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Berezovskii, V. M., und N. I. Krotov. „Citizens' Movements“. Soviet Sociology 29, Nr. 4 (Juli 1990): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154290487.
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Prasad, Shambu C., und Mathieu Quet. „Creative Dissent in India: Knowledge Swaraj and the People’s Health Movement“. Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 8, Nr. 1 (31.05.2022): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2022.471.
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There is an increasing interest among STS scholars to go beyond public understanding of science to look at the role of social movements in shaping alternate science and exploring the role of scientific dissent and the reconfiguration of the relations between scientists and citizens. The increasing popularity of citizen science that seeks to reengage the public in science needs to be situated within broader social movements that have argued for more conversations on science and democracy. This paper explores the idea of scientific dissent in India within a rich and vibrant tradition of People’s Science Movement(s). We suggest that the dominance of the technoscientific elite has been countered in part through creative dissent by citizens and scientists working together in envisioning knowledge futures. Specifically, a citizen’s manifesto—Knowledge Swaraj, is examined for its potential to present a frame for science in civil society rooted around the principles of plurality, sustainability, and justice that could reclaim the citizen’s autonomy or ‘self-rule’. Through the case study of the knowledge created by the People’s Health Movement (PHM) in India from 1976–1990, we show how creative dissent has enabled multiple conversations about science, medicine, and democracy that both critique dominant state and market narratives and presents an alternative through dissenting scientists.
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Cao, Chen. „A Study on the Strategy of Sustainable Governance of NIMBY Movements: Focusing on Civil Environmental Rights“. Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (25.08.2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/2514373.
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It is a common problem faced by countries in the process of industrialization and urbanization that citizens oppose the construction of negative externality facilities near their residence. Environmental right is one of the basic rights enjoyed by citizens and also an important part of human rights, allowing citizens to participate in their own environmental use decisions and defend their own environmental rights and interests against infringement. This paper focuses on the basic environmental rights of citizens, essentially defines the NIMBY movement as a movement for justice in which citizens advocate for equal environmental rights and interests, and analyzes the movement's rationale or the fundamental environmental rights of citizens. Disregard for citizens' substantive and procedural environmental rights and interests is linked to NIMBY movements. At the same time, compared with the traditional campaign-styled governance paradigm, the sustainable development governance emphasizes joint negotiation and multiple interactions, which can better maximize the environmental benefits of the whole governance cycle. Therefore, this paper discussed the governance path of NIMBY from two dimensions: determining the boundaries of citizens’ substantive environmental rights and interests for enhancing their sense of identity and protecting citizens’ procedural environmental rights and interests by laying more emphasis on the sustainable governance of NIMBY movements.
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de Heredia, Marta Iñiguez. „Congo's New Citizens' Movements and Kabila's Exit“. Current History 118, Nr. 808 (01.05.2019): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.808.175.
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Yan, Jin H. „Tai Chi Practice Improves Senior Citizens’ Balance and Arm Movement Control“. Journal of Aging and Physical Activity 6, Nr. 3 (Juli 1998): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/japa.6.3.271.
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Empirical evidence from this study supports the hypothesis that Tai Chi practice can improve senior citizens’ dynamic balance control and rapid-aiming arm movement performance. Of 38 senior citizens, 28 (M = 78.8 years. SD = 2.1) chose to practice the 24-form simplified Tai Chi. The remaining 10 seniors (M = 79.2 years. SD = 1.9) selected a locomotor activity (walking or jogging). Dynamic balance tests and ballistic-aiming arm movements were conducted for all participants at the beginning, middle (4th week), and end of the 8-week exercise program. The Tai Chi participants improved their time on balance more than did their counterparts who performed locomotor activities. In addition, Tai Chi practice improved arm movement smoothness to a greater extent than the locomotor activities. However, no changes in arm movement speed were observed in either group. The results suggest that Tai Chi practice may help senior citizens improve dynamic balance control and gain smoothness in rapid-aiming arm movements.
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Rucht, Dieter. „German Unification, Democratization, and The Role of Social Movements: A Missed Opportunity?“ Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, Nr. 1 (01.03.1996): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.1.g84401622ux86r5x.
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Citizen movements were an important factor in triggering the peaceful East German revolution that abolished the communist regime and contributed to achievement of elementary civil rights that are taken for granted in Western democracies. However, the movements failed in their efforts to resist quick German unification via the largely uncontested transplantation of the West German institutional system to East Germany. This article analyzes why the movements could not achieve their aim of a new political order, in their view superior to Western type democracy—one that would guarantee radical democracy and extensive social rights for citizens. Drawing on three prominent perspectives in social movement research it is argued that both internal and external factors contributed to the failure of these movements. Although they might have avoided some minor tactical errors, they had few prospects for strongly influencing the course and result of German unification. Because this outcome was overdetermined, it is incorrect to suggest that the movements missed an opportunity to achieve their goal of radical democracy.
