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1
Roy, Bimal Krishna. „Coalition politics in india: a study“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1333.
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2
Martínez, Farrero Santi. „Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.
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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition.
The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections.
The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d’una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l’explotació d’aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s’evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l’hora d’assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys el llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU.
3
Zucco, Cesar. „The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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4
Karol, David. „Coalition management explaining party position change in American politics /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=994245991&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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5
Tatsuni, Kayoko. „Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.
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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
6
Basu, Santanu. „Coalition politics and the issues of social justice: a study in the context of directive principles of state policy under the constitution of India“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1797.
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7
Sharma, Ashwani Kumar. „Third World solidarity in global politics : the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 in the United Nations General Assembly“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326909.
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8
Ruparelia, Sanjay. „Coalition politics in India : a study of the United Front, 1996-1998“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613997.
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9
Burke, Lawrence. „Probation, politics, policy and practice : from New Labour to the Coalition Government“. Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2016. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4478/.
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The outputs presented in part submission of a PhD by publication represent the body of my published work over the past ten years. They cover policy, practice and legislative developments during both the New Labour and Coalition Governments that have ultimately led to the demise of the Probation Service as a unified public sector organisation. Two main themes are evident in my writing. The first is a critique of how an ideological commitment to economic neo-liberalism and accompanying social conservatism has shaped contemporary probation policy and public sector provision more generally. The second significant strand has been an exploration of the impact of these developments on the occupational culture and working practices of probation work.
10
Cook, R. J. „Puritans, pragmatists and progress : The Republican coalition in Iowa, 1854-1878“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381787.
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11
Rector, Chad. „Federations in international politics /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3089474.
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12
Williams, Jakobi Emon. „Racial coalition politics in Chicago a case study of Fred Hampton, the Illinois Black Panther Party, and the origin of the Rainbow Coalition /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1692812591&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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13
Vogel, Donna. „The Coalition of Progressive Electors, a case study in post-Fordist counter-hegemonic politics“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp02/NQ48734.pdf.
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14
Fu, Cissie. „A Theory of Coalition Politics : Croee-Difference Dialogue and Collective Agency Amid New Struggles“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504142.
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15
Deb, Papia. „Changing perspectives of India`s federal system : a study in the context of the emergence of coalition politics in India (since 1977)“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/194.
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16
DULLAGHAN, Neil. „Getting into bed with the enemy : exploring trends and effects of coalition congruence in Western Europe 1945-2015“. Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/70875.
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Defence date: 09 April 2021Examining Board: Professor Dr. Stefano Bartolini (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Elias Dinas (European University Institute); Professor Dr. Kris Deschouwer (Vrije Universiteit Brussel); Professor Dr. Heike Klüver (Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin)
Over the last seventy years Europe has seen government authority decentralised to subnational bodies, offering up new arenas for political contestation. At the same time, the typical cleavages in society that provided solid bases of support for political parties have crumbled, leaving parties in search of new alliances to obtain governing power. Political parties find themselves caught between the desire to get into office in as many government authorities as possible and the desire to present a coherent brand to the public, as signalled by their coalition partner choices. This research project stands at this tense intersection of interests and provides new clarity to the historical record and some exploratory lines of inquiry into the effects of this dynamic. The existing work on measuring the extent to which regional and national governments mirror each other is investigated and critiqued in order to develop a new operationalisation of coalition congruence that is amenable to large-N research. On the basis of this new measure, the historical record from 1945 to 2015 of coalition congruence in nine Western European countries (Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland) is mapped out in order to identify broad trends running alongside the wider trend of dealignment from party politics. Following this, a number of hypotheses about the institutional determinants of congruence and effects of congruence on party perceptions are explored. The number of regional governments that cut across the government-opposition divide has been on the increase in Europe, especially so in some countries, and these cross-cutting governments appear to play a role in party attachment, but not through the causal mechanism of shifting left-right perceptions of party brands as expected by the literature. This project adds a new operationalisation of a concept, a new empirical dataset, extends the branding model of partisanship to the subnational level, and contributes to moving forward the fourth wave of coalition studies.
17
McEnhill, Libby. „From Opposition to Coalition : the Conservative Party and the politics of welfare reform, 2005-2015“. Thesis, University of Huddersfield, 2015. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/26184/.
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This thesis offers an analysis of the ideology of the Conservative Party under the leadership of David Cameron between 2005 and 2015, considering the extent to which the party still embodies a form of ‘conservatism’ and, further, what sort of conservatism that might be. This is conducted via the application of a theoretical framework combining a strategic-relational understanding of political action, with the conceptual or morphological approach to analysing ideologies. It therefore contributes to understanding both the character of contemporary British conservatism, and the role that ideas and ideologies play in political life at various points in the governing and electoral cycle more broadly. The research uses the Party’s approach to working-age welfare policy as a case study, being an area of policy that has been of a consistently high-profile over the period in question and which has been utilised for several different purposes. It focuses on three central research areas: firstly, how Conservatives have understood key concepts relating to welfare, considering what this can tell us about wider views on the relationship between society, the state and individuals; secondly, how these understandings relate to wider conservative ideological perspectives, and finally how these perspectives have both shaped and been shaped by political practice and strategy, notably in the arenas of electoral appeal and policy development and implementation. The thesis concludes that despite indications in the opposition years of Cameron’s leadership that the Conservatives might seek to move away from or at least draw a line under the Thatcher years, this possibility has remained largely unrealised in 2015. The constraining role of ideology has been significant: ‘modernisation’ was conceived within a Thatcherite ideological framework which shaped the strategies perceived to be available to the party in developing its approach to social issues and re-invigorating its electoral appeal. Although there were nascent signs of ideological developments within this framework, changes to the strategic context within which the Party is situated between opposition and government meant that in the latter it reverted to more traditional Thatcherite perspectives. The research therefore suggests that these legacies continue to exert a significant effect on Conservative policy and positioning, and will be important in understanding the actions of the in-coming majority Conservative government.
