Dissertationen: „Civil rights movements – history“

1

Spratt, Margaret Ann. „When police dogs attacked : iconic news photographs and the construction of history, mythology, and political discourse /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6189.

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2

Lee, Barry Everett. „The Nashville Civil Rights Movement: A Study of the Phenomenon of Intentional Leadership Development and its Consequences for Local Movements and the National Civil Rights Movement“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/16.

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The Nashville Civil Rights Movement was one of the most dynamic local movements of the early 1960s, producing the most capable student leaders of the period 1960 to 1965. Despite such a feat, the historical record has largely overlooked this phenomenon. What circumstances allowed Nashville to produce such a dynamic movement whose youth leadership of John Lewis, Diane Nash, Bernard LaFayette, and James Bevel had no parallel? How was this small cadre able to influence movement developments on local and a national level? In order to address these critical research questions, standard historical methods of inquiry will be employed. These include the use of secondary sources, primarily Civil Rights Movement histories and memoirs, scholarly articles, and dissertations and theses. The primary sources used include public lectures, articles from various periodicals, extant interviews, numerous manuscript collections, and a variety of audio and video recordings. No original interviews were conducted because of the availability of extensive high quality interviews. This dissertation will demonstrate that the Nashville Movement evolved out of the formation of independent Black churches and college that over time became the primary sites of resistance to racial discrimination, starting in the Nineteenth Century. By the late 1950s, Nashville’s Black college attracted the students who became the driving force of a local movement that quickly established itself at the forefront of the Civil Rights Movement. Nashville’s forefront status was due to an intentional leadership training program based upon nonviolence. As a result of the training, leaders had a profound impact upon nearly every major movement development up to 1965, including the sit-ins, the Freedom Rides, the March on Washington, the birth of SNCC, the emergence of Black Power, the direction of the SCLC after 1962, the thinking of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., the Birmingham campaign, and the Selma voting rights campaign. In addition, the Nashville activists helped eliminate fear as an obstacle to Black freedom. These activists also revealed new relationship dynamics between students and adults and merged nonviolent direct action with voter registration, a combination considered incompatible.

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3

Hutchinson, Yvette. „Womanpower in the Civil Rights Movement“. W&M ScholarWorks, 1991. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625696.

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4

Brown, Nicholas David. „The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters: The Civil Rights Movement“. University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430166476.

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5

Young, Julius A. Jr. „Charles Hamilton Houston as the father of the Civil Rights Movement“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2013. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/751.

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This study explores the idea of who was the first to foster a national movement to weaken Jim Crow laws. This study was based on the premise that Martin Luther King, Jr. was an important figure, but not the actual father of a movement to grant blacks equal rights, as many suggest. A case study analysis approach was used to analyze data gathered including primary sources, personal letters from Charles Hamilton Houston to his parents and friends, as well as court documents related to cases he argued in federal and state courts. In addition newspaper/magazine articles from Houston's time, articles focusing on him after his death, and sociological studies from that time were also utilized. The research found that Charles Hamilton Houston was the first black lawyer to challenge "separate but equal" with national success. Houston used empirical and scientific data of that time to show the facilities were not. The conclusion drawn from the findings suggests that the legal victories Houston achieved provided all Americans with a basis from which to challenge segregation and unequal treatment under the law in America.

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6

Jeter-Bennett, Gisell. „We Are Going Too! The Children of the Birmingham Civil Rights Movement“. The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1452263338.

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7

Bell, Janet Dewart. „African American Women Leaders in the Civil Rights Movement: A Narrative Inquiry“. Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1432029763.

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8

Boyce, Anika Keys. „"What's Going On": Motown and the Civil Rights Movement“. Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/590.

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Thesis advisor: Lynn Lyerly
Based in 1960s Detroit, the Motown Record Company established itself and thrived as an independently run and successful African American business. Amidst humble origins in a two-story house outside of which Berry Gordy hung the sign, "Hitsville USA," Motown encouraged America's youth, urging them to look beyond racial divides and to simply sing and dance together in a time where the theme of unity was becoming increasingly important. Producing legends such as Marvin Gaye, Diana Ross, Stevie Wonder, The Temptations, The Four Tops, Martha Reeves, Gladys Knight, and the Jackson Five, Motown truly created a new sound for the youth of America and helped shape the 1960s. Competing with the "British Invasion" and "the Protest Movement," in 1960s music, Motown is often said to have had little or no impact on the political and social revolution of the time because Motown did not produce "message music." The 2006 film, Dreamgirls even depicts Gordy and Motown as hypocrites and race traitors. Yet Motown embodied one of the principles the Civil Rights Movement preached most: black success and independence. Although the founder of Motown, Berry Gordy, never had the intention of proclaiming a message of black independence and empowerment through his actions of establishing an independent record company, he accomplished one of the goals of the Civil Rights Movement: black economic independence. The establishment and success of Motown was an intrinsically political act that served as proof to Civil Rights claims that African Americans could be just as independent and successful as whites
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: History Honors Program

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9

Walker, Pamela N. „"Pray for Me and My Kids": Correspondence between Rural Black Women and White Northern Women During the Civil Rights Movement“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1999.