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Budianti, Yohana Maris. „Civil Society Against Anti-Pancasila Movements Among Millenial Generation During The Covid-19 Pandemic“. PUSKAPSI Law Review 1, Nr. 1 (17.05.2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/puskapsi.v1i1.23597.
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One of the interesting discourses of the decade concerns the discourse against the anti-Pancasila movement. Although the Indonesian government has issued several programs to internalize Pancasila values among the youth generations, citizens are also responsible for protecting the state’s ideology. Accordingly, civil society, as an organized citizen, should catalyze anti-Pancasila movements. Covid-19 pandemic does not only threaten the health sector, but also threatens social activities. Regarding the latter, civil society activists are demanded to adjust to conditions to optimize their function as one of the social infrastructures of a community. Applying, descriptive qualitative approach, the present study aims to see the civil society movements against anti-Pancasila movements during the covid-19 pandemic. The study revealed that civil society is still consistent with its organization despite the dynamics of the implementation.
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LEE, Doo Hyeong. „RELATIONS BETWEEN ACTIVISTS AND CITIZENS, THE INTERNAL DRIVING FORCE OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AS A FESTIVAL: A CASE STUDY OF THE 2016 – 2017 CANDLELIGHT VIGILS“. International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 7 (27.12.2021): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2021.07.07.
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The 2016-2017 candlelight vigil was a very important event because it led to the impeachment of an incumbent president for the first time in South Korea’s constitutional history. Above all, it was a remarkable phenomenon in that it unfolded peacefully and acted like a festival even though many citizens gathered on the streets to demand the president’s impeachment, which is essentially an extreme argument under institutional democracy. Violence, which was common in previous mass movements, was impossible in the 2016-2017. Some emphasized the heightened sense of citizenship, while others understand it in a historical context, but it does not see the dynamics of change that exist within the mass movement. Moreover, peaceful and festive gatherings have received a lot of attention, especially in the 2000s. And this is highlighted as a strategy for citizens who voluntarily come out on the street to keep their distance from activists. The existence of a movement dealing with various political agendas was seen as a risk of distorting the purpose of the manifestation. For citizens, distancing from them is an important strategy to preserve the purity of the movement. Therefore, the ‘flag’, which is a symbol of the movement, was excluded from the square. However, the so-called ‘Any Flag Festival’ that appeared at the 2016-2017 candlelight vigils bridges the gap between the movement represented by the flag and the general participants. The group play using flags relieved the tension between the movement’s organization and the citizens, which was an internal conflict factor in the manifestation, which coincidentally led them to be together. As a result, this formed an important social context for mass movements such as festivals, which became important in the 2000s, to be completed in 2016 and 2017.
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Higashida, Cheryl. „Citizens Band: Surveillance, Dark Sousveillance, and Social Movements“. American Quarterly 74, Nr. 2 (Juni 2022): 317–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0021.
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Best, Rachel Kahn. „Contested Illnesses: Citizens, Science, and Health Social Movements“. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 42, Nr. 2 (März 2013): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306113477381j.
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Clarke, Jan. „Contested Illnesses: Citizens, Science, and Health Social Movements“. Social Movement Studies 13, Nr. 3 (11.10.2013): 421–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2013.844061.
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Gunter, Rachel Michelle. „Immigrant Declarants and Loyal American Women: How Suffragists Helped Redefine the Rights of Citizens“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 19, Nr. 4 (04.08.2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153778142000033x.
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AbstractAs a result of the woman suffrage movement, citizenship and voting rights, though considered separate issues by the courts, became more intertwined in the mind of the average American. This interconnectedness was also a product of the concurrent movement to disfranchise immigrant declarant voters—immigrants who had filed their intention to become citizens but had not completed the naturalization process. This essay shows how suffragists pursued immigrant declarant disfranchisement as part of the woman suffrage movement, arguing that the same competitive political conditions that encouraged politicians to enfranchise primarily white, citizen women led them to disfranchise immigrant declarants. It analyzes suffragists’ arguments at both the state and national levels that voting was a right of citizens who had met their wartime obligations to the nation, and maintains that woman suffrage and the votes of white women who supported the measures disfranchising immigrant declarants and limiting immigrant rights should be included in historians’ understanding of the immigration restrictionist and nativist movements.
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KAELBLE, Hartmut. „Citizens and the European Union since 1950“. Journal of European Integration History 27, Nr. 2 (2021): 213–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2021-2-213.
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The article covers the relationship of the citizens with the European Union and its predecessors since the beginnings of the European integration in the 1950s. It distinguishes the period of the unquestioned citizen during the 1950s and 1960s, the period of the questioned and mobilized citizen since the 1970s and the period of the active citizen since around the turn the of century, in looking at European elections, referendums, European movements, interest organizations, regular European opinion polls, complaints by citizens at the European Parliament, at the European Commission and at the European ombudsman and legal proceedings by citizens at the European Court in Luxemburg. In addition, the article looks at the change between periods of trust and periods of distrust by citizens in the European institutions since the 1950s. It argues that the trend towards the mobilized and active citizen includes an eventual strong rise of distrust in periods of crisis, but also by a return of trust by the citizens even in difficult periods such as the recent Covid19 pandemic.
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Howard, Leslie. „Untouchable Citizens: Dalit Movements and Democratization in Tamil Nadu“. Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 35, Nr. 5 (September 2006): 521–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610603500548.
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Brake, David. „Book Review: Cyberprotest: New Media, Citizens and Social Movements“. New Media & Society 7, Nr. 3 (Juni 2005): 423–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444805052284.
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Stefanovski, Ivan. „Tracing Causal Mechanisms in Social Movement Research in Southeast Europe: The Cases of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia – Evidence from the “Bosnian Spring” and the “Citizens for Macedonia” Movements“. SEEU Review 12, Nr. 1 (01.06.2017): 27–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0003.
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AbstractRecent anti-governmental social movements in countries of former Yugoslavia have awakened the spirit of contention which had been dormant for almost two decades. The overwhelming economic deprivation, accompanied by the massive violation of basic human rights of the citizens, urged the challengers to take the streets.This paper is focused on comparison of two movements, the “Citizens for Macedonia” movement in the Republic of Macedonia and the “Bosnian Spring” in Bosnia and Herzegovina, highlighting the role and influence of movements on the (non)occurrence of policy outputs which articulated claims put forward by social movement organizations (SMOs) as well as other movement actors in the two respective countries. The analysis will be conducted taking into consideration specific social movement related variables like forms/types of claims-making and repertoires of action, as well as wider political process factors such as repression by state actors, and the attitude of allies and opponents of the movements (political parties, mainstream media, general political system characteristics, international community etc.).Regarding the methodological approach, we will apply a mixed comparative research design, with variation both on side of the independent and the dependent variables. Since the outcomes of the movements are already tangible, we will also apply elements of process tracing methodology (PTM), reconstructing the events as much as possible. My primary data collection tools encompass in-depth interviews (approximately 10 per country) with four specific categories of interviewees (SMO representatives, activists, policymakers and key informants) as well as thorough document analysis referring to the policy outputs.
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MICHIBA, Chikanobu. „Towards a Historical Reassessment of 'Citizens' Movements' and 'Residents' Movements' in 1960s-70s Era“. Japanese Sociological Review 57, Nr. 2 (2006): 240–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.57.240.
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Itasari, Endah Rantau. „FULFILLMENT OF EDUCATION RIGHTS IN THE BORDER AREAS OF INDONESIA AND MALAYSIA“. Ganesha Law Review 1, Nr. 1 (10.05.2019): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/glr.v1i1.14.
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The opening of access to education for all citizens is a conditio sine qua non value of freedom and justice. As long as there are citizens who cannot get access to education, even though at the most basic level, the state is the agency most responsible for this injustice. Without the guarantee of these basic needs, citizen participation in a democratic climate that allows for upward social movements to be far from expectations The elimination of discrimination should be done by providing the widest opportunity for every citizen to get an education, so that cheap schools, even free, will be created for all the people without exception. Therefore the government is required to be able to be fair by providing equal opportunities for every citizen to take education (formal) and be able to protect and guarantee the rights of citizens, especially for those who are financially incapable so that they can continue to receive proper education.
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Ammons, David N., und Patrick M. Madej. „Citizen-Assisted Performance Measurement? Reassessing Its Viability and Impact“. American Review of Public Administration 48, Nr. 7 (11.06.2017): 716–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074017713295.
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Citizen-assisted performance measurement (CAPM) was a hot topic just a decade or so ago, promoted by enthusiasts as a useful coupling of the performance measurement and citizen participation movements. The idea of engaging citizens in the design of local government performance measures retains some ongoing support today based mostly on normative assumptions and testimonials. A careful review of the premises of CAPM and empirical evidence from CAPM projects, however, reveals weaknesses in the premises and few surviving measures from CAPM projects. The authors’ findings support the view that citizen efforts would more beneficially be directed upstream of performance measurement, with citizens engaged as focus groups to offer views on their local government’s performance objectives and priorities rather than as designers of performance measures.
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Lee, Antony. „�Guarding The Elections Online�: New Practices, Trust, and Empowerment of Citizens Identities“. Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities 8, Nr. 1 (30.06.2018): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14203/jissh.v8i1.89.
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This paper scrutinizes two relatively similar cyber activisms in Indonesia, namely Guard the 2014 General Election and Guard the 2015 Local Election. The two movements serve as cases to study cyber activisms contributions to democracy. Guard the General Election, which received massive support from the internet users, has been acknowledged as a success story of a cyber political crowdsourcing in Indonesia. Guard the Local Election tried to repeat the success a year after, but received fewer supports. By scrutinizing those movements, this writing attempts to answer two connected questions of (1) how can cyber social movements contribute to democracy? (2) Why were some cyber movements received more popular support than the others? This paper argues, these movements have contributed to democratization in the way that the activisms reshaped civic culture; introducing new practices, empowering citizens identities, and strengthening trust. Also, the writing explores arguments that political momentum and mainstream media coverage are influential on determining the successfulness of cyber movements. Methodologically, this paper subscribes to qualitative content analysis as a tool to examine interviews materials as well as online and offline texts.
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Behera, Ajay Kumar. „Effect of second wave COVID 19 pandemic on anxiety level of senior citizens: a case study“. Working with Older People 26, Nr. 4 (14.03.2022): 342–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/wwop-05-2021-0024.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore the effect on distress of senior citizen’s anxiety levels in quarantine during the second wave of COVID-19 pandemic. This is a descriptive study, in which data were collected using the online survey method, a sociodemographic form, a semi-structured data form for second wave COVID-19, the anxiety-level scale and the distress scale. Design/methodology/approach Data were collected during the period when a curfew was imposed for the senior citizen. Data were analyzed using a structural equation model. According to the structural equation model, anxiety was determined as a predictor of distress. Findings The anxiety levels of the senior citizen who were 60–69 years old, female, single; had inadequate knowledge about the pandemic; and had not encountered a similar pandemic before considered that family bonding was affected negatively, so they became alone and reported that they became bored, exhausted and distressed during the pandemic, which increased their distress levels. Anxiety affects distress in the senior citizens. Practical implications One of the policy implications of this study is that governments should provide behavioral support to citizens during a pandemic. For example, short-term home-based psychological interventions should be developed to reduce the negative effects of the second wave of COVID-19 pandemic on mental health. Originality/value The anxiety levels increased distress levels for those senior citizens who considered their information about the second wave of COVID-19 insufficient; had hyper-emotionality; longed for their families; and felt tense, overwhelmed and lonely during the pandemic. In addition, factors such as constraints of flexibilities, prevention of socialization and decreased physical movements also affect distress in senior citizens.
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Della Porta, Donatella, und Massimiliano Andretta. „Social Movements and Public Administration: Spontaneous Citizens’ Committees in Florence“. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 26, Nr. 2 (Juni 2002): 244–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2427.00378.
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Nakova, Albena I. „Migration and Identity in Contemporary Bulgarian Society“. DEMIS. Demographic research 1, Nr. 2 (2021): 155–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/demis.2021.1.2.12.
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The article, based on the results of an empirical sociological study, examines the changes in the national identity of Bulgarian citizens under the influence of active migration processes within the EU. The started process of formation of su- pranational/European identity is substantiated. The exceptional dynamics of contemporary social processes, mass migratory movements in a world where borders are becoming more open and even practically absent (within the EU), and huge distances are covered in a very short time lead to significant changes in the identity of the Bulgarian citizens. New types of identity appear that are structurally and functionally different from the pre-existing ones, corresponding to the previous axiological paradigms. Constant process of movement from one society to another, and in particular from the new EU member states to the old member states within the “liquid migration”, leads to the transfer, assimilation and reconciliation of ideas, perceptions, understandings, values and behaviors that are typical for different societies, social groups and cultures. Bulgaria and Bulgarian citizens have been involved in these processes for three decades, with a gradually increasing intensity. Today the Bulgarian national identity is in constant transformation - the Bulgarian citizen becomes a European citizen, a citizen of the world. Thus, the specificity of social development logically leads to the formation of a supranational identity. On the other hand, when the change becomes permanent feature of society and radical changes occur over extremely short periods of time, it creates prerequisites for dissonance of identity. And sometimes, instead of the formation of a supranational identity, reverse processes of closure, localization, and regionalization are observed. It can be said that in modern Bulgarian society, the processes of European integration are accompanied by opposite processes of “atomization” of society and the “closure” of people into smaller, than national communities. The results of a national representative survey show that at this stage of development of the Bulgarian society, identification with the nation-state remains a key for Bulgarian citizens - more than half of the respondents identify themselves as citizens of Bulgaria. Almost one third of Bulgarian citizens, however, identify themselves with supranational structures (“citizen of Europe” and “citizen of the world”), which is an illustration of the processes of the formation of a supranational identity that have begun. And the identification of about one tenth of the respondents with their hometown, with the place where they were born, reflects the opposite trend of formation of local identity.
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Das, Raju J. „Social Movements and State Repression in India“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 52, Nr. 8 (14.07.2016): 1080–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909616653258.
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State repression is particularly likely when social movements target property relations that cause ordinary citizens to suffer. Whether these movements are violent, and whether the state is a liberal democracy is a contingent matter. This is illustrated by India’s ‘Maoist movement’ (which is also known as the Naxalite movement because it originated in an area called Naxalbari, located in India’s West Bengal State). Where necessary, sections of this movement use violent methods to fight for justice for aboriginal peoples and peasants. This strategy, which the author, incidentally, does not endorse, has been seen by the state as the greatest internal military threat to it. Such a perception invites state violence. What is often under-emphasized or ignored is that the movement is an economic, political and ideological threat, and not just a military threat, and it is so through its localized alternative developmental activities, and this is also a reason for the state’s violent response to it.
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Stacey, Emily. „Networked Protests“. International Journal of Civic Engagement and Social Change 2, Nr. 3 (Juli 2015): 36–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijcesc.2015070103.
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This article explores social movement theory and attempts to modernize and explain contemporary movements with consideration of the digital tools being utilized by citizens on the ground. The ability to transcend borders and traditional boundaries using digital media, to facilitate international participation and develop communication, and the dissemination of information and coordination among activist networks around the world is hugely important. This article asserts that modern contentious collective actions and contemporary movements have received an infusion of autonomy and grassroots energy fueled by digital technologies, and social networking platforms.
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Andrews-Lee, Caitlin. „The Revival of Charisma: Experimental Evidence From Argentina and Venezuela“. Comparative Political Studies 52, Nr. 5 (09.09.2018): 687–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018797952.
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Scholars have long claimed that political movements founded by charismatic leaders must undergo “routinization,” or depersonalization, to survive. Yet many such movements appear to have sustained their charismatic nature and have persisted or reemerged in cases as diverse as Argentina, Venezuela, Peru, Turkey, and China. Focusing on Argentine Peronism and Venezuelan Chavismo, this article examines the potential of new leaders to revive their charismatic predecessors’ legacies to perpetuate the movement and gain the followers’ support. Through face-to-face survey experiments conducted in both countries, the article shows that new leaders who (a) implement bold, initially impressive policies and (b) symbolically tie themselves to the charismatic founder cause citizens to express stronger emotional attachments to the movement and garner political support. The results challenge the notion that charismatic movements are short-lived and underscore the potential of these movements to impact democratic politics and party-system development long after their founders disappear.
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Haryadi, Didid, und Devira Nur Malitasari. „SOLIDARITY DURING COVID-19 PANDEMIC ( A CASE STUDY ON THE SOCIAL ACTION OF YOGYAKARTA FOOD SOLIDARITY AND THE INTERFAITH NETWORK FOR COVID-19 RESPONSE)“. Jurnal Partisipatoris 2, Nr. 2 (22.09.2020): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jp.v2i2.12849.
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Reality pandemic Covid-19 has a significant impact on the social, economic, political, and cultures around the world. Covid-19 which hit Indonesia has brought organic collective awareness from civilians through social movements. Initiatives from citizens to help one another are based on three things; the existence of a collective identity, a sense of injustice, and solidarity. This research focuses on two social movements initiated by ‘Solidaritas Pangan Jogja’ (SPJ) and ‘Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19’ (JIC). The basic principles of mutual assistance, spontaneous collective awareness, and the same social needs form a pattern of solidarity and social movement in these two organizations. Therefore, this research focuses on the process of forming social awareness patterns that are manifested through collective behavior. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. This research uses a qualitative approach through case studies. Social solidarity and social movements are two concepts that are used as a basis for data analysis. There are two differences between the SPJ and JIC movement patterns. The SPJ movement can be categorized as a conventional social movement with an orientation towards creating collective and cross-class social awareness. Whereas the JIC movement is a kind of new social movement which using the basics of the collectivity to understand norms and religious values. While the similarity of the two movements is always to prioritize the distribution of human values that are sustainable. The determining factor for the formation of a collective movement depends not only on the material resources available, but rather on the strength of ideas and cultural resources. That is about the articulation and collective construction of a new relationship (or redefinition) between the person as an individual and the person (as an ulama or cleric, citizen, and family). The SPJ movement carries the value of nativism while the JIC movement is a representation of the growth of new social movements that arise because of the spread of religious values in the social, cultural, economic, and political dimensions as citizens.Keywords: Pandemic Covid-19, Solidaritas Pangan Jogja (SPJ), Jaringan Lintas Iman Tanggap Covid-19 (JIC), Social Capital, Social Movement
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Braschi, Cristina. „From social movements to the coproduction of the city: the renewal of the Right to the City in the contemporary making of public spaces. The case of Madrid and Brussels“. Acta Europeana Systemica 5 (13.07.2020): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/aes.v5i1.57013.
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The article is based on the observation of Madrid and Brussels, where we can find recent similar claims for including each of their citizens in the city-making processes. Although Madrid has no experience in participatory planning, and Brussels is considered as one of Europe’s pioneers in this matter, with more than twenty years of experience, both cities encounter analogous citizen demands and self-organized actions for creating spaces that follow an ideal model that is more in line with some citizens’ requests.These demands range from asking for more possibilities in which citizens express their opinion and ideas about their environment (a new governance), to the requests for disposing of underused spaces for creating socializing places to gather (a new production of the city). Though, these urban social movements as Castells defines (Castells 1973) are not limited to mere demands, but also and nowadays systematically, they tend to pass to action and to hand the leading to empowered citizens.Thanks to crowdfunding, some projects don’t even wait until obtaining a public funding: once the building permit is given (for a permanent or temporary project), the budget for the realization comes from anybody who wills to be a sponsor. The online crowdfunding method can be applied also to crowd-thinking, crowd-creating and crowd-debating about the relevance of the project. Indeed, thanks to online networks and to mobile applications, citizens can not only express their discontent with the poor condition of a street or street furniture, but they can also make proposals and connect to other people to bring a collective solution to the matter.This vast range of means of production of the city in which its citizens struggle to achieve their ideal of a more inclusive city-making process, supposes that the degree of citizen empowerment is also broad. Notwithstanding the fact that the means used by Madrid and Brussels’ citizens to be included in the city-making are so diverse, many of these means claim to embrace a common Henri Lefebvre’s Right to the City.The article retraces the citizen-led and citizen-organized production of public spaces in Madrid and Brussels, intended as places to gather but also as places of discussion about the city-making, during the periods before and after the global crisis of 2008. The idea is to find the ways in which not only the governance is reconsidered to include citizens, but also the urban practices are questioned about their inclination to confine citizen participation only to the preliminary inquiries to a concrete project. Through the exploration of several cases of city-making which include citizens of Madrid and Brussels in the processes, the article questions which kind of Right to the city do they constitute: which are the city models defended by these practices (whose rights to what city? Brenner et al. 2012)? Are they a revision of Lefebvre’s theories in a (global crisis) context? Or are they a reinterpretation of Lefebvre’s Urban Revolution (Harvey 2013) responding to the contemporary withdrawal of the national state of many areas of the social life?
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Hashimoto, Yoshinobu. „Citizens' movements to protect the environment of rivers flowing into the Seto Inland Sea—An example of a citizens' movement along the Toga River“. Marine Pollution Bulletin 23 (Januar 1991): 621–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0025-326x(91)90744-d.
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Graziano, Teresa. „Citizen e-Participation in Urban Planning“. International Journal of E-Planning Research 6, Nr. 3 (Juli 2017): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijepr.2017070101.
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In recent years, new smart technologies have given citizens' movements and informal groups unprecedented possibilities of communication that allow them to achieve a wider audience, mobilise new activists and negotiate with local institutional actors. Even in the planning field, an extraordinary range of new strategies and practices of participatory e-democracy has been recently emerging, which has been affecting local planning and city governance. Thus, this paper aims at exploring potentialities and critical aspects of citizen's web based movements claiming for a more participatory and sustainable urban planning, trough a critical examination of selected case studies in a Mediterranean city, Catania (Italy). The inter(net)connections between urban planning and citizen's e-activism, and consequently between the virtual sphere and public urban spaces, are scrutinized through the analysis of their discourses and narratives in the online documentation as well as interviews with activists.
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Larrosa-Fuentes, Juan S. „Media Movements in Latin America: Citizens’ Participation in Media Policy-Making“. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 62, Nr. 1 (02.01.2018): 192–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2017.1402908.
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Banaszak, Lee Ann, und Heather L. Ondercin. „Public Opinion as a Movement Outcome: The Case of the U.S. Women's Movement*“. Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, Nr. 3 (01.09.2016): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-3-361.
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We demonstrate that an important outcome of social movements is public opinion change, particularly in the case of the U.S. women's movement. We argue that contentious events associated with the women's movement provide informational cues that prime the public. This process then leads to changes in attitudes regarding gender. We use quarterly time series data on contentious events of the U.S. women's movement ranging from 1960 to 1992 and public opinion about gender attitudes in the United States to examine whether public opinion moves in response to social movement events. Using an error correction model, we demonstrate that social movement events have a significant effect on gender attitudes. Citizens adopt more liberal gender attitudes as the U.S. women's movement increases its activity. These results suggest that social movement scholars should be paying more attention to public opinion when assessing the outcomes of social movements.
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Ponce, Karina, Andrés Vasquez, Pablo Vivanco und Ronaldo Munck. „The October 2019 Indigenous and Citizens’ Uprising in Ecuador“. Latin American Perspectives 47, Nr. 5 (22.06.2020): 9–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20931113.
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Once again the indigenous movement in Ecuador has shown its considerable capacity for mobilization and the creation of social alliances for change. Media coverage of the October 2019 uprising has been both weak and openly biased, giving credence to a mythical “enemy within.” A chronology of events from the social movements themselves shows that this insurgent event and the aftereffects now being felt have changed the political map of Ecuador and represent a significant blow to the neoliberal project of Lenín Moreno, who replaced President Correa in 2017. Una vez más, el movimiento indígena en Ecuador ha demostrado su considerable capacidad de movilización y de creación de alianzas sociales para el cambio. La cobertura en medios del levantamiento de octubre de 2019 ha sido poca y abiertamente sesgada, apelando a la idea de un mítico “enemigo interno”. Una cronología de los acontecimientos por parte de los movimientos sociales mismos muestra que este evento insurgente y las actuales secuelas han cambiado el mapa político de Ecuador y constituyen un golpe importante al proyecto neoliberal de Lenín Moreno, quien sustituyó al presidente Correa en 2017.
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Belge, Ceren. „STATE BUILDING AND THE LIMITS OF LEGIBILITY: KINSHIP NETWORKS AND KURDISH RESISTANCE IN TURKEY“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, Nr. 1 (24.01.2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743810001212.
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AbstractFollowing the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the twin goals of centralizing state power and inscribing a uniform national identity on all citizens resulted in the proliferation of disciplinary practices that required changes in habits and everyday life as well as in the locus of faith, allegiance, and obedience. Nowhere were the repercussions felt as deeply as in the Kurdish regions, where the urge to create a new citizen sparked considerable resistance. This article suggests that alongside Kurdish nationalist movements, kinship networks and morality constituted an alternative reservoir of resistance to the new disciplinary practices that followed state building. By subverting state practices to make citizens legible, kinship networks, I argue, undermined the state's attempts to establish bureaucratic authority and create an exclusive identity.
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Andrews-Lee, Caitlin. „The Power of Charisma: Investigating the Neglected Citizen–Politician Linkage in Hugo Chávez's Venezuela“. Journal of Politics in Latin America 11, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2019): 298–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1866802x19891472.
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Charisma has long been considered a powerful tool for leaders worldwide to rise to greatness. Yet we have given less attention to the way in which charismatic leaders develop deep, unmediated emotional bonds with their followers. I propose a compact theory that explains how charismatic attachments form, overwhelm alternative linkage types, and facilitate the development of powerful and potentially enduring political movements. To illustrate the theory, I turn to Hugo Chávez’s Bolivarian movement in Venezuela. Firstly, the analysis of a 2007 survey from the Latin American Public Opinion Project demonstrates the disproportionate influence of charisma on citizens’ attachments to Bolivarianism relative to competing factors. Next, six original focus groups conducted with Bolivarian followers in 2016 illustrate the mechanisms underlying the followers’ surprisingly resilient loyalty, not only to the leader but also to his overarching movement. The results suggest that affective political attachments can help sustain charismatic movements after their founders disappear.
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Adams, Alison E., und Thomas E. Shriver. „Challenging Extractive Industries“. Sociological Perspectives 59, Nr. 4 (02.08.2016): 892–909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121416641683.
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Drawing from literature on social movements, we investigate how movements in uncertain political contexts can challenge extractive and natural resource–intensive industries such as coal companies. Scholars have analyzed how citizens in Western democracies can confront powerful industries, yet comparatively little research has focused on challenges to coal elites in politically unstable settings. We focus on the community of Libkovice, Czech Republic, to examine how anticoal activists strategically protested against a coal industry in the midst of a transition from state control to corporate ownership. The data for this research were collected between 2000 and 2014, including in-depth interviews, documentary and raw organizational film footage, and archival materials. Findings reveal that ambiguous targets and uncertain political contexts can significantly influence how activists develop tactical repertoires. We conclude by discussing the implications of this research for future work on social movements generally and citizen efforts to challenge powerful extractive industries.
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Venkatesan, R., Gokul Santhosh Y., Sathya Preiya V. und V. D. Ashok Kumar. „Smart Wheelchair-An Effective Transport for Handicapped and Aged Citizens“. Journal of Cognitive Human-Computer Interaction 4, Nr. 2 (2022): 08–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.54216/jchci.040201.
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A wheelchair is a chair fitted with wheels. A survey says that around 132 million people use wheelchair around the world. But majority of them are dependent on others for their movements, especially people with some disorders. This dependent nature had hindered them from succeeding. To overcome this problem, they can use smart wheelchair, which is auto movable based on head tilt movements. It collects information from the patient through in built sensors and enhances the seating position. It is also designed with obstacle and fall detection system which reduces the chance of collision during their journey. This makes a physically challenged or dependent person as physically independent person. This wheelchair can also be used by aged people who lack motor skills. In this paper, we can review the art of smart wheelchair and the features of it.
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Nikolaeva, Uliana G., und Alexander V. Rusanov. „Self-isolation at the dacha: Can’t? Can? Have to?“ Population and Economics 4, Nr. 2 (03.07.2020): 182–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/popecon.4.e54577.
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Measures taken by most countries to limit the coronavirus infection spread include self-isolation. An option of voluntary restriction of personal contacts for citizens is to move to the country (second or third) houses, which have a particular name in Russia – “dacha”. The demand for country estates as places of self-isolation can be assessed as the emergence of a new sanitary-epidemic function in second homes. Institutional management of such movements in connection with the coronavirus pandemic varies by country, ranging from prohibition (Norway) to encouragement (Belarus), and quantitative indicators (mass character or singleness) fluctuate according to lifestyle, national traditions, characteristics of settlement, urban housing policy, public health opportunities and many other factors. For Russians, the migration of residents of megalopolises from the city to country houses was a reaction to the pandemic, a characteristic social-group strategy of health-preserving behaviour. Several million Muscovites, Petersburgers, as well as residents of other megacities of Russia moved outside the cities immediately after the outbreak of the pandemic. “Half-townspeople” – internal migrant workers and “seasonal workers” (workers living in villages or small towns but working in metropolises in watch mode) also moved to rural areas. The mass nature of centrifugal spatial-migratory deurbanization model of behaviour of Russians during the pandemic is determined by the specifics of the spatial distribution of the population in Russia, historical features of urbanization and deurbanization processes, in particular, the widespread distribution of second (and third) country houses (dachas) among the citizens. Russia leads both in relative and absolute number of dacha dwellers among the European countries. The number of country houses in Russia is estimated by specialists at 17–20 million, and the number of dacha dwellers at 50–60 million; at least half of the citizens have second (and often third) country houses. Massive movements of citizens into out-of-town spaces had both positive and negative consequences. A significant share of citizens reduced risks of infection and were able to avoid “imprisonment” within the apartment with accompanying socio-psychological overload and physical inactivity. However, mass movements also contributed to the rapid spread of coronavirus beyond the original foci. The article considers the approaches of European countries to countryside self-isolation, describes chronicles of restriction on movement of citizens in Russian regions and waves of summer migration during the pandemic, suggests an assessment of dacha migration from the capital, and discusses its short-term socio-economic consequences.
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Karna, Sinara Rao, und Divya Kirti Gupta. „Fostering eGovernment as State Social Responsibility (SSR): Case Study of an Australian City Council“. JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 4, Nr. 2 (19.12.2012): 318–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v4i2.145.
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Democracies around the world now face Citizen-apathy. This is a concern now more than ever faced by countries around the globe. eGovernment is undoubtedly a platform to deliberate and enable citizens regain confidence and faith in democratic processes. Citizens now seek Verifiable, Open, Transparent, Empathetic, Responsive and Sensitive Electronic Democracy and Government (VOTERS EDG, Karna, 2012). Similar to corporate world, there are voices stressing on govenments for the need to understand the stakeholders, their involvement, relationships and responsibilities of a state in eGovernance. Citizens everywhere now demand Verifiable, Open, Transparent, Empathetic, Responsive and Sensitive Electronically Democratic Government as a State Social Responsibity (SSR). Peoples movements and outbursts against authorities with the help of Word of Mouse (Karna, 2012) have established that transparent and open governance is the need of the hour. This paper presents findings of the study conducted in an Australian City Council for preparing the city council for ‘City e-readiness’ to initiate e-Government activities. We propose the idea of ‘Centrality of Citizens’ in context of eGovernment. We further build upon the original concept of deeming eGovernment as ‘State Social Responsibility