and civil staff engaged in training design and delivery“. Thesis, Brunel University, 2000. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4926.

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'Equal Opportunities' (EO) in this research is taken as an umbrella term to encompass all forms of training in fair treatment issues including Community and Race Relations. The literature reveals that training police officers in EO issues falls short of what is needed and yet little research has been done into how trainers and learners engage with the content of EO training. A measure of the importance attached to this area of research lies in the fact that in April 1999 this project attracted Home Office Police Research Award Scheme funding. Police training in EO was examined from the point of view of the trainers who engage in it by exploring their experience. The consistent theme and the core question "what does good EO training look like?" had the object of constructing a model of good EO training where "good" has been defined out of the trainers' own expenence. Thirty interviews were conducted using well established phenomenographic principles to explore the experience of those engaged in the design or delivery of EO training for police officers. For the subsequent qualitative analysis of the data an approach similar to grounded theory was used. The results demonstrate that good EO training has four elements expressed in terms of its objects, the act of engaging in EO training, the process, and issues surrounding the skills and attributes required of trainers engaging in its delivery. Each of the elements had a number of component themes that were also used in the construction of the model. A key finding, consistent with other studies, was that learners and trainers alike may selectively emphasise or focus on a particular part of the model, and, in doing so, will inhibit the effectiveness of both the learning and the training.

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25

Kaushal, Achhar Ram. „Citizen rights and the black experience in Britain : a view from two multi-racial towns“. Thesis, Lancaster University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.288138.

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26

Pittman, Cassi. „Race, Social Context, and Consumption: How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-Class Blacks“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10648.

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The contemporary experience of race in America demands that blacks become astute observers of their surroundings, required to read subtle social, interactional and environmental cues to determine how to appropriately engage others in order to gain respect and social acceptance. Consumption objects, whether physical or material goods or services and experiences, are symbolic tools that blacks mobilize in order to define and assert themselves wherever they may be. Market research reveals that divergent patterns of consumption exist along racial lines. Blacks outspend whites in three central categories: apparel, personal care, and electronics and technology. Sociological research on consumption, however, has inadequately addressed how race influences blacks' consumption. Claims that blacks are conspicuous consumers are pervasive in both popular and academic works, and research indicates that blacks' consumption is, at least partially explained by status considerations, yet no comprehensive, empirically grounded theory exists to account for the contextually determined, symbolic and strategic use of goods by middle and working-class blacks. In my dissertation entitled “Race, Social Context, and Consumption: How Race Structures the Consumption Preferences and Practices of Middle and Working-class Blacks,” I offer an account of blacks' consumption that addresses this gap in the literature. I analyze qualitative interview data collected from 55 blacks residing in the New York City area, focusing on blacks' consumption preferences and practices in three social arenas: where they live, where they work, and where they play. Through examining middle and working-class blacks' consumption I show the ways that race remains salient in blacks' everyday lives; affecting their routine practices and marketplace interactions. Blacks differ as consumers as a consequence of a history of racial alienation, segregation, and discrimination in public settings, which has resulted in their use of goods to mitigate racial stigma, but distinct patterns of consumption emerge as blacks mobilize consumption objects to express and affirm their racial identities. This dissertation demonstrates that whether consumption goods are used to contest racial stigma or to express feelings of racial affinity, in both instances blacks' consumption preferences and practices reflect their reactions to the settings in which their consumption is enacted.

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27

Marshall, Andrew Tyler. „Kiswaihili and decolonization| The Inter-Territorial Language Committee and successor organizations, 1930-1970“. Thesis, American University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1596783.