18
Reynolds, Andie. „Community development and the Coalition Government (2010-2015) : discourse, hegemony and 'othering'“. Thesis, Northumbria University, 2017. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/35012/.
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The Coalition government’s (2010-2015) programme of public sector reform and austerity resulted in fundamental changes to the orientation of community development in England. This thesis investigates what happened to community development in England during this five-year period and its implications for professionals, volunteers and local people involved in community development processes. A post-structuralist discourse analysis methodology was operationalised and the empirical work consisted of 20 interviews with key social actors involved in community development processes in a case study local authority in the north east of England. Using post-structuralist discourse analysis, the transcripts were analysed alongside 54 key texts including: discourse by political and policy leaders, national and local policies, and academic debate. This thesis makes an original contribution to knowledge by demonstrating how the Coalition programme silenced community development as a distinct and legitimate practice, and re-shaped it as social enterprise, volunteering and community organising. The empirical findings establish four available discourses of community development. Yet, the hegemonic Enterprise discourse totalised the policy landscape and ‘othered’ community development as a bureaucratic, top-down, inefficient and ineffective relic of the previous New Labour government. In conjunction with the public sector cuts, this resulted in the decline of the community development worker subject position in England; with community development professionals increasingly nudged to adopt the subject positons of social entrepreneurs, professional volunteers and, to a lesser extent, community organisers. Local people were similarly nudged to volunteer in community development, social enterprise and community organising processes; and more skilled volunteers encouraged to take on professional responsibilities unsalaried. These findings suggest that the silencing and re-shaping of community development as social enterprise, volunteering and community organising is a ‘new’ permutation of neoliberal hegemony to roll-out citizen responsibilisation where local people provide community services rather than ‘relying’ on state intervention and resources. This thesis concludes that the Coalition programme exploited the ambiguity of community development and, in doing so, exposed four historical problems in the community development field. To protect community development from future attacks, this thesis proposes a genealogical post-doctoral study to unearth these problematic roots to then cultivate a community development free of such underpinnings.
19
Wang, Stephen Wei-Hsin. „The urban politics of housing renewal in transitional Shanghai : reassessing the Chinese pro-growth coalition perspective“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2368/.
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From the 1990s, market-oriented housing renewal took off at extraordinary pace across Chinese cities, modernising the built environment and displacing millions of residents in the process. One prevailing view is that this has been driven by a "growth coalition" of local government and private businesses with the goal of maximising economic potentials through the intensification of land-use. This thesis examines the evolving policies and practices of urban housing renewal in Shanghai since 1990. It questions whether the above perspective adequately captures the underlying socio-political dynamics at work. Through a comprehensive review of housing policies, interviews and analyses of contrasting case studies, it demonstrates that housing renewal had entailed a more diverse set of policies and mechanisms than commonly depicted. Beyond private-funded redevelopment and displacement, local governments have promoted some socially-oriented schemes, as well as recently supporting the piecemeal gentrification of neighbourhoods. This research shows that it is useful to move beyond a monolithic conception of the Chinese growth coalition. The local government plays an increasingly dualistic role in housing renewal. Beyond its core concern to facilitate economic growth and 'global city' building through comprehensive redevelopment, it has evolved socially- oriented housing policies, enlarged market regulation, and made concessions to disadvantaged groups in the interest of maintaining social harmony. Property developers were not a homogenous profit-seeking group in Shanghai's urban growth-coalition. Various quasi-governmental enterprises played a role in delivering socially-oriented projects under bureaucratic command of the local government. Finally, although grass roots actors are politically excluded, their cumulative actions including neighbourhood rehabilitation and protests can sometimes influence policies and urban planning decisions.
20
Blattner, John S. „Render Unto Caesar: How Misunderstanding a Century of Free Exercise Jurisprudence Forged and Then Fractured the RFRA Coalition“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1575.
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This thesis provides a comprehensive history of Supreme Court Free Exercise Clause jurisprudence from 1879 until the present day. It describes how a jurisdictional approach to free exercise dominated the Court’s rulings from its first Free Exercise Clause case in 1879 until Sherbert v. Verner in 1963, and how Sherbert introduced an accommodationist precedent which was ineffectively, incompletely, and inconsistently defined by the Court. This thesis shows how proponents of accommodationism furthered a false narrative overstating the scope and consistency of Sherbert’s precedent following the Court’s repudiation of accommodationism and return to full jurisdictionalism with Employment Division v. Smith (1990). It then shows how this narrative inspired a massive bipartisan coalition in favor of codifying accommodationism, and how this coalition succeeded in passing the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (RFRA) in 1993. The RFRA coalition eventually fractured, as RFRA’s implications began to conflict with principles and objectives of liberal interest groups and the Democratic Party. This thesis posits that the fracture of the RFRA coalition can be traced back directly to confusions over Sherbert’s precedent.
21
Gunnarsson, Nathalie. „Vallöften - vad hände med dem? : En utvärderingsstudie av uppfyllnad av vallöften inom arbetsmarknadspolitik från två mandatperioder“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-75048.
