Thematische Bibliographien / Coalition politics

Inhaltsverzeichnis

  1. Zeitschriftenartikel
  2. Dissertationen
  3. Bücher
  4. Buchteile
  5. Konferenzberichte
  6. Berichte der Organisationen

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Coalition politics“

Autor: Grafiati
Veröffentlicht am 18. Mai 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Coalition politics"

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Moten, Abdul Rashid. „The 14th General Elections in Malaysia“. Asian Survey 59, Nr. 3 (Mai 2019): 500–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2019.59.3.500.

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In the 14th general election in Malaysia, the opposition coalition overturned the ruling coalition’s entrenched incumbency of over six decades. The ruling coalition suffered from a legitimacy deficit and corruption scandals. The election witnessed four coalitions of parties, but these coalitions have been ephemeral, and Malaysian politics continues to be based on racial arithmetic.
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Wiley, Kimberly Kay. „Leveraging Political Resources: Applying the Advocacy Coalition Framework to the National Coalition Against Domestic Violence“. Nonprofit Policy Forum 13, Nr. 1 (15.10.2021): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2020-0020.

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Abstract As politics becomes increasingly polarized, the value of collective political action becomes more visible and overt. Nonprofit organizations act collectively in pursuit of their policy goals in nearly all aspects of public policy. Understanding how nonprofits borne of social movements engage politically expands our insight into advocacy coalition behavior following seemingly effective social movements. The coalition’s leveraging of political resources provides us this insight. This study assesses the policy activities produced or maintained within a U.S. national domestic violence advocacy coalition over its lifetime to determine how and when resources were leveraged. A directed content analysis is conducted on historical data to capture the evolution of coalition activities over a 41-year period. The coalition’s emphasis on policy change waned over time as it achieved its policy goals. The coalition then leaned on its largest resources, mobilizable troops, and information to increasingly emphasize policy implementation and evaluation. These findings indicate that when in the policy process coalitions leverage their political resources may be more important than how coalitions leverage resources. Framing nonprofit political activity across the stages of the policy process can open doors to better use of scarce political resources.
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Sotirov, Metodi, Georg Winkel und Katarina Eckerberg. „The coalitional politics of the European Union’s environmental forest policy: Biodiversity conservation, timber legality, and climate protection“. Ambio 50, Nr. 12 (10.10.2021): 2153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s13280-021-01644-5.

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AbstractEuropean forest policymaking is shaped by progressing European integration, yet with notable ideological divisions and diverging interests among countries. This paper focuses on the coalitional politics of key environmental forest issues: biodiversity conservation, timber legality, and climate protection policy. Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and the Shifting Coalition Theory, and informed by more than 186 key informant interviews and 73 policy documents spanning a 20-year timeframe, we examine the evolution of coalitional forest politics in Europe. We find that the basic line-up has remained stable: an environmental coalition supporting EU environmental forest policy integration and a forest sector coalition mostly opposing it. Still, strategic alliances across these coalitions have occurred for specific policy issues which have resulted in a gradual establishment of an EU environmental forest policy. We conclude with discussion of our findings and provide suggestions for further research.
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Nasir, Muhammad Touqeer Akhter, und Khan Faqir. „A Critical Analysis of Coalition Politics in Pakistan A Case Study of PPP-led Coalition 2008-2013“. Global Political Review VI, Nr. IV (30.12.2021): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-iv).01.

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Coalition politics have played a unique role in the modernsystem of governance. It played a vital role in politics forbringing the smaller political parties closer by reducing the chances ofserious conflicts. Coalitions can be governmental, which are formed afterelections, and coalitions also can be formed before elections. Like most ofthe Third World countries, Pakistan is an emerging democratic state witha multi-party setup. Present research work tried to analyze differentaspects of coalition politics since the creation of Pakistan; however, thescope of this research was restricted to the era from 2008 to 2013. Thestudy has included the concept of coalitions, the formation of coalitions,their governance, terminations, and their implications on the politics ofPakistan. In order to get pinpoint the performance of the coalition during2008-2013, primary sources, including official documents, statements,and interviews, and secondary sources like books, journals, newspapers,and websites have been consulted. Basically, it is qualitative research, butsometimes quantitative material is also utilized. To complete the research,historical, descriptive, and experimental methods were used. The studyrevealed that how coalition politics has become a backbone of democracyin Pakistan, where many parties were getting representation in thelegislative assembly. Here, the successful tenure of the PPP-led coalitiongave new hope to the political stakeholders to work together for sustainabledemocracy in Pakistan.
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Hancock, Rosemary. „Religion in Coalition: Balancing Moderate and Progressive Politics in the Sydney Alliance“. Religions 10, Nr. 11 (04.11.2019): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110610.