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Governments have long used language policy as a means of social control. As Frantz Fanon and Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o have argued, language played a key role in supporting colonial rule across Africa and remains part of the colonial legacy. From the late 1920s through World War II, the British colonial governments of Kenya, Tanganyika, Uganda, and Zanzibar promoted the Kiswahili language as a regional lingua franca, a policy facilitated by the Inter-Territorial Language Committee for the East African Dependencies (ILC). I use published sources, archival records, and qualitative textual analysis of the ILC’s published journal to trace the Committee’s development from 1930 to 1970. Building on Ireri Mbaabu’s work, I argue that the British initially chose to promote and standardize Kiswahili as a way to make their subject societies more legible or, in other words, more efficiently governable but reversed course in the 1940s after realizing Kiswahili’s potential as a tool for anti-colonial organizing. The Committee adapted to the British language policy reversal by encouraging East African participation and switching its focus from social control to research. The Tanganyikan nationalists’ commitment to Kiswahili as a building block for a detribalized national identity allowed the Committee to survive the transition to independence and, as a research institute, continue to contribute to the study and promotion of Kiswahili in postcolonial Tanzania and beyond. My case study of the ILC’s transformation affirms the importance of language control for the colonial project and the value of African languages in addressing the ongoing colonial legacy of cultural destruction.

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Bellay, Susan. „Pluralism and race/ethnic relations in Canadian social science, 1880-1939“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ57503.pdf.

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29

Bulthuis, Kyle Timothy. „Four steeples over the city streets Trinity Episcopal, St. Philip's Episcopal, John Street Methodist, and African Methodist Episcopal Zion churches in New York City, 1760-1840 /“. 24-page ProQuest preview, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=1417804641&SrchMode=1&sid=3&Fmt=14&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1220029856&clientId=10355.

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30

Lloyd, Emily Paige. „Race Deficits in Pain Authenticity Detection“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1531912112953475.

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31

Wallace, Trevor. „God Changed his Mind About Black People : Race and Priesthood Authority in Mormonism“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-307932.

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This study attempts to analyze Mormon justifications for the religion’s policy of denying priesthood authority to black men from both before and after the policy’s removal in 1978. Through a close reading of primary sources released by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, this study attempts to understand how this paradigm shift is understood in the context of Mormon faith traditions. It is revealed that many official statements from the Church contradict one another to such a degree that a simple or coherent explanation is practically impossible.

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Hadjor, Kofi Buenor. „Race and the American nation : the role of racial politics in the shaping of modern America“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2000. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.673802.

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33

Crossland, James. „The British government and the International Committee of the Red Cross relations, 1939-1945“. Thesis, Crossland, James (2010) The British government and the International Committee of the Red Cross relations, 1939-1945. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2010. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/5123/.

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Since its inception in 1863 the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has pursued its mandate to bring succour to victims of war by strict adherence to its core principles of neutrality and impartiality when dealing with belligerents. The problems of carrying out this mandate during the Second World War were manifold. This was owing not only to the brutal nature of the conflict, but the numerous restrictions under which the Committee was permitted to operate. Although much has been written of the restrictions placed upon the ICRC by the German and Swiss governments and indeed, the Committee's own principles and statutes, the role of the British in determining the success or failure of the ICRC's mission has been mostly ignored by historians. This thesis addresses this problem by analysing the often difficult diplomatic relations between the ICRC and the British government during the Second World War. Through examining these relations this thesis provides new insights into several key wartime events concerned with International Humanitarian Law, neutrality, prisoner of war history, espionage studies and the history of the British blockade in Greece and France. A new perspective will also be offered herein, on the ICRC's controversial and much maligned vice-president Carl J. Burckhardt, who was both the bane of British-ICRC relations and the Committee's most influential wartime member. In conclusion this thesis will argue that the role of the British government in the ICRC's wartime activities was both far more damaging than has been acknowledged and, paradoxically, of great importance for the long-term development of the ICRC into the multifaceted humanitarian agency it is today.

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34

Irvin, Clinton R. „Perceptions of race influenced by individual interactions the ambassador effect /“. Ohio : Ohio University, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1127232347.

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35

Hill, Kimberly DeJoie Brundage W. Fitzhugh. „Careers across color lines : American women missionaries and race relations, 1870-1920 /“. Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1976.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 11, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

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Douglas, Greig. „The columnist as trickster: satire and subversion in literary journalism“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008397.