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The number of political parties in Sweden that are identifying themselves as caring for the labour politics and labour workers is increasing. Due to that and the upcoming Swedish parliamentary election in September 2018, I have investigated fulfillment of election pledges within the field of labour politics during two mandate periods seen to four cases. The questions that binds this thesis together is which of the four cases that have fulfilled the highest number and the highest percentage of the studied election pledges, and to what extent, during the mandate periods of 2006 to 2010 and 2014 to the 1st of May 2018. This is being made through a quantitative literature study which applies theory consuming methods of the responsible party model and the rational choice theory. This study concludes that the socialist party, Socialdemokraterna, is the party that have fulfilled and started the highest percentage of the studied election pledges. Seen to the number, the socialist and environmental friendly coalition, de rödgröna, had the highest full fulfillment of pledges. However, the liberal conservative coalition, Alliansen, had the highest number of half fulfilled pledges. They also had the highest number of pledges with no fulfillmet, wherease the environmental friendly party, Miljöpartiet, had the highest percentage of election pledges with no fulfillment.
22
MacKenzie, Michael Christopher. „Bringing back the right, traditional family values and the countermovement politics of the Family Coalition Party of British Columbia“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0032/NQ27193.pdf.
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23
Bui, Long T. „The politics of AIDS advocacy for Asian Americans“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1454978.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 18, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 74-81).
24
Taffe, Sue (Sue Elizabeth) 1945. „The Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders : the politics of inter-racial coalition in Australia, 1958-1973“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8964.
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25
Ormerod, Gerald J. „Advocacy Coalition Formation, Mobilization, Sustainment, and Fragmentation: A Case Study of the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA) and the Federal City Project“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2016. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2266.
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U.S. military bases and installations represent trillions of dollars of capital investment towards the nation’s defense infrastructure. The Department of Defense, in its response to the end of the Cold War with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, sought to reorganize and optimize this basing infrastructure to meet the emerging threats of the 21st century. A series of nationwide Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) efforts were chartered by Congress to facilitate this task, identifying hundreds of obsolete or unneeded military installations. During the last BRAC effort in 2005, the Naval Support Activity New Orleans was targeted for closure, with its U.S. Navy and Marine Corps tenants to be reassigned elsewhere. In response to this threat, a group of retired military and civilian elites formed a non-profit entity known as the New Orleans Federal Alliance (NOFA), chartered to lobby the BRAC Commission to salvage the West Bank portion of the NSA from closure and establish a new mixed use, public-private Federal City complex in its stead. The purpose of this study was to examine the life cycle of NOFA and its partners in the context of the Federal City project over a ten year period. Interviews of key personnel involved with this coalition revealed remarkable insight into the characteristics associated with its formation, mobilization, sustainment, and fragmentation. The data illustrated the delicate relationship between the military history of New Orleans and its unique culture, and how that culture influenced actor behavior through the varied governing subsystems in the region. As one would expect, local politics dominated the adverse dynamic of the coalition’s solvency, heightened significantly in national visibility by the effects of Hurricane Katrina. The result was the dissolution of the NOFA-centered coalition and the failure of the Federal City project to achieve full maturity.
26
Saidla, Karl. „Political Challenges and Active Transportation: A Comparison of Helsinki, Finland and Ottawa, Canada“. Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/37043.
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This qualitative comparative case study examined factors related to politics that might explain the notably different active transportation (AT - walking, cycling, and public transit use) rates achieved in Helsinki, Finland (a leading European city in AT, where 77 per cent of people use primarily AT for daily transportation) and Ottawa, Canada (a leading North American city in AT, but where the AT rate is 28.5 per cent).
Applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) - a policy process theory - individual focused interviews were conducted with 47 active transportation experts from the two cities. Document review was employed as a secondary method. The results are discussed in three articles written for peer reviewed journals – the first two concentrating on the findings from Helsinki and Ottawa respectively, and the third article comparing the findings from both cities.
Overall, differences stemming from the ACF category of relatively stable parameters (i.e., stable background-level factors) including land use, transportation planning traditions, and political systems were identified as likely important in explaining the discrepancy in AT rates.
27
Bernhoff, Arthur. „Strength in a weakened state : interpreting Hizb’allah's experiences as a social movement and governing coalition in Lebanon 1985-2013“. Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6729.
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This study investigates Hizb'allah's successful but competing dual development as an extra-institutional Shi'a social movement and an institutional political party. Hizb'allah has traditionally been studied from the perspective of one of its many natures, such as a social movement, Islamic movement, resistance, or political party, each perspective bringing with it limitations and differing interpretations of its identity, motivations, and success. The motivation behind this research was to seek an interpretation of the movement's development and success that would encompass these multiple natures. Through an interpretation of social movement ‘life-cycles', a social movement ‘development model' is proposed that accounts for contradicting theories on the ‘success' of social movements, interpreting success instead as an ability to exhibit simultaneous institutional and extra-institutional natures. The hypothesis provided in this work is that it is an ability to simultaneously exhibit institutional and extra-institutional natures that can be a source of strength and success for a movement, drawing capital from both while avoiding accountability that typically accompanies institutional politics. This challenges traditional theoretical approaches in terms of linear life-cycles with few paths for the social movement to choose from. In turn, questions arise regarding notions of social movement life-cycles being uni-directional, continuously progressing towards ‘institutionalization' or demise. Ideas of an ‘end-date' or ‘inevitable outcome' of social movements are also confronted. This interdisciplinary study is conducted by means of media, archival, and empirical research (participant observation, interviews, and surveys), focusing on changing constituent perceptions of the movement between 1985 and 2013. It is also argued that Hizb'allah's strength is its ability to draw from both extra-institutional and institutional resources while simultaneously avoiding accountability. However, it was also found that, by forming the 2011 governing coalition, the movement upset this balance by subjecting itself to accountability inherent in governance, in turn leading to ‘schizophrenic behaviour' as Hizb'allah sought to serve conflicting constituent and state interests. The significance of this research is that it not only provides an explanation for Hizb'allah's success, but also provides an interpretation of social movement development that accounts for multi-natured movements.