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This article examines how the engagement of diverse religious organisations and individuals in grassroots politics impacts the nature of politics and coalition building through a case study of an urban grassroots political coalition in Australia: the Sydney Alliance. Based on eight-months of exploratory ethnographic fieldwork in one campaign team, this article argues that whilst religious organisations bring significant symbolic and institutional resources to political coalitions, and can be flexible coalition partners, they tend to moderate both conservative and progressive political tendencies within a coalition and demand focused attention from organisers and leaders to manage the coalition dynamics. This article examines the way many religious activists understand their political action to be an inherent and necessary part of their religious practice: problematizing the characterisation common in much social science literature that religious engagement in more progressive politics primarily serves political, and not religious, ends. In doing so, it shows how political action can be directed both outward towards the work, and inward towards the ‘church’.
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Baccaro, Lucio, und Jonas Pontusson. „The politics of growth models“. Review of Keynesian Economics 10, Nr. 2 (29.04.2022): 204–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/roke.2022.02.04.

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This article develops a framework for studying the politics of growth models. These, the authors posit, are sustained by ‘growth coalitions’ based in key sectors. Their members are first and foremost firms and employer associations, but fractions of labor are also included, if their interests do not impair the model’s functionality. There is no guarantee that a growth coalition and a winning electoral coalition coincide. In normal times, a growth coalition effectively insulates itself from political competition, and mainstream political parties converge on key growth model policies. In moments of crisis, however, the coalition shrinks, favoring the emergence of challengers that fundamentally contest the status quo. The way governing parties respond to electoral pressures can also play an important role in the recalibration of growth models. The authors illustrate the argument by examining the politics of ‘export-led growth’ in Germany, ‘construction-led growth’ in Spain, and ‘balanced growth’ in Sweden.
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Schofield, Norman. „Coalition Politics“. Journal of Theoretical Politics 7, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 245–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0951692895007003002.

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Filippova, E. „Factors of Coalitional Governments Formation Between Regionalist and Nationwide Political Parties in Regions of Spain“. World Economy and International Relations 65, Nr. 4 (2021): 71–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-4-71-79.

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Received 09.09.2020. The paper focuses on one of the most significant arenas of multi-level politics – the interaction between regionalist and state-wide parties in the creation and functioning of government coalitions at the regional level. The research is aimed at determining the factors influencing the creation of such coalitions in which regionalist parties act as coalition partners with a specific agenda. Spain provides significant empirical material for research on this issue, where regionalist parties function in most regions, and state-wide parties often enter government coalitions with them at the level of autonomous communities. A comparative analysis of the practices of concluding coalition agreements between statewide and regionalist political parties in the regions of Spain during the democratic period is a key research method. The theoretical part of the article provides an overview of the theories of party coalitions accumulated by Political Science since the 1950s and updated by researchers due to actualization of new circumstances in the context of multilevel politics. The empirical part of the article examines the influence of three categories of factors on the construction of coalition deals between regionalist and state-wide political parties in the Spanish autonomous communities, including: the size of the coalition, the ideological inter-party distance (comprising the regionalist-ideological dimension) and correspondence of the alignments of party forces at the regional and national levels. The research demonstrates that the factor of coalition size is fundamental for transactions between regionalist and state-wide political parties, while the other two categories of factors manifest themselves situationally. Acknowledgements. The research was carried out at the expense of a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (project No. 19-18-00053 " Subnational regionalism and dynamics of multilevel politics (Russian and European practices)") at the Perm Federal Research Center of the Ural Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
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Kumar, Nakul. „The Political Economy of Intergovernmental Transfers—Evidence from Indian Disaster Relief“. Journal of South Asian Development 11, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2016): 261–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174116666441.

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India’s National Calamity Contingency Fund (NCCF) is a discretionary federal grant that supports the sub-national governments with their disaster relief efforts. Evidence suggests that discretionary intergovernmental transfers in countries with national coalition governments contribute to distributive politics. Coalition formateur(s) use these transfers to form or hold together fractious coalitions. We use data on the NCCF from 1997 to 2013 for 23 Indian states to test for distributive politics. Our results show no evidence of NCCF contributing to distributive politics. We argue instead that the NCCF contributes to a different political phenomenon— tactical redistribution.
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Spieldenner, Andrew R., und Shinsuke Eguchi. „Different Sameness: Queer Autoethnography and Coalition Politics“. Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies 20, Nr. 2 (28.10.2019): 134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532708619884962.