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This project examines facets of racial identity as they emerge in a contemporary South African context, and considers how instances of local satire both subtly resist and support white normativity. It consists of two separate sections: firstly, a self-reflective essay that, employing current theories from the academic field of whiteness studies, assesses South African satire’s relation to and negotiation of race and identity politics; and secondly, The Weekly Crab, my own creative response to the genre of satire. Using contemporary theories of racial construction, the first section will delineate whiteness as a dominant but invisible identification, and as a social construction underpinned by an inherited and continually reproduced privilege. Satire, in turn, will be described as a mode of rhetorical and conceptual attack that is capable of cultivating an understanding of how whiteness functions as a cultural construct, as well as foster a sensitivity to how its cultural dynamics shape and inform racial politics in the South African context. The first section will identify the website Hayibo.com as a source of local satire whose satirising of current events is often complicit in the perpetuation of white normativity. I will point to moments in its work where white expectations, fears and social mores are left unexamined, and, indeed, become an unspoken part of their critiquing lens rather than the focus of it. An accompanying critical breakdown of my own satire in The Weekly Crab will show my work to be a countertext to Hayibo. As I will make clear, I am not saying that I successfully fill a gap in the landscape of South African satire. Instead, in comparing my work to the satire that Hayibo produces, and by providing, in the second section, a creative response to that particular approach to satire, I am trying to circumscribe a blind spot in South African literary journalism : that is, the paucity of satire that aggressively subverts the normativity of whiteness.

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Adam, Kanya. „The politics of redress : affirmative action in South Africa's private sector“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e550cea6-51fd-4d40-a273-03f8772c9d37.

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This study examines the politics of redress in South Africa's private sector and the implication of race based affirmative action for a society in the throes of national reconciliation. Renewed racial classifications to eliminate the legacy of past racism seem to contradict the official state ideology of colour-blind nonracialism. Resentment among some whites on whose skills and loyalty a growing economy also relies, makes affirmative action a most divisive issue. Unlike most other countries in which minorities are targeted, in South Africa a previously disenfranchised majority is the beneficiary of preferential labour policies. Quite distinct from North American quotas for minorities, South African unions aim at transforming the workplace of the undertrained majority, which contrasts with business visions characterised by black advancement in management and ethnic diversity on company boards. However, even this initial window-dressing exercise for political expediency encounters resistance among a colonial establishment that still equates promotion of the previously disadvantaged with lowering standards. The changing discourse about affirmative action is probed through written surveys among two hundred business executives, focus groups, more in-depth personal interviews, and participant observation at selected companies in South Africa between 1992-97. An increased readiness to broaden the recruitment pool emerged among white male executives and would seem to have been triggered by the changed political power relations. This "anticipatory compliance" to potential legislation is justified with different motivations but is still driven by economic considerations rather than moral concerns about past neglect. Keeping up with the "black image" of competitors in securing government contracts or penetrating a township market with higher purchasing power spurs even traditionally conservative firms to vie for black managers. They are poached and head-hunted with generous inducements, at the expense of training the broader spectrum of black workers at a lower level. The unique current South African debate about redress is compared with its historical precedents of Afrikaner job reservation and "civilized labour policies", as well as the international experience with preferential hiring in the US, Canada, India and Malaysia. The recent backlash against affirmative action in the US, together with the assertion of counter-productive effects on beneficiaries, is evaluated against the South African case. The literature is divided as to what extent recipients of affirmative action experience self-doubt and low self-esteem. The label "affirmative action beneficiary" is said to stigmatize minorities not considered as having achieved status on merit. However, the vast majority of recipients of affirmative action probed in this research did not consider themselves passive recipients of company largesse, but instead perceived themselves as having rightly earned their place in the accelerated business training program. Far from victimising themselves by claiming compensatory preferential treatment, the respondents in this sample of black management students proudly insist on their past individual achievements as entitlement to their career. This finding contradicts the conventional wisdom among critics, that appointees on merit differ from affirmative action appointees in their approach to work. While a new rapidly growing black elite who least needs affirmative action, nonetheless benefits most from racial preference policies in senior management, the majority of impoverished and unemployed are not affected by these policies at all. To avoid the danger of racialised competition, a policy of non-racial, class-based affirmative action is suggested as the most feasible way to facilitate reconciliation.