28
Tattersall, Amanda. „Coalition unionism : exploring how and when coalitions contribute to union renewal in Sydney, Toronto and Chicago“. Phd thesis, Faculty of Economics and Business, Discipline of Work and Organisational Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8919.
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29
Bartz, Jamie. „Explaining domestic inputs to Israeli Foreign and Palestinian Policy: politics, military, society /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FBartz.pdf.
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Grieco, Kelly Ann. „War by coalition : the effects of coalition military institutionalization on coalition battlefield effectiveness“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/104572.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2016.Page 381 blank. Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
What accounts for variation in the military performance of coalitions and alliances on the battlefield? This dissertation presents and tests a realist-institutionalist theory of coalition military effectiveness, which accounts for both the process of capability aggregation within military coalitions and its implications for coalition fighting effectiveness. It posits that variation in the design of coalition institutions for political-military planning, command relationships and information exchanges significantly affects the ability of member nations to fight alongside each other on the battlefield. According to the theory, coalition military institutions provide the key mechanisms through which coalition members manage intra-alliance uncertainties and fears, thereby allowing for closer coordination of their war effort. The most effective military coalitions adopt joint political-military coalition planning, unity of command with an integrated command staff, and the fluid exchange of information among coalition nations. The study tests this theory through a mixed-methods approach, complimenting a medium-n statistical analysis with two detailed case studies of coalition wars fought under conditions chosen to provide maximum theoretical leverage. The medium-n statistical analysis examines all interstate coalition wars waged between 1816 and 2007 using the Correlates of War Inter-state War Data (version 4). Using primary documents, memoirs and battle histories, the study tests realist-institutionalist theory in two empirical cases: France and Britain in the First World War (1914-1918) and France and Britain in the Battle of France (May-June 1940). The main finding is that variation in the design of coalition military institutions accounts for differences in coalition battlefield effectiveness both across and within coalitions over time. The study makes three principal contributions. First, it offers the first serious treatment of coalition military effectiveness in the academic literature. Unlike other research, it expands beyond national military effectiveness to consider the coalition dimension. Second, the study contributes to a growing body of research suggesting the importance of non-material variables to explanations of military effectiveness, drawing attention to the critical importance of coalition military institutions for combat power. Finally, the study informs the public policy debate, suggesting whether the US and other allies could achieve battlefield success more quickly, with fewer casualties and at lower costs if it acted through ad-hoc military coalitions or institutionalized alliances.
by Kelly Ann Grieco.
Ph. D.
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Nazareno, Louise Ronconi de. „Redes sociais e coalizão de governo em Curitiba 1985 - 2004“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2005. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24092008-110511/.
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Essa dissertação apresenta discussões sobre a formação de uma coalizão dominante no poder municipal curitibano, estudando o período de 1985 a 2004. Com esse intuito, utiliza-se da análise de redes sociais para explicar os padrões de relações existentes entre grupos e indivíduos envolvidos nesse processo de formação de coalizão. Há uma forte atração para o estudo de Curitiba a respeito da relação entre governo municipal e planejamento, pois ao longo do tempo, houve uma sobreposição dos planejadores urbanos e dos governos locais, fazendo do sucesso do planejamento urbano sua instância de legitimidade. Assim, o estudo das redes seria um novo enfoque para tratar sobre a continuidade dos grupos que controlam o poder político em Curitiba, sendo que estabilidade eleitoral e dinâmica interna das relações entre Poderes se reforçam mutuamente. A análise de redes sociais contribui também para um estudo preciso das relações políticas em termos descritivos, sem impor a priori uma estrutura à realidade dos atores políticos envolvidos. A metodologia possibilitou esclarecimento sobre as ligações do grupo político de Jaime Lerner na cidade e na compreensão do apoio a ele. Verificou-se que a rede de sustentação deste grupo, durante 16 anos, dentro do período investigado, foi herdada das relações políticas passadas, muito anteriores, fundamentadas no grupo de Ney Braga e que , ao longo do tempo, foi incrementada com elementos novos, principlamente das relações com o legislativo. Mas, não rompeu com muitos dos vínculos iniciais de um período de grande influência deste político.This dissertation presents the debates on the formation of a dominant coalition in the Curitiba Municipal power, studying the period of 1985 to 2004. With this intention, it is used social network analysis to explain the standards of existing relations between the groups and involved individuals in this process of coalition formation. It has one strong attraction for the study of Curitiba regarding the relation between municipal government and urban planning, therefore to the long one of the time it had an overlapping of urban planners and the local governing making of the success in the urban planning its instance of legitimacy. Thus, the study of networks it would be a new approach to treat on the continuity of the groups that control the power politician in Curitiba, where electoral stability and internal dynamics of relations between Public Powers strengthen mutually. The analysis of social networks also contributes for a necessary study of the politic relations in descriptive terms without imposing an a priori structure reality of the actors. The methodology made possible clarification on the linking of the politician group of Jaime Lerner in the city and the understanding of its support. It was verified that the support network of Jaime Lerner during 16 years, inside of the investigated period, was inherited of previous relations with late politicians based on the Ney Bragas group. To the long on of the time, also, the network was developed with new elements, which did not breach with many of the initial bonds of the period of Ney Bragas great influence.