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As a method, we use autoethnography to explore coalition politics from our positions in academia. We use autoethnography to examine how similar identity categories presume sameness and can lead to conflict within institutions. This autoethnography looks at how coalitional politics were learned, as well as how coalitional politics are practiced within the institutional spaces of the university and academic discipline. In particular, we examine how we have experienced conflict and competition, as well as ways that we continue to build coalitional spaces. Through this, we place autoethnography as an explicitly political methodology.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Coalition politics"

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Roy, Bimal Krishna. „Coalition politics in india: a study“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1333.

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Martínez, Farrero Santi. „Coalition Politics in Catalan Local Governments, 1979-2011“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/286733.

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With the exception of the different studies performed by Márquez Cruz, and the report about local government (Magre, 2006), there is no other research, in Spain, with the level of detail of the current one, in anything relating to the portfolio distribution among the elected Councillors, covering a period of 32 years, which makes possible to formulate, not only some hypothesis about the behaviour of the parties in coalition in terms of paybacks and gender, but also to conclude some trends and facts relating the morphology of the coalition. The study concludes that within the period under study, 1979-2011, covering the catalan municipalities with more than 10.000 inhabitants and County capitals, coalition has been the norm for the local governments. The study also highlights that there are two specific coalition patterns between parties, the one based on cooperation, as they exercise the PSC and ICV, and the one based on competition, usually performed by CIU and ERC. Under the cooperation pattern, the small party is rewarded with portfolios which are relevant for the execution of his political goals, improving his visibility and the possibilities to receive more votes in the next elections. The last part of the study is about gender issues, concluding that the legal equality is not guaranteeing the effective equality, understood as the balance between the percentage of elected councillors per gender, and the representativeness and power levels attributed to them. It is evidenced that the composition of the lists is the first constraint for women in local politics, since the first positions are mainly occupied by men. It is proved that the position of a candidate within an electoral list is less respected when assigning power and representativeness, if the candidate is a woman.
Aquest estudi té dos parts diferenciades, essent la primera la creació d’una base de dades de més de 180.000 registres extrets de fons primàries, amb informació detallada de candidats, llistes electorals, càrrecs i regidories de les que han sigut responsables, de tots els municipis de més de 10.000 habitants i capitals de Comarca de Catalunya, en relació als governs formats des de 1979 fins 2011. La segona part és resultat de l’explotació d’aquesta base de dades, inexistent fins ara. Els resultats indiquen què, durant el període estudiat, la coalició de partits ha sigut la norma als governs municipals. També s’evidencia que hi ha dos formes bàsiques de cooperació entre partits quan formen coalició, com són la cooperació i la competició. La primera és la habitual entre el PSC i ICV, mentre que la segona ho és entre CIU i ERC. Quan el patró és de cooperació, el partit petit rep regidories que li permeten executar els punts més importants del seu programa electoral, aconseguint major visibilitat i, generalment, mes vots a les següents eleccions. La base de dades també ha permès demostrar que la igualtat de gènere establerta per Llei no comporta, de forma directa, la igualtat efectiva, entesa aquesta com la resultant de la distribució de càrrecs i responsabilitats un cop es formen els governs municipals, independent que siguin en forma de partit únic o en coalició. La formació de les llistes electorals és una important restricció per les dones en política local, doncs els primers llocs tenen un clar biaix masculí. En no ocupar les primeres posicions tenen menys opcions a càrrecs importants i visibilitat pública. Es demostra que en el cas de candidats masculins, els partits respecten més la posició ocupada a les llistes a l’hora d’assignar responsabilitats, i que el PSC respecta menys el llocs ocupats per dones que no pas CIU.
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Zucco, Cesar. „The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Karol, David. „Coalition management explaining party position change in American politics /“. Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=994245991&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Tatsuni, Kayoko. „Coalition politics, ethnic violence and citizenship : Muslim political agency in Meerut, India, c.1950-2004“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2009. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2556/.