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This paper examines the experiences of rural black women in Mississippi during the Civil Rights Movement by examining correspondence of the grassroots anti-poverty organization the Box Project. The Box Project, founded in 1962 by white Vermont resident and radical activist Virginia Naeve, provided direct relief to black families living in Mississippi but also opened positive and clandestine lines of communication between southern black women and outsiders, most often white women. The efforts of the Box Project have been largely left out of the dialogue surrounding Civil Rights, which has often been dominated by leading figures, major events and national organizations. This paper seeks to understand the discreet but effective ways in which some black women, though constrained by motherhood, abject poverty, and rural isolation participated in the Civil Rights Movement, and how black and white women worked together to chip away at the foundations of inequality that Jim Crow produced.

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10

GIOIELLI, ROBERT R. „Hard Asphalt and Heavy Metals: Urban Environmentalism in Postwar America“. University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1212161222.

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11

Gough, Allison J. „Raising the moral conscience : the Atlantic Movement for African-American civil rights 1833-1919 /“. The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1488199501405819.

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12

Wheeler, Belinda. „Fifty-Plus Years Later: Former Students Reflect on the Impact of Learning about the Civil Rights Movement“. University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1279560986.

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13

Barclay, Joanne Sarah. „Uncivil War: Memory and Identity in the Reconstruction of the Civil Rights Movement“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/999.

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Memory is constructed to solidify a certain version of the past in the collective identity. History and memory occupy a controversial role in the New South, with battles over the legacy of the Civil War and the reassertion of Confederate symbols in the wake of the Civil Rights Movement's challenge to the status quo. Memory of the Civil Rights Movement is entering public conscious through cultural mediums such as films and museums, as well as through politically contentious debates over the continued display of the Confederate battle flag and the creation of a federal holiday honoring Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The process is still taking place to construct the Civil Rights Movement within the American collective memory. What aspects of this history are commemorated, and which aspects are neglected, will have impact in American society well into the twenty-first century.

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14

Cashion, Katherine. „The Icon Formation of Ruby Bridges Within Hegemonic Memory of the Civil Rights Movement“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1407.

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In 1960, when Ruby Bridges was six-years-old, she desegregated the formerly all white William Frantz Elementary School in New Orleans, Louisiana. This thesis traces her formation as a Civil Rights icon and how her icon narratives are influenced by, perpetuate, or challenge hegemonic memory of the Civil Rights Movement. The hegemonic narrative situates the Civil Rights Movement as a triumphant moment of the past, and is based upon the belief that it abolished institutionalized racism, leaving us in a world where lingering prejudice is the result of the failings of individuals. Analysis of narratives about Ruby Bridges by Norman Rockwell, Robert Coles, and Bridges herself show that there is a consistent shift over time in which the icon narratives conform to and reinforce the hegemonic narrative. These icon narratives situate Bridges’ story as a historical account of the past that teaches lessons of how to combat instances of interpersonal racism through kindness and tolerance, and obscures Bridges’ lived experience. These reductive stories demonstrate just how powerful the hegemonic narrative is and create a comforting morality tale that pervades dominant culture and prevents us from understanding and finding ways to combat the institutionalized racism and inequality that still exists within the United States.

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15

Smith, James G. „Before King Came: The Foundations of Civil Rights Movement Resistance and St. Augustine, Florida, 1900-1960“. UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/504.