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Kissinger, Kendel A. „Resisting Neoliberal Globalization: Coalition Building Between Anti-globalization Activists in Northwest Ohio“. Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1130673344.
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Hojnacki, Marie Elizabeth. „Coalition formation among organized interests /“. The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487856906261803.
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Virk, Jasjeet S. „Has Engaging in Party Coalitions Affected BSP Ideology?“ Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/622.
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A nation of one billion people, India is often recognized as the world’s largest democracy. The ethnic, cultural, and religious diversity in India creates a unique collection of voters whose divisions are not only brought about due to differences in ideological preferences, but also as a result of various caste and ethnic divisions that remain strongly ingrained in modern Indian society. Indian political parties must not only be able to gain voter confidence through the production and presentation of sound ideology, but also must struggle to help relate this ideology to a much divided and ethnically stratified voter base. This social construct has led to the rise of various political parties in India whose political agenda is to cater specifically to unique ethnic groups and minorities, while at times having to form political alliances gain power (Jana & Sarmah, 2002, 1). This study will analyze the rise of one such Indian political party formally established as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in the state of Uttar Pradesh. More specifically, it will address the following question: Has engaging in party coalitions caused the BSP to sacrifice its ideology in the arena of Uttar Pradesh Politics?
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Struk, Kachani Alexandra. „La construction des politiques de l'autisme : concurrence des acteurs et arbitrage de l'Etat“. Thesis, Bordeaux, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BORD0612/document.
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Cette thèse interroge les processus de construction de la réalité́ à l’oeuvre lors de l’émergence duproblème politique de l’autisme. Un mécanisme largement bottom-up s’est imposé, sousl’impulsion déterminante de « coalitions de causes » (notamment celle des associations deparents) qui ont opéré un véritable travail de capacitation et d’expertisation pour s’approprier destravaux de recherche, contester la légitimité du pouvoir médical, revendiquer des droits auprès despouvoirs publics en utilisant différentes armes, médiatiques, et judiciaires principalement.Expliquer pourquoi l’autisme est devenu un problème politique au milieu des années 1990 jusqu’àêtre reconnu « grande cause nationale » en 2012 suppose d’analyser, sur un temps long, lesprocessus qui changent le statut de l’autisme (d’un problème familial d’abord, social ensuite,politique enfin) et en définissent les traitements publics possiblesThis thesis questions the processes and mecanisms in the emergence of the political problem ofAutism in France. A bottom-up movement has emerged, thanks to the actions of "coalitions ofcauses" (especially those of parents' associations) which have carried out a work of empowerment,in order to appropriate the research work, legitimate themself against the medical power, and claimrights with the public authorities.This reasearch explore the reasons why Autism became a political issue in the mid-1990s untilbeing recognized as a "Great national cause" in 2012. It elaborate an analysis of the process thatchange the status of autism (family problem first, social problem then, and political problem at end)and define the possible public treatment
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Garza, Casado Miguel Maria. „The Political Economy of Pre-Electoral Coalitions“. The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1583759580393628.
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Brooke, Stephen James. „Labour's war : party, coalition and reconstruction 1939-45“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.291291.
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Mahan, Grace Caroline. „Coalitions, Institutions, and Counterinsurgency: The U.S. - NATO Alliance in Afghanistan“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/932.
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This paper evaluates the differences between U.S. multilateralism within ad hoc coalitions and U.S. multilateralism within permanent institutions – specifically NATO, the only standing defense alliance with which the U.S. is involved – within the context of the war in Afghanistan's COIN operations. Specifically, this work contrasts the strategies of Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF), the portion of the war that was undertaken by U.S. forces and a coalition of allies, and the operations of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), which were defined by U.S. cooperation with NATO. Along with contrasting the overarching strategies of OEF and ISAF, this thesis evaluates the tactical differences between the two operations as they presented themselves within two pairs of tactical maneuvers: OEF Operation Red Wings vs. ISAF Operation Siege of Sangin and OEF Operation Eastern Resolve II vs. ISAF Operation Panther’s Claw.
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Hogwood, Patricia C. „The creative role of the political party in coalition activity“. Thesis, University of Bradford, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306181.
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Kim, Yong Cheol. „State and Labor in South Korea: Coalition Analysis“. The Ohio State University, 1994. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/32057238.html.
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Korn, Dan. „National coalitions in Israel, 1984-1990 : the politics of 'not losing'“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2083/.
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For six years since 1984 Israel underwent a unique political experience: it was ruled by national coalitions supported by more than 75% of the members of parliament. Larger-than-minimal coalitions have always been problematic for traditional coalition theory. The Israeli case provides therefore an opportunity to examine the various actors' motivations and behaviour, as they reflect on coalition theory at 1arge. The assumption that actors are driven by "win maximization" is central to formal models of coalition theory. This assumption led to predictions of winning coalitions which are minimal in size, membership or ideological scope. Non-minimal coalitions were regarded as suboptimal choices, explainable on an ad hoc basis, e.g. national emergency. A careful examination of Israel's "grand coalitions" suggests that "not losing" is at least as strong a motivation as "win maximization". This notion focuses on what actors stand to lose in case of failure, rather than on what they could win if all turns out well. It implies that actors would strive to be included in coalition, regardless of its size. Coalition payoffs to be won or lost fall into two categories - office payoffs, in terms of power, position, and resources, or ideology, in terms of shaping policy according to one's political convictions. An important observation which pertains particularly to polarized systems is that the desire to prevent a rival ideology from prevailing forms a major part in actors' "not losing" considerations. While coalition politics takes place in the interparty arena, attention should be drawn to intraparty politics as well. It may happen that individual actors stand to lose a great deal by forming a minimal winning coalition, which would strengthen the positions of challengers for party leadership. In this case they may feel compelled to form larger coalitions, in order to reduce payoffs to their in-house rivals. In a nutshell, it is suggested herein that if apparently suboptimal, larger-than-minimal coalitions are formed and maintained, it may be because actors are motivated by "not losing". When risks seem too great and uncertainty looms large, as is usually the case, "win maximization" cannot provide a satisfactory heuristic tool, unless supplemented by "loss minimization".