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This dissertation examines the responses of the Muslim community in Meerut city, in western Uttar Pradesh, India, to the rise of militant Hindu nationalism and to the anti-Muslim violence that shook Meerut in April-May 1987. I show how Meerut Muslims engaged in adaptive economic and political strategies in the wake of the 1987 violence and how these strategies culminated in a new style of participatory politics. This emerged under the leadership of the hitherto low status Qureshi (butcher) community. I show how Qureshi political activism has worked to create a Muslim political community which can be mobilised in terms both of civic and Muslim identities. I also demonstrate how Muslim political leaders have engaged in an instrumental politics of vote-trading with Hindu low- caste political parties. Both communities are exploiting new possibilities for representation in an era of multi-party coalition politics at state and national levels. My account of the 'new Muslim politics' in Meerut examines how Islam is understood alongside civic, or even secular, accounts of what it means to be a Muslim in contemporary India. More generally, my discussion of the production of ethnic peace in Meerut since c.1990 allows me to contribute to an ongoing debate on the causes and differential geography of 'communal' violence in India. I do not attempt to adjudicate between the competing accounts of 'votes and violence' offered by Steven Wilkinson, Ashutosh Varshney, Paul Brass and others. Instead, I seek to build on their work by offering a more considered discussion of Muslim political agency in the face of provocative militant Hinduism. Behind concerted campaigns for security and survival, the 'new Muslim politics' mirrors a commitment to the goals of respect and dignity that is also to be found among the region's poorest Hindu communities and the Scheduled Castes (dalits).
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Basu, Santanu. „Coalition politics and the issues of social justice: a study in the context of directive principles of state policy under the constitution of India“. Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1797.

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Sharma, Ashwani Kumar. „Third World solidarity in global politics : the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 in the United Nations General Assembly“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.326909.

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Ruparelia, Sanjay. „Coalition politics in India : a study of the United Front, 1996-1998“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.613997.

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Burke, Lawrence. „Probation, politics, policy and practice : from New Labour to the Coalition Government“. Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2016. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/4478/.

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The outputs presented in part submission of a PhD by publication represent the body of my published work over the past ten years. They cover policy, practice and legislative developments during both the New Labour and Coalition Governments that have ultimately led to the demise of the Probation Service as a unified public sector organisation. Two main themes are evident in my writing. The first is a critique of how an ideological commitment to economic neo-liberalism and accompanying social conservatism has shaped contemporary probation policy and public sector provision more generally. The second significant strand has been an exploration of the impact of these developments on the occupational culture and working practices of probation work.
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Cook, R. J. „Puritans, pragmatists and progress : The Republican coalition in Iowa, 1854-1878“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381787.

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Bücher zum Thema "Coalition politics"

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Albala, Adrián, und Josep Maria Reniu, Hrsg. Coalition Politics and Federalism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9.

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1973-, Adeney Katharine, und Sáez Lawrence 1965-, Hrsg. Coalition politics and Hindu nationalism. New York: Routledge, 2005.

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Sjölin, Mats. Coalition politics and parliamentary power. Lund: Lund University Press, 1993.

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Akhtar, Majeed, und Jamia Hamdard (New Delhi, India). Centre for Federal Studies., Hrsg. Coalition politics and power sharing. New Delhi: Manak Publications Pvt. Ltd., 2000.

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Coalition game politics in Kerala. New Delhi: Intellectual Pub. House, 1985.

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Centre for Indian Political Research & Analysis., Hrsg. The coalition politics in India. Delhi: Centre for Indian Political Research and Analysis, 2001.

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Coalition politics: The Indian experience. New Delhi: Concept Pub. Co., 2004.

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Coalition: The politics and personalities of coalition government from 1850. Petersfield, Hampshire (England): Harriman House Ltd., 2007.

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Kim, Youngmi, und Youngmi Kim. The politics of coalition in Korea: Between institutions and culture. London: Routledge, 2011.

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Lobbying together: Interest group coalitions in legislative politics. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 1999.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Coalition politics"

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Adams, R. J. Q., und Philip P. Poirier. „The Politics of Coalition“. In The Conscription Controversy in Great Britain, 1900–18, 71–92. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08787-7_5.

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Albala, Adrián, und Josep Maria Reniu. „Introduction“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 1–11. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_1.

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Clerici, Paula, Adrián Albala und Josep Maria Reniu. „Conclusion“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 205–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_10.

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Albala, Adrián. „The Missing Piece: Introducing the 4th Generation of Coalition Theories“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 13–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_2.

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Linhart, Eric. „Coalition Building on the Federal and on the Länder Level in Germany“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 33–51. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_3.

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Giannetti, Daniela, und Luca Pinto. „Coalition Patterns in Italian Regional Governments 1970–2015“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 53–76. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_4.

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Sridharan, Eswaran. „Coalition Congruence in India’s Federal System“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 77–112. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_5.