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In 1964, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. called St. Augustine, Florida, the most racist city in America. The resulting demonstrations and violence in the summer of 1964 only confirmed King’s characterization of the city. Yet, St. Augustine’s black history has its origins with the Spanish who founded the city in 1565. With little racial disturbance until the modern civil rights movement, why did St. Augustine erupt in the way it did? With the beginnings of Jim Crow in Florida around the turn of the century in 1900, St. Augustine’s black community began to resist the growing marginalization of their community. Within the confines of the predominantly black neighborhood known as Lincolnville, the black community carved out their own space with a culture, society and economy of its own. This paper explores how the African American community within St. Augustine developed a racial solidarity and identity facing a number of events within the state and nation. Two world wars placed the community’s sons on the front lines of battle but taught them to value of fighting for equality. The Great Depression forced African Americans across the South to rely upon one another in the face of rising racial violence. Florida’s racial violence cast a dark shadow over the history of the state and remained a formidable obstacle to overcome for African Americans in the fight for equal rights in the state. Although faced with few instances of violence against them, African Americans in St. Augustine remained fully aware of the violence others faced in Florida communities like Rosewood, Ocoee and Marianna. St. Augustine’s African American community faced these obstacles and learned to look inward for support and empowerment rather than outside. This paper examines the factors that vii encouraged this empowerment that translates into activism during the local civil rights movement of the 1960s.

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16

Harmon, Joshua M. „“BUT NOT IN VAIN:” THE CIVIL RIGHTS MOVEMENT IN SAN LUIS OBISPO, CALIFORNIA 1947-1969“. DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2009. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/230.

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Civil rights have long been an important focus of historical scholarship. As the United States continues to grapple with issues of racism and the complicated legacy of the Civil Rights Movement, it is imperative that a variety of perspectives are incorporated into scholarship on the subject. Traditional scholarship on the subject has focused on the large organizations, individuals, marches, and activities that have come to characterize the Civil Rights movement. This study seeks to integrate the perspectives of a case study population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo, California, to assess the ways in which African Americans away from large population centers were able to participate in the Civil Rights movement. This study draws primarily on contemporary newspapers, NAACP records, and government documents to assess the relationship between the local civil rights movement and its national counterpart. Civil rights activities at California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo also reveal important instances of discrimination and exclusion on campus. Research has shown that, despite relative isolation and a miniscule population, African Americans in San Luis Obispo experienced similar discrimination, isolation, and economic exclusion as their urban and rural counterparts throughout the nation. They also attempted to bring attention to their plight using nationally established organizations and tactics. Though African Americans in San Luis Obispo met with limited success, their previously undocumented struggle has revealed a population determined to fight for their rights. The continuity between the experiences of African Americans throughout the country renders a more complete understanding of racism in the United States.

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17

Chudzinski, Adrienne Elyse. „Sites of Struggle: Civil Rights and the Politics of Memorialization“. Miami University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1335379573.

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18

Vipperman, Justin LeGrand. „"On This, We Shall Build": the Struggle for Civil Rights in Portland, Oregon 1945-1953“. PDXScholar, 2016. http://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3124.

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Generally, Oregon historians begin Portland Civil Rights history with the development of Vanport and move quickly through the passage of the state's public accommodations law before addressing the 1960s and 70s. Although these eras are ripe with sources and contentious experiences, 1945 to 1953 provide a complex struggle for civil rights in Portland, Oregon. This time period demonstrates the rise of local leaders, wartime racial tensions, and organizational efforts used to combat inequality. 1945 marked a watershed moment in Portland Civil Rights history exhibiting intergroup collaboration and interracial cooperation converging to eventually provide needed legislation. Although discrimination continued after 1953, the era between 1945 and 1953 provided an era of change upon which subsequent movements in Portland were based. My thesis uses material from various collections to piece together the early struggle for civil rights in Portland, and more broadly, Oregon. These documents show that the local struggle started before the classical phase of the Civil Rights Movement, usually defined as Brown v. Board of Education to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. By focusing on the classical phase of civil rights, historians miss the building of a strong foundation for Portland's Civil Rights history. My research proves the existing nuances of the fight for equality by looking at local movements rather than the national struggle. This study demonstrates the nuances by focusing on rising racial tension, the efforts to document them, and the strategies used to combat discrimination.

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19

Borden, Sara. „An Examination of How Archives Have Influenced the Telling of the Story of Philadelphia's Civil Rights Movement“. Master's thesis, Temple University Libraries, 2011. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/145626.

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History
M.A.
This paper examines the way that history and the archive interact with an examination of the civil rights movement in Philadelphia in the 1960s. Lack of accessibility may detrimentally affect historians' analyses. This paper is an assessment of what both writers and archivists can do to help diminish oversights. Included is an investigation of the short-lived Black Coalition and the way the organization is represented in scholarship. How do the representations differ from the story the primary sources tell? Also examined is the relationship between Cecil B. Moore and Martin Luther King, Jr. What primary sources exist that illuminate their friendship? How has their friendship been portrayed in secondary works? The paper outlines the discovery of video footage of the two men and how this footage complicates widely-held perceptions of their association. Lastly, this thesis offers remedies to allow for greater accessibility of primary source documents, most notably the role of digitization within the archive. Included in these suggestions are analyses of existing digital initiatives and suggestions for future projects. Digitization initiatives may be the means by which to bridge the gap currently facing archivists and historians today.
Temple University--Theses

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20

Hicks, Isaiah Deonte. „"We Don't Want Another Black Freedom Movement!" : An Inquiry into the desire for new social movements by comparing how people perceived both the Civil Rights Movement and the Black Power Movement versus the Black Lives Matter Movement“. Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1587123845884206.