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Bourne, Charles William. „The Field Foundation and race : an intellectual and administrative history, 1940-1970“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272551.

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39

Lloyd, Emily Paige. „Black and White Lies: Race-Based Biases in Deception Detection“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1438879072.

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40

Singh, Gurnam. „Race and social work from 'black pathology' to 'black perspectives'“. Bradford : Race Relations Research Unit, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/27378616.html.

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41

Cass, Matthew C. „Race relations and New Testament identity in Churches of Christ 1900-1929“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2005. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p050-0134.

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42

Teeger, Chana Tova. „Teaching Transformations: History Education and Race Relations in Post-Apartheid South Africa“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10986.

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How do nations deal with their difficult, shameful, and traumatic past? I tackle this question by examining how the history of apartheid is taught to--and understood by--South African high school students. I further examine the consequences of these understandings for contemporary race relations. To address these questions around the production, reception, and consequences of history education in schools, the study draws on data collected during 18 months of fieldwork in two racially and socioeconomically diverse public high schools in Johannesburg, South Africa. The data collection involved a multi-method research design that included: 1) five months of daily observations in 17 distinct classrooms; 2) content analysis of official curricular documents and materials used in classes; 3) interviews with teachers (N=10); and 4) interviews with two samples of students: one prior to, and one following, exposure to apartheid history education (total N=160). I find that teachers present the country’s racially divisive past in ways that limit its salience for understanding contemporary social issues. I show that this is driven both by broad national imperatives concerning racial reconciliation and by more local imperatives related to minimizing race-based conflict in the classroom. Drawing on ethnographic and interview data, I demonstrate that the narratives presented in class leave students without the cultural tools they need to understand, identify, and respond both to contemporary racism and to the structural legacies of apartheid which they encounter on a daily basis. Theoretically, the study contributes to literature that focuses on schools as sites where racial inequalities are reproduced by highlighting the importance of attending to messages transmitted through the formal curriculum. In so doing, it identifies both institutionalized representations and micro-level understandings of racially divisive pasts as important loci for examining contemporary race and ethnic relations.
Sociology

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43

Danewid, Ida. „Race, capital, and the politics of solidarity : radical internationalism in the 21st Century“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2018. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3848/.

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This thesis interrogates the absence of questions of race, colonialism, and their contemporary legacies in the philosophical literature on global justice and cosmopolitan ethics. What are the ethical, political, and material consequences of these "unspeakable things unspoken", and what would it mean for cosmopolitanism to take seriously the problem of the global colour line? The thesis provides a tentative answer to these questions through a close engagement with contemporary debates about the meaning and purpose of international solidarity. It demonstrates that critical and liberal approaches often help reproduce and legitimise, rather than challenge and transcend, the current unjust and unequal racialized global order. Drawing on Cedric Robinson and the literature on racial capitalism, it interrogates how solidarity can be decolonised and reconceived so as to better attend to the materiality of the global colour line. Through a close reading of the European migrant crisis, recent forms of Black-Palestinian solidarity, and the ongoing struggle for decolonisation in South Africa, it identifies an alternative internationalist imaginary that grows out of the solidarities forged in the struggle against imperialism, patriarchy, and racial capitalism. This is a radicalised and decolonised emancipatory project which retrieves the idea of universal history and total critique, but does so without invoking Eurocentric ideas of progress and teleology. In an era of Trump, Brexit, and global fascist resurgence-where the "white working class" frequently is juxtaposed with "immigrants", and identity politics blamed for the demise of the organised Left-such an internationalist vision is urgently needed.