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Mauro, Sebastián. „Coalition Politics in a Federalized Party System: The Case of Argentina“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 113–28. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_6.

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de Sandes-Freitas, Vítor Eduardo Veras, und Fernando Augusto Bizzarro-Neto. „Presidential and Subnational Elections: The Logic of Party Alignments in Brazil (1994–2010)“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 129–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_7.

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Errington, Wayne. „Long-term Patterns of Coalition-Building at State and Federal Level in Australia“. In Coalition Politics and Federalism, 165–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75100-9_8.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Coalition politics"

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Bt Hairi, Nur Atika. „Coalition Politics Among Opposition Parties In Malaysia: A Case Study Of Pakatan Rakyat (2008-2016)“. In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.36.

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Chella, A., R. Sorbello, L. Martorana, M. Palermo und R. Barone. „The economic metaphor of Italian politics for dynamic coalition regeneration in the Robocup competition of Aibo robots“. In Proceedings of the Fifth International Workshop on Robot Motion and Control. IEEE, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/romoco.2005.201437.

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Fadillah, Khoerun, und Panji Permana. „Wholesale Coalition in a Sole Candidate Election: The Case of the 2018 Tangerang Regent Election“. In Proceedings of the 1st International Symposium on Indonesian Politics, SIP 2019, 26-27 June 2019, Central Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.25-6-2019.2287994.

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Blokhin, Ivan O., und Vitaly А. Epshteyn. „THE POLITICS OF HISTORICAL MEMORY OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR IN SERBIA ON THE EXAMPLE OF SPEECHES BY REPRESENTATIVES OF THE RULING COALITION ON THE OCCASION OF VICTORY DAY OVER FASCISM“. In Социальные и гуманитарные науки в условиях вызовов современности. Комсомольск-на-Амуре: Комсомольский-на-Амуре государственный университет, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/978-5-7765-1527-9-2022-325.

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Kuba, Ondřej, und Jan Stejskal. „The Analysis of Coalition Parties´ Election Programme Fulfillment: Czech Case Study“. In 2nd International Conference on Business, Management and Finance. Acavent, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/2nd.icbmf.2019.11.776.

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In multi-party democratic systems, where there is no absolute majority, the political parties are forced to cooperate. The cooperation is built on negotiations that result in several side effects including also concessions and compromises in the program. This analysis focused on the fulfillment of the coalition party promises in the Czech Republic, specifically on Prime Minister Bohuslav Sobotka´s government. The input data of the research consisted of a prepared set of testable political promises from the pre-election programs of selected political parties. The promises were compared with the contents of the coalition agreement, the government’s policy statement. It was found that coalition political parties selected by the government within the framework of coalition cooperation managed to enforce approximately 36 % of their election promises. At the program level, 24 % of promises were enforced. In areas that increase the personal budget of voters, government political parties have pushed 76 % of promises. Regardless of their cooperation, they made approx. 52 % of the election promises during the parliamentary term. The dominant party of the government was the CSSD.
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Li, Lin, Xiaohua Wu, Miao Kong, Dong Zhou und Xiaohui Tao. „Towards the Quantitative Interpretability Analysis of Citizens Happiness Prediction“. In Thirty-First International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-22}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2022/707.

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Evaluating the high-effect factors of citizens' happiness is beneficial to a wide range of policy-making for economics and politics in most countries. Benefiting from the high-efficiency of regression models, previous efforts by sociology scholars have analyzed the effect of happiness factors with high interpretability. However, restricted to their research concerns, they are specifically interested in some subset of factors modeled as linear functions. Recently, deep learning shows promising prediction accuracy while addressing challenges in interpretability. To this end, we introduce Shapley value that is inherent in solid theory for factor contribution interpretability to work with deep learning models by taking into account interactions between multiple factors. The proposed solution computes the Shapley value of a factor, i.e., its average contribution to the prediction in different coalitions based on coalitional game theory. Aiming to evaluate the interpretability quality of our solution, experiments are conducted on a Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS) questionnaire dataset. Through systematic reviews, the experimental results of Shapley value are highly consistent with academic studies in social science, which implies our solution for citizens' happiness prediction has 2-fold implications, theoretically and practically.
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Nacher, Anna. „The Techno-Ecological Practice as the Politics of Ontological Coalitions“. In Politics of the Machines - Art and After. BCS Learning & Development, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.14236/ewic/evac18.17.

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8

YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. „THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)“. In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.
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Харин, Артём. „Диалог с Россией в дискурсе политических партий ФРГ на современном этапе“. In Россия — Германия в образовательном, научном и культурном диалоге. Конкорд, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37490/de2021/026.