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Walther, Daniel. „Till death do us part : a comparative study of government instability in 28 European democracies“. Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-133482.
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This thesis is rooted in the research tradition known as coalition politics, where governments, political parties and political institutions are the central focus. The main emphasis here is on government instability and the question of why governments in modern parliamentary democracies often come to an end before the next regular election. In five distinct but interrelated papers, the thesis explores the issue of early government termination and how it is affected by public support, economic developments and the functioning of the state apparatus. The studies included in this thesis generally take a quantitative approach and make use of a dataset that contains 640 governments in 29 European democracies. Their joint goal is to improve our understanding of when early termination happens by introducing and testing new explanatory factors as well as by improving how previously identified factors are modelled. The first paper focuses on Central and Eastern Europe. It shows that the stability of governments in that region is affected by slightly different factors than those that impact on governments in Western Europe. In particular, ideological factors and political institutions are found to be less important in Central and Eastern Europe while the formal power basis of the government and the country’s economic performance matter more. In the second paper, co-authored with Professor Torbjörn Bergman, the state is brought into government stability research. The paper shows that countries with a lower quality of governance and a less efficient public sector have less stable governments. This is mainly because government parties struggle to achieve their policy goals when the state apparatus is inefficient and corrupt. Paper 3, co-written with Associate Professor Johan Hellström, looks at how different types of governments respond to economic challenges. In particular, this paper demonstrates that the same changes in economic circumstances (e.g. increases in unemployment or inflation) have different effects on cabinet stability depending on which type of government is in charge. Single party governments are better equipped to deal with economic changes, because they are better positioned to devise new policy responses without having to compromise with other parties. Coalition governments, in contrast, become significantly more likely to terminate early when the economy takes a turn for the worse. Finally, over the course of two papers I first explore new techniques for analysing polling data and then use them to empirically test whether governments sometimes choose termination as a way to cope with bad poll numbers. Most of the existing techniques for pooling polls and forecasting elections were explicitly designed with two party systems in mind. In Paper 4, I test some of these techniques to determine their usefulness in complex, multiparty systems, and I develop some improvements that enable us to take advantage of more of the information in the data. In the final paper, I combine the two themes of polling and government stability by looking at how changes in government popularity affect the likelihood of premature dissolution. I find that governments, particularly single party governments, do, in fact, use terminations as a strategic response to changes in their popularity among the public. When support is high, governments tend to opportunistically call an early election, whereas they tend to abandon or reshuffle the government when support is low.
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Neckermann, Peter Josef. „The coalition processes in the Federal Republic of Germany : a study of the influence of political leaders on the process of coalition building /“. The Ohio State University, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487677267727181.
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Suh, Jaekwon. „Political barriers to market convergence electoral systems, political coalitions, and corporate governance /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693027131&sid=6&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Lindgren, Stina. „Coalition formation during turbulence : A large-n study examining the effects of economic and political instability on government-coalition formation“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430607.
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This thesis examines the effects of economic and political turbulence on coalition-formation across 37 EU and OECD democracies. Utilizing the existing potential-coalitions research, it analyzes how increases in turbulence affect common variables predicted to determine which coalitions are chosen of all potential cabinets following an election. These variables drawn from the coalition-formation field are examined using a conditional logit regression model with interaction effects, and results indicate that both political and economic turbulence highly affect the way coalition formation is carried out, although the effects of the two turbulence types vary. During economic turbulence larger coalitions appear to be warranted, although results simultaneously suggest that ideological cohesion is hard to achieve during turbulent times. During political turbulence, instead, results suggest ideologically wide coalitions are more common but that minority cabinets are still more likely to appear. Despite the varying results, this analysis finds support that coalition formation is greatly affected by both economic and political turbulence. While the effects of some coalition-formation variables utilized by previous researchers appear to withstand the addition of turbulence, other effects change greatly when levels of instability are considered.
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Hush, Egerton Anna. „Across the borderlines - Coalitional feminist politics beyond identity and difference“. Thesis, Department of Philosophy, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18822.