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21

Mendoza, Marisa B. „Canciones del Movimiento Chicano/Songs of the Chicano Movement: The Impact of Musical Traditions on the 1960s Chicano Civil Rights Movement“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/129.

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This thesis analyzes resistance songs as key representations of the identity and political formation that took place during the 1960s Chicano movement. Examining particular musical traditions, this thesis highlights the value of placing songs of the Chicano struggle in national narratives of history as well as in the context of an enduring and thriving legacy of political and social activism that continues to allow the Chicano community to recognize and validate their current social realities.

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22

Waugh-Benton, Monica. „Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972“. unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.
1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).

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23

Castellini, Michael. „Sit In, Stand Up and Sing Out!: Black Gospel Music and the Civil Rights Movement“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2013. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/76.

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This thesis explores the relationship between black gospel music and the African American freedom struggle of the post-WWII era. More specifically, it addresses the paradoxical suggestion that black gospel artists themselves were typically escapist, apathetic, and politically uninvolved—like the black church and black masses in general—despite the “classical” Southern movement music being largely gospel-based. This thesis argues that gospel was in fact a critical component of the civil rights movement. In ways open and veiled, black gospel music always spoke to the issue of freedom. Topics include: grassroots gospel communities; African American sacred song and coded resistance; black church culture and social action; freedom songs and local movements; socially conscious or activist gospel figures; gospel records with civil rights themes.

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24

Walmsley, Mark Joseph. „'The first draft of history' : how the process of news construction has influenced our understanding of the civil and gay rights movements of the 1960s“. Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/11812/.

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Produced on a regular basis and dealing with a wide range of events, newspaper data represents a treasure trove of information for researchers interested in the lives of previous generations. Unfortunately, however, the extent to which media data is used in historical research has not been matched by a similar engagement with media history and theory. Indeed, whether relying on media data for analysis or simply the ‘hard facts’, scholars often accept this record without asking the right questions about how it was constructed and why. In contrast, this thesis questions the relationship between the mainstream press in the United States and social activists in a range of organisations and movements. Focused on groups within the civil and gay rights movements of the 1960s, this study not only highlights how the mainstream media has misrepresented activism, but also locates the genesis of these distortions in the process of news production. Importantly, and unlike many revisionist works that present activists as the passive victims of a powerful mainstream media, this thesis builds on theory from within sociology and communication science to demonstrate the symbiotic nature of this process. Indeed, while their efforts were not always successful, this study shows how activists purposefully and consciously adapted their actions and public communications to better fit the daily habits and professional practices of journalists and editors. Often pursuing short term gains, this process of adaptation could repress more open and representative dialogue, producing long term consequences that have influenced movement historiographies. By utilising data from the archives of Newsweek and the New York Times – as well as the private papers, memoirs, and oral interviews of other journalists and editors – this thesis demonstrates the importance of viewing newsworkers as individuals, rather than faceless servants of monolithic institutions. Indeed, each news outlet had its own unique atmosphere, with its own set of rules that set the parameters of its coverage; highlighting the need to resist claims that certain publications are necessarily more ‘representative’ or ‘objective’ than others. Importantly, then, this study demonstrates the need for historians to critically engage with the subjectivity of the media data they use and approach sources in a way that honestly recognises their limitations.

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25

Hock, Jennifer. „Political Designs: Architecture and Urban Renewal in the Civil Rights Era, 1954-1973“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10460.