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The article is devoted to the study of the evolution of the foreign policy attitudes of the parliamentary political parties of the Federal Republic of Germany. The article analyzes the coalition agreements and pre-election documents of the German parties in the context of their relation to Russia. The factors that influence the nature of the presence of the foreign policy component in the official discourse of the Germany political parties are revealed.
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Bahbahani, Mohammed S., Mohammed W. Baidas und Emad Alsusa. „Distributed multi-relay selection via political coalition formation in cooperative wireless networks“. In 2016 IEEE Wireless Communications and Networking Conference (WCNC). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/wcnc.2016.7565001.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Coalition politics"

1

Irwin, Douglas. Antebellum Tariff Politics: Coalition Formation and Shifting Regional Interests. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12161.

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Ozturk, Ibrahim. Confronting Populist Authoritarians: The Dynamics of Lula’s Success in Brazil and Erdogan’s Survival in Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), Dezember 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0027.

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This article delves into the political trajectories of anti-establishment leaders Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) in Brazil and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, both of whom ascended to power in the early 2000s amid politically fragmented environments. The analysis explores the dynamics of their rise, governance styles, and the factors influencing the retention or loss of power. Lula’s success in the 2022 elections against right-wing populist Jair Bolsonaro is attributed to his adept coalition-building and pragmatic policies. In contrast, Erdogan, facing economic crises and deep political unrest, managed to secure his position in the May 2023 elections, showcasing the complexities of populism. The article examines the leadership qualities, coalition-building strategies, and responses to challenges encountered by Lula and Erdogan. Despite initial similarities, Erdogan’s transformative approach to institutions and the establishment of a self-sustaining clientelist regime contributed to his longevity, in contrast to Bolsonaro’s defeat. The role of clientelism, rent-seeking, and corruption in both countries’ politics is discussed, emphasizing their impact on public perception. Lula’s effective positioning as an alternative to Bolsonaro is contrasted with Turkey’s lack of a convincing opposition. Despite bringing Turkey to the brink, Erdogan’s retention of power is attributed to maintaining a "man of the people" persona amid societal concerns for security and stability. In conclusion, the article underscores the nuanced dynamics of populist leadership, emphasizing the significance of historical context, governance strategies, and external factors in shaping the trajectories of leaders such as Lula and Erdogan.
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Auers, Daunis. The Russia-Ukraine War and Right-Wing Populism in Latvia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), März 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0023.

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Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has profoundly impacted Latvia’s politics, economy and society. It also moved Latvia’s political centre to the right and mainstreamed many of the core policy positions of the dominant Radical Right National Alliance (NA), such as squeezing the Russian language from the public sphere, dismantling the publicly-funded Russian-language school system, and demolishing Soviet-era monuments. This policy shift has been made possible by the NA’s gradual political mainstreaming over the last decade (it has been in a governing coalition since 2011) and long-standing opposition to Putin’s regime, as well as existing contacts and support for Ukrainian nationalist groups. As a result, there is a public perception that the NA was “right” about Russia. As the NA has mainstreamed and abandoned its populist rhetoric, new populist parties have emerged in Latvia. Parliamentary elections in October 2022 saw new “Latvian” (the Latvia First Party, LPV) and “Russian” (Stability! or S!) populist parties elected to parliament. The LPV largely refused to engage with the war, focusing on domestic economic issues, while S! has capitalized on the “we are for peace” niche left open by other parties’ denunciation of Russia’s invasion.
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4

Acemoglu, Daron, Georgy Egorov und Konstantin Sonin. Coalition Formation in Political Games. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Dezember 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12749.

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5

Li, Cheng. One party, two coalitions in China’s politics. East Asia Forum, August 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.59425/eabc.1250460049.

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6

Raymond, Guy E. The Affects of Coalition Political Restrictions on Operational Maneuver. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Mai 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada328110.

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7

Schmidt, Thomas. The Military-Political Linkage in Coalition Warfare: A Korean Case Study. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada196041.

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Schneider, Ben Ross. Productivity and Human Capital: Missing Incentives and Coalitions. Inter-American Development Bank, Februar 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006825.

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9

Llorens, Hugo. How Was President Clinton Able to Build a Winning Political Coalition on NAFTA? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Januar 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada442227.

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10

Razin, Assaf, Efraim Sadka und Benjarong Suwankiri. The Welfare State and Migration: A Dynamic Analysis of Political Coalitions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Dezember 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w20806.

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