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First lines of the Introduction (as abstract not provided): Class and identity politics have long had a vexed relationship. Proponents of purist class politics have dismissed movements based on gender, race, and sexuality as needlessly divisive, or as anathema to class solidarity. For their part, feminists, critical race theorists and queer theorists have critiqued this form of class politics as unable to give voice to the multidimensional forms of oppression experienced by various social groups. While this debate has been raging for decades in both political groups and theoretical spaces, a resolution or compromise between these two extreme positions has not been established. However, to my mind, the problem is more pressing now than ever, as we reach a global point of unprecedented economic, environmental and humanitarian crises that demand of us novel and coordinated political responses. As Eleanor Robertson writes in the Spring 2017 issue of Australian literary journal Meanjin: Neoliberalism is running into its historical limits, exhausting its ability to stabilise capitalism and pacify those to whom it has doled out poverty and misery. An identity politics that is detached from material and historical questions cannot help us now; neither can faithfully repeating the left tactics of the twentieth century. The process of reconstituting something new, something that addresses the unique situation in which we find ourselves, has begun (Robertson 2017, 69). Robertson identifies the need for a new way of mediating between the polarities of class and identity. This can also be understood in a philosophical sense as a question about subjectivity - what is the relationship between politics and individual subjects' locations or experiences? What aspects of subjectivity should politics take into account? Where identity politics focuses on membership to social groups and the dynamics of power and oppression arising from such group memberships, Marxist politics provides a more material approach to thinking about the subject and her location vis-a'-vis the means of production. There is, ostensibly, a particular tension between the dominant feminist conception of identity - that espoused in theories of intersectional feminism - and a material approach to the subject of class politics. This subject resists assimilation into an intersectional framework, which treats class as only one element of oppression amongst many, and similarly into postmodern frameworks, which tend to prioritise the discursive or normative aspects of power over the material.
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Pinto, L. „Patterns of party cooperation : the role of past experience in the formation of pre-electoral coalitions, party mergers and government coalitions“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/148433.
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This work analyses the three major forms of party cooperation –pre-electoral coalitions, party mergers and government coalitions –adopting a dynamic perspective, in order to show the crucial role played by past experience in explaining the recurrence of these phenomena. In doing so it complements the existing literature, mostly centred around the role played by office seeking and policy-seeking motivations in explaining parties’ behaviour, by adding a new focus on political time, whose meaning and importance are discussed in chapter one.
Chapter two focuses on pre-electoral coalitions (PEC). Data show how more than 60% of the PECs formed at election t-1 are repeated in the current election. This suggests two questions. Does history of past cooperation matter in PEC formation? Is the process that brings parties to form a PEC in the current election the same whether they have already cooperated in the previous one or not? Using a random-effect dynamic probit model with transition probabilities, we find that two parties that formed a PEC in the previous election are almost 33% more likely to form the same PEC in the current one. Second, in PEC formation, parties seem to be only concerned about the maximization of their vote share, while, in PEC continuation, their decision to form the same PEC again is exclusively policy driven.
Chapter three analyses party mergers, focusing on the importance of incentives for rebranding –defined as the will to move into the political space toward the median legislator– and on the influence of past experience of cooperation –defined as the existence of a previous pre-electoral pact– in explaining why parties agree to join and loose their autonomous identity. The analysis is performed on the Italian case, which, with its seven cases of merger in 60 years, represents an interesting and statistically useful unit of observation of a generally rare phenomenon. We run a rare event logistic (Relogit) regression on an original dataset on party policy preferences, derived from parliamentary debates on the vote of investiture of Italian governments from 1946 to 2008. Our results confirm that, other things being equal, the probability of having a merger increases when the incentive of re-branding increases and for those parties that have previously been involved in a pre-electoral coalition.
In chapter four we build on the existing literature on government coalitions, confronting “classic” explanations with the political hearth model. We try to answer the following questions: does the largest party have more chances to form a minority government when it holds the core position? Do the classical office- and policy-seeking theories still hold true when a core party exists? Do behavioural factors, such as familiarity and inertia, still have a significant impact on government formation in the presence of a party that has a so strong bargaining power? We limit our analysis to the Italian case, by building an original dataset which comprises all the potential coalitions between all the parties represented in the low chamber in each formation opportunity in Italy from 1946 to 2008. Our results show that when the largest party constitutes a core, the potential governments that are more likely to form are either single party cabinets held by it or coalitions including them. When the core is absent, potential governments are less likely to form if they are minority governments, and the more parties they include. Moreover, when the core is absent incumbent parties are more likely to form the government again. This is no more significant when a core party exist.
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BONGIORNI, IVAN. „ELECTION TIMING IN CONSENSUAL SYSTEMS. LINKING COALITION BARGAINING AND VALENCE THEORY OF PARTY COMPETITION“. Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/571338.
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the determinants of cabinet termination in parliamentary systems. A preliminary study will raise a fundamental question: do voters punish incumbents for calling anticipated elections? The scarce evidence available reached contradictory conclusions. For the first time in the literature I will link cabinet termination with valence theories of party competition, and I will individuate the determinants of this popularity cost. My valece theory will provide a solution to the existing debate, showing that all the findings provided up to now represent specific cases of a more general phenomenon.
The core of my thesis is represented by a coalition bargaining model. In each stage of the game, incumbents observe their electoral expectations and choose between negotiating on public policies, forming a new cabinet with the opposition, and calling elections. My game will show a series of improvements: first, it will introduce time and account for its effects on the outcome of the negotiation; second, it will introduce spatial considerations, such as the ideological location of the players and their coalition opportunities; third, it will encompass a theoretical account of the popularity cost of opportunistic election calling. Its fundamental assumptions will then be tested. Its asumptions will be tested using voting intention trends from four European democracies, covering more than fifty years of parliamentary politics. Results will show that variations in the exit option for the governing parties efficiently explain the likelihood of cabinet termination. On consensual democracies, this kind of test had never been conducted before.
A corollary research concludes the dissertation: if voting intention data can be used to explain cabinet termination, then the same data can be used to account for ministerial tenure. The dismissal of ministers, or alterations in their prerogatives, can be described as a currency in the power game among coalition partners. Such an hypothesis had never been tested before. Using duration analysis I will show how imbalances in incumbent parties' popularity are associated with more frequent redistributions of power withing the goverment coalition. Even in this case, my empirical models will include time-varying covariates, producing an empirical contribution to the literature.