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44

Barner, Rashida Shani. „Do parents talk to their children about race? An exploration of Black parents and White parents“. OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/1094.

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The purpose of this study was to examine parent (e.g., exposure to diversity) and child factors (e.g., age, anxiety and prosocial behavior) as they relate to the transmission of messages related to race and culture. An exploratory hypothesis was that Black parents would exhibit more cultural socialization, preparation for bias, and promotion of mistrust than White parents. In addition, there were hypotheses that the messages that parents impart to their children about race would be influenced by the age of the child or parents’ experience with diverse groups of people. Online questionnaires were distributed to parents and the final sample consisted of 183 parents of Black children (N = 90) and White children (N = 93), aged four to fourteen years old (M = 8.08). Overall, this study found that Black parents engage in more conversations about race and culture than White parents. However, there were no racial differences between number of messages of equality. The hypothesis that the frequency of preparation for bias messages increases as children get older was supported. The hypothesis that Black children who have higher scores on dimensions of racial socialization would have higher levels of prosocial behavior was supported. The hypothesis that the affective valence of exposure to diverse groups of people would be positively related to egalitarianism was supported. The present study adds to the current literature by highlighting that different messages about race and culture need to be communicated for children in the majority culture versus minority culture.

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Bernardi, Daniel. „Star trek and history : race-ing toward a white future /“. New Brunswick, NJ [u.a.] : Rutgers University Press, 1999. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=018615232&line_number=0001&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.

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46

Lummus, Allan Craig. „Defining environmental justice : race, movement and the civil rights legacy /“. view abstract or download file of text, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p3072598.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2002.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-204). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

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47

Fernandez, Rose Mary. „An empirical test of the minority identity development model with Cuban-Americans /“. Access Digital Full Text version, 1988. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10808474.

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Thesis (Ed.D.)--Teachers College, Columbia University, 1988.
Typescript; issued also on microfilm. Sponsor: Samuel D. Johnson. Dissertation Committee: Michael L. O'Brien. Bibliography: leaves 92-97.

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Rose, Harriett DeAnn Calderón Roberto R. „Dallas, poverty and race community action programs in the war on poverty /“. [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2008. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-9042.

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49

Stratton, David Clifton. „The Path of Good Citizenship: Race, Nation, and Empire in United States Education, 1882-1924“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/23.

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The Path of Good Citizenship illuminates the role of public schools in attempts by white Americans to organize republican citizenship and labor along lines of race and ethnicity during a time of anxiety over immigration and the emergence of the U.S. as a global power. By considering U.S. schools as both national and imperial institutions, it presupposes that the formal education of children served as multilayered exchanges of power through which myriad actors constructed, debated, and contested parameters of citizenship and visions of belonging in the United States. Using the discursive narratives of American exceptionalism, scientific racialism, and patriotism, authors of school curricula imagined a uniform Americanness rooted in Anglo‐Saxon institutions and racial character. Schools not only became mechanisms of the U.S. imperial state in order to control belonging and access supposedly afforded by citizenship, but simultaneously created opportunities for foreigners and “foreigners within” to shape their own relationships with the nation. Ideological attempts to construct a nation that excluded and included on the basis of race and foreignness had very real implications. Using comparative case studies of Atlanta’s African‐Americans, San Francisco’s Japanese, and New York’s European immigrants, this dissertation shows how policies of segregation, exclusion, and Americanization both complicated and sustained designs for a national body of citizens and workers. Schools trained many of these students for citizenship that included subordinate labor roles, limited social mobility, and marginalized national identity rooted in racial difference. These localized analysis reveal the contested power dynamics that involved challenges from immigrant and non‐white communities to a racial nationalism that often slotted them into subordinate economic and social categories. Taken together, curricula and policy reveal schools to be integral to the mutually sustaining projects of nation‐building and empire‐building.

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Malik, Sarita. „Representing Black Britain : Black images on British television from 1936 to the present day“. Thesis, n.p, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/.

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