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This dissertation considers the impact of the U.S. civil rights movement on postwar urban design and urban policy, looking specifically at the case of urban renewal, a federal program of urban reconstruction intended to help central cities modernize and compete with the growing suburbs. Tracing the history of three renewal projects from planning through design and implementation, it argues that these projects were shaped by public debates on civil rights and desegregation and the growing ability of community groups to organize and advocate on their own behalf. This dissertation also revisits the usual critique of urban renewal as a program of social and physical destruction and describes these years as a tumultuous period of construction and community building defined by new expectations for community participation and racial justice. Conceived in the 1950s, as the impact of postwar suburbanization began to be felt in older urban neighborhoods, renewal projects aimed to revitalize declining areas through targeted interventions in the built environment, including the construction of modern housing, shopping centers, and community facilities, as well as the rehabilitation of existing housing. During the turbulent 1960s, these physical design strategies took on political significance, as city officials, planners, and residents considered urban change alongside the social issues of the period, such the racial integration of the housing market, de facto school segregation, and community control over neighborhood resources. Although these projects often began as idealized experiments in racial and economic integration, they quickly became battlegrounds on which communities struggled to balance their desire for federal investment and modernization against the costs of displacement and gentrification. Ultimately, as the civil rights and Black Power movements gathered strength, racial identity and community control were privileged over integration and assimilation, and the buildings and spaces that represented postwar liberalism became targets of anger and protest. While many of these spaces now seem ill-conceived or poorly designed, the collapse of urban renewal is no mere failure of design or planning policy—it is the result of a profound shift in social and political relationships that played out through the negotiation of change in the urban built environment.

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26

Henry, Lucas Aaron. „Freedom Now!: Four Hard Bop and Avant-Garde Jazz Musicians' Musical Commentary on the Civil Rights Movement, 1958-1964“. [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2004. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-1110104-224112/unrestricted/HenryL121004f.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A.)--East Tennessee State University, 2004.
Title from electronic submission form. ETSU ETD database URN: etd-1110104-224112 Includes bibliographical references. Also available via Internet at the UMI web site.

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Bernhardt, Abigail Lynn. „The Freedom to be Catholic: The Struggle to Control the Historical Memory of the Civil Rights Movement in Northern Ireland, 1968-1969“. University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1342036094.

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28

Miller, Brian Richard. „Speaking for themselves: the blind civil rights movement and the battle for the Iowa Braille School“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2013. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/4878.

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In the 1960s, a group of blind activists, led by a charismatic young blind leader, attempted to take control of a residential school for the blind in Vinton, Iowa. The group of activists belonged to the Iowa Association of the Blind, the state affiliate of the National Federation of the Blind (NFB); the leader was Kenneth Jernigan, the first blind director of the Iowa Commission for the Blind; and the school was the Iowa Braille and Sight-Saving School (IBSSS), a venerable institution founded in the mid nineteenth century, and a cornerstone and iconic institution in the small northeast Iowa farming community of Vinton. Through the decade of the 1960s, Iowa was the central front of a civil rights movement, led by blind people determined to implement a new philosophy of blindness against what they perceived to be the entrenched power of sighted rehabilitation and education professionals. For ten years the Iowa Commission for the Blind and the Braille School were at odds with each other as both institutions fought for the hearts and minds of blind adults and children. Constant friction marked relations between the director of the Commission and the superintendent of the school, the former a blind activist administrator, the latter a sighted professional educator of the blind. The former, along with the organized blind whom he led, were not willing to let professionals speak for them, but insisted on speaking for themselves. The blind came to see the Braille School as the biggest obstacle to achieving their goals of advancing the civil rights of the blind in Iowa and beyond. The solution was to seek to take control of the school from the University Board of Regents and put it under the authority of the Commission for the Blind. The effort nearly succeeded, but the cost grew too high, and the battle for the Braille School would mark the beginning of the end of Jernigan's time in Iowa and set back the blind movement in ways not recognized until much later. Blind citizens in the 1940s and 50s faced widespread and entrenched discrimination. The ability to work, to own one's home, to travel independently on public transportation, to serve on trial juries, to vote, to adopt children, to raise families, were rights that no law guaranteed. The Architectual Barriers Act, Rehabilitation Act, Education of All Handicapped Children Act, and the Americans with Disabilities Act were all still decades in the future. It was the hope of Kenneth Jernigan and the blind whom he led to use the vocational rehabilitation program for the blind in Iowa to secure some of the rights the blind lacked, and to advance a new vision of what it meant to be blind.

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Toft, Roelsgaard Natascha. „“Let Our Voices Speak Loud and Clear”: Daisy Bates’s Leadership in Civil Rights and Black Press History“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1546938379618986.

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30

Hashemi, S. Ahmad. „The question of freedom within the horizon of the Iranian Constitutional Movement (1906-1921)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:74388230-d9c6-4c17-850b-bdbceaa0848b.

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The present DPhil research attempts to develop an appropriate method for the historiography of ideas by taking into consideration cultural, linguistic and socio-political limitations and obstacles to free thinking in a predominantly closed society like Qajar Iran. By applying such a method the study then investigates the history of the idea of freedom in Iran during one of the most important periods in the evolution of this concept. The research method is grounded in a hermeneutical interpretation of Collingwood's logic of question and answer. It also employs MacCallum's meta-theoretical frame of analysis which states that freedom is always of something (an agent or agents), from something (conditions), to do something (actions). Using this methodological framework, the research shows how most locutions about freedom uttered in the last century of the Qajar period were formed within the horizon of the question of decline and were somehow related to remedy such situations. It then explores how late Qajar interpretations of the three variables of freedom manifest themselves in the socio-political life of early 20th century Iran. During the first constitutional period (August 1906-June 1908), the major concern of the first majlis was to establish the rule of law. In legislating the constitution and its supplement, the majority of the majlis believed that the main obstacle to freedom was arbitrary rule. Therefore, they endeavoured to restrain the government’s illegal and arbitrary interferences in the people's freedom. However, they did not develop a rational criterion for identifying legitimate and justifiable legal interferences. During the second constitutional period (July 1909– February 1921), the main concern of the second majlis was to restrain chaos and to strengthen the central government in order to put an end to domestic insecurity and foreign threats. To rectify such a situation, the majlis empowered the government to interfere even in the freedoms guaranteed by the constitution. As a result, the situation began to turn from chaos towards arbitrary rule. The research also argues that in most of their interpretations of the aim of freedom, constitutionalists considered an action permissible only if it was compatible with public interest as well as the material and spiritual progress of individuals and society. Theoretically, the aim of freedom could not have been the doing of an action that harmed another person or violated his/her freedom. Furthermore, 'the right to be wrong,' even if it harmed no one, was never defended. Nonetheless, in practice, freedom turned into chaos and licence in both the first and in the second constitutional periods. Finally, this study investigates how the Iranian pioneers of the freedom-seeking movement responded to the question of the eligibility of the agent of freedom, and the question of the equality of agents in having freedom. Iranian society was taking its first steps in experiencing the rule of law and had a long way to go to rectify its discriminatory culture and to establish equal rights. In such conditions, accepting a set of equal fundamental rights for all Iranians should be considered a great achievement for the constitutional movement.

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振兴, 朱., und Zhenxing Zhu. „Chinese American activism in the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement Era,1949-1972“. Thesis, https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0, 2018. https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/BB13069274/?lang=0.

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本研究は、冷戦期と黒人公民権運動期という二重の文脈が交差するなかで、中国系アメリカ人の運動に作用した多様なダイナミズムを歴史的に解明することであった。これにより、従来のような「同化」と「モデル・マイノリティ」の視点から語られがちであった中国系アメリカ人という歴史観とは異なる視座から、当時の中国系アメリカ人の歴史を捉えることを試みた。さらに、チャイナタウン内で発行されていた中国語新聞と中国共産党の資料の分析により、中国共産主義が中国系の左派活動家を通して、いかにアメリカ合衆国の黒人公民権運動に影響を与えたかとのことも検証した。
This dissertation provides an overview of Chinese American activism during the Cold War-Civil Rights Movement period. At the same time, it re-examines the history of Chinese Americans from the perspective of Chinese American activism. By employing a transnational approach to Chinese American activism and carefully analyzing various primary resources, this project attempts to clarify the dynamic process through which Chinese American activist movements changed from engaging in spheres of transnational Chinese struggles to fighting for justice and the interests of their own community in the United States, and finally to becoming an integral part of the Asian American Movement.
博士(アメリカ研究)
Doctor of Philosophy in American Studies
同志社大学
Doshisha University

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32

DiBari, Michael Jr. „Advancing the Civil Rights Movement: Race and Geography of Life Magazine's Visual Representation, 1954-1965“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1304690025.

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33

Tisdale, John Rochelle 1958. „Medgar Evers (1925-1963) and the Mississippi Press“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278976/.

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Medgar Evers was gunned down in front of his home in June 1963, a murder that went unpunished for almost thirty years. Assassinated at the height of the civil rights movement, Evers is a relatively untreated figure in either popular or academic writing. This dissertation includes three themes. Evers's death defined his life, particularly his public role. The other two themes define his relationship with the press in Mississippi (and its structure), and his relationship to the various civil rights organizations, including his employer, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Was the newspaper press, both state and national, fair in its treatment of Evers? Did the press use Evers to further the civil rights agenda or to retard that movement, and was Evers able to employ the press as a public relations tool in promoting the NAACP agenda? The obvious answers have been that the Mississippi press editors and publishers defended segregation and that Evers played a minor role in the civil rights movement. Most newspaper publishers and editorial writers slanted the news to promote segregation but not all newspapers editors. The Carters of Greenville, J. Oliver Emmerich of McComb and weekly editors Ira Harkey and Hazel Brannon Smith denounced the segregationist groups. Evers, too, is not easily defined. His life's work produced few results but his mere presence in the most racist state in the country provided other civil rights organizers with an example of personal strength and fortitude unmatched in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The dissertation reviewed the existing primary and secondary source material, and included personal interviews with primary participants in the Jackson boycotts of 1963. Evers compares with Abraham Lincoln in that both received little credit for their accomplishments until more than thirty years after their assassinations. Both represented the democratic philosophy of the common man's ability to achieve deeds not possible in a caste system.

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34

anderson, Benjamin Park. „Blue Notes and Brown Skin: Five African-American Jazzmen and the Music They Produced in Regard to the American Civil Rights Movement“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626478.

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35

Pride, Aaron N. „Religious Ideology in Racial Protest, 1901-1934: The Origin of African American Neo-Abolitionist Christianity in the Religious Thought of William Monroe Trotter and in the Public Rhetoric of the Boston Guardian in the struggle for Civil Rights“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1543232668594518.

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36

Mays, Nicholas S. „NORTHTERN REDEMTION: MARTIN LUTHER KING, THE UNITEDPASTORS ASSOCIATION, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS STRUGGLES IN CLEVELAND, OHIO“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1404416568.

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37

Vaught, Seneca. „NARROW CELLS AND LOST KEYS: THE IMPACT OF JAILS AND PRISONS ON BLACK PROTEST, 1940-1972“. Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162336938.

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38

Gleason, John Joseph. „Cleveland, the Vietnam War and the Antiwar Movement: The Beginnings from Inner-city Protest to Resistance, 1960-1968“. University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1461786677.

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39

Wheeler, Durene Imani. „Sisters in the movement: an analysis of schooling, culture, and education from 1940-1970 in three black women’s autobiographies“. The Ohio State University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1086187325.

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40

Key, Leslee. „From Desegregation to Desexigration in Richmond, Virginia, 1954-1973“. VCU Scholars Compass, 2011. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/2603.

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This investigation explores the relationships and experiences in the urban community that connected black and white women to understand the complexities of Jim Crow, its breakdown, and the subsequent expansion of female activism in Richmond, Virginia. By examining the South’s famous department stores, Thalhimers and Miller & Rhoads, this research attempts to focus on female-created and female-oriented spaces within downtown Richmond, from 1954 until 1973, and draws a line from the Thalhimer boycott staged by African-American women in 1961 to the sit-in performed by white women in the Thalhimers male-only soup bar in 1970. Historical context is developed to show changing patterns surrounding racism and gender roles during the 1950s and 1960s within urban space, particularly department stores. The changes made within white and black women’s organizations, such as the YWCA, alongside these downtown stores, supplied important social and employment opportunities for women in the community and throughout the state, and influenced women of different cultures and races. The formation of multi-racial female coalitions within areas of employment set the stage for the formation of the women’s Movement in Richmond as women displayed subtle forms of feminist activism within the conservative environment of the Commonwealth.

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McCoy, Austin C. „The Creation of an African-American Counterpublic: The Impact of Race, Class, Gender, and Sexuality on Black Radicalism during the Black Freedom Movement, 1965-1981“. [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1239641963.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 16, 2009). Advisor: Elizabeth Smith-Pryor. Keywords: Civil Rights Movement; Black Power; Black Feminism; Gender; Race; Class; Sexuality; Nationalism; Black Radicalism. Includes bibliographical references (p. 132-139).

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Rine, Julia. „Morphing Monument| The Lincoln Memorial Across Time“. Thesis, University of Cincinnati, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1559779.

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The Lincoln Memorial Monument is one of the most successful monuments in Washington D.C. Abraham Lincoln's achievements in his presidency left imprints on every American's life. His memory lives on through the generations. The monument was originally considered a Union Civil War and Presidential memorial, but has evolved into something more. This thesis will analyze the evolution on this monument. This memorial has adapted to a shifting nature of its meaning to different generations throughout the history of the United States. This nature is attributed to its location, the Civil Rights Movement, the Civil War, and the personal character of Abraham Lincoln.

A major aspect of success comes from the location and iconography of the site. The statue alone inspires a spiritual connection to the struggles of Lincoln. The memorial was placed on the direct axis of the National Mall. This is considered a location of great honor and is easily accessible to visitors. The site and design also allows a massive amount of people to gather and participate in events on the grounds of the monument. A visit to the Lincoln Memorial is a remarkable journey though American history and the extraordinary memorials and monuments of the National Mall.

Another crucial aspect to the success of this monument in Washington D.C. is the struggle for civil rights. The Civil Rights Movement was able to use the monument as a stage for protest. The movement could then use the Lincoln Memorial and the character of Lincoln as part of its iconography. This fundamentally changed the meaning of the Lincoln Memorial Monument. This allowed a major shift in the meaning of the movement, allowing the monument to grow within another generation of Americans.

The personal life and views of Lincoln led to many of his successes and accomplishments throughout his political career. His experiences in life impacted many of his policies and the laws that he stood for in the United States. Lincoln's character proved to be inspirational in a time of need and slavery. His political stances paved the way for sociopolitical changes in the United States. His character is a crucial aspect in understanding the need to honor such a great man. The circumstances of Lincoln's death have also made him into a martyr for abolition. The assassination created a legacy in the history of the United States.

Events of the Civil War and its time period also played a crucial matter in the Lincoln memorial's success. The American Civil War and the division of the United States of America proved to be an altering time in American history. Many Southern politicians fought for the right to maintain individual states' rights. These rights mainly pertained to slavery. As the conflict over slavery continued, a total of eleven states seceded from the Union to create the Confederate States of America. The Civil War lasted four years with hundreds of thousands of deaths. In the end, the Union triumphed and the United States remained one nation.

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Owens, Kevin John. „The School and Society: Secondary School Social Studies Education from 1945-1970“. Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1368290377.

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44

Baghalian, Anja, und Amina Fehratovic. „Det mörka förtrycket på den vita duken : En studie om 1900-talets medborgarrättsrörelse i samtida film“. Thesis, Högskolan i Halmstad, Akademin för lärande, humaniora och samhälle, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hh:diva-44066.

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Films can be a source to enjoyment, cultural enrichment and relaxation. But films are alsofilled with messages and subtext that affects the one who watches the film. One of the effectsis the reproduction of racism and stereotypes. Therefore, have we chosen to analyze threemodern films that illuminate the civil rights movement. The purpose of this study is toinvestigate whether the selected reality-based films offer alternative perspectives onrelationships, racism and civil rights. This study will be based on the films The butler (2013),Niceville (2011) and Remember the Titans (2000). Based on the three selected films, a selection of scenes and sequences will also be performed.Ranking of scenes and sequences will be grounded on a variety of events so that this studycan show the breadth of the issues that are highlighted in the films. We will then combinesome of the scenes and sequences in the results and analysis to present under the sameheading. In the final part will we conclude with a summary discussion of our work.

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Poston, Lance E. „Queer Bedfellows: Huey Newton, Homophobia, and Black Activism in Cold War America“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1337961685.

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46

Favors, Jelani M. „Shelter in a time of storm: black colleges and the rise of student activism in Jackson, Mississippi“. The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1155750466.

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47

Cooper, Graham S. „Broad Shoulders, Hidden Voices: The Legacy of Integration at New Orleans' Benjamin Franklin High School“. ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1971.

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This paper seeks to insert the voices of students into the historical discussion of public school integration in New Orleans. While history tends to ignore the memories of children that experienced integration firsthand, this paper argues that those memories can alter our understanding of that history. In 1963, Benjamin Franklin High School was the first public high school in New Orleans to integrate. Black students knowingly made sacrifices to transfer to Ben Franklin, as they were socially and politically conscious teenagers. Black students formed alliances with some white teachers and students to help combat the racist environment that still dominated their school and city. Ben Franklin students were maturing adolescents worked to establish their identities in this newly integrated, intellectually advanced space. This paper explores the way in which students – of differing racial, socio-economic, religious, educational, and political upbringings – all struggled to navigate self and space in this discordant society.

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Bryan, Joshua Joe. „Portland, Oregon's Long Hot Summers: Racial Unrest and Public Response, 1967-1969“. PDXScholar, 2013. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/995.

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The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced. The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging. The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.

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Gilliam-Smith, Rhonda. „FREEDOM ACTS: A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE STUDENT NON-VIOLENT COORDINATION COMMITTEE AND ITS RELATIONSHIP TO THEATRE OF THE OPPRESSED“. Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1218820340.

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50

Stahler, Kimberly Dawn. „Three Dead in South Carolina: Student Radicalization and the Forgotten Orangeburg Massacre“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1523443674232565.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Civil rights movements – history“

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