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Albala, Bertrand Adrián. „Coalitions gouvernementales et système présidentiel : les cas de l'Argentine, du Chili et de l'Uruguay (1989-2010)“. Thesis, Paris 3, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA030048.
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Bien que la littérature française n’ait presque pas abordé le sujet, les théories des coalitions ont constitué, dans la littérature dite “mainstream”, un des principaux champs d’étude en science politique, ces deux dernières décennies. Appliquées à l’analyse de gouvernements, ces études ont permis de développer un ensemble de connaissances théoriques et des outils d’analyse quant à l’étude des processus liés à la formation, le maintien et la conclusion de ce type de gouvernements. Toutefois, le fait que la plupart des politistes ayant contribués à l’expansion de ces théories proviennent d’Europe Occidentale, ces études se sont alors -pour leur majeure partie- concentrées à l’analyse des coalitions gouvernementales suivant les particularismes de leur région d’origine : les systèmes parlementaires d’Europe Occidentale. L’étude du phénomène en régime présidentiel, longtemps considéré comme accidentel du fait de la supposée « combinaison indésirable » entre présidentialisme et multipartisme, est de ce fait demeurée limitée. Ceci conduit à ce que, jusqu’à présent, la littérature en science politique ne dispose que d’un faible niveau de connaissance quant à la manifestation des coalitions gouvernementales sous la configuration présidentielle. Cette thèse se propose donc de combler cette lacune ontologique, en centrant l’analyse sur les particularités structurelles des systèmes présidentiels, tout en faisant le lien avec les théories les plus récentes issues de la littérature portant sur les systèmes parlementaires. En se basant sur les trois pays du Cône Sud, et l’analyse de huit gouvernements récents de coalition qui ont connus différentes fortunes, cette thèse viendra insister sur l’impact de la configuration présidentielle quant à la formation et la gestion des gouvernements de coalition. Cette « présidentialisation » de la théorie des coalitions, va ainsi mettre en avant deux éléments généraux propres à la matérialisation du phénomène coalitionnaire en régime présidentiel : la récurrence de la formation de coalitions électorales, et la tendance à la bipolarité de la compétition politiqueCoalition theories applied to governments developed during the last decades a huge literature so as to provide theoretical knowledge and tools for the analysis of formation, maintain and breakdown of this kind of governments. Nevertheless, these studies were focused especially on parliamentary systems and left away the study of this phenomenon on presidential regimes. On another hand, coalition governments used to be considered, otherwise, in these systems as an “undesirable combination”, or analysed as a functional trend rather than the proper object of investigation. This approach conducts, then to a very low level of knowledge of the coalition phenomenon under presidential configuration.This thesis, proposes thus to fill this analytical gap, aiming to apply and compare recent findings and approaches from parliamentary origins to presidential systems. Through the study of the three countries forming the American Southern Cone, and eight recent governments of coalition with different successes we will stress out the differentiated role and mechanisms of timing cleavages and party structuration, proper to presidential systems. We will therefore “presidentialise” the theory, and show that the presidential framework presents general peculiarities like a recurrent pre-electoral coalition formation, and a trend to the bipolarity of party competition
Las teorías de las coaliciones (coalition theories) formaron en la literatura dominante en ciencias políticas, uno de los principales campos de estudio, en las últimas décadas. Aplicadas al análisis de los gobiernos, estos trabajos permitieron que se desarrollara un conjunto de conocimientos teóricos y herramientas de análisis pertinentes para el estudio de los procesos de formación, mantenimiento y conclusión de este tipo de gobierno.Ahora bien, el hecho que la mayor parte de los académicos que escribieron sobre este fenómeno proviniera de -o enfocara su análisis sobre- Europa Occidental, condujo a que dichos conocimientos y herramientas desarrolladas por la teoría de las coaliciones se desarrollasen incluyendo particularidades propias a las democracias parlamentarias de Europa Occidental. Paralelamente a esto, el auge de las coalition theories se produjo de manera concomitante con la emergencia del debate presidencialismo vs. Parlamentarismo, cuyos teóricos dominantes en un primer momento abogaron por el carácter “accidental” o “indeseable” del ocaso de coaliciones partidarias en sistema presidencial. Por ende, muy pocos trabajos teóricos han sido llevados a cabo, hasta la fecha, para analizar el proceso coalicionar en regímenes presidenciales; y las pocas tentativas que se hicieron, recuperaron los elementos de análisis propios a las teorías ya existentes sin “presidencializar” el enfoque. Aquello condujo a que el nivel de conocimiento y entendimiento de los gobiernos de coalición en sistemas presidenciales sean bastante mal conocidos, pese a que muchos estudios hayan demostrado el carácter rutinario del fenómeno.Esta tesis se propone colmar este vacío ontológico, concentrándose en el análisis de las particularidades estructurales de los sistemas presidenciales relacionándose, de manera constante, con la teoría en sistemas parlamentarios. Al considerar los tres países del Cono Sur, y el análisis de ocho gobiernos que presentaron una configuración coaligada con fortunas diversas, esta tesis vendrá insistiendo sobre el impacto del presidencialismo sobre la formación y la gestión de estos gobiernos. Este enfoque presidencializado de las teorías de las coaliciones insiste asimismo sobre dos elementos generales propios al fenómeno coalicionar en régimen presidencial: la tendencia a la bipolarización de la competencia política y el carácter más precoz del juego de alianzas
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Yanacopulos, Helen. „The dynamics of governance : the emergence of development NGO coalitions in world politics“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251787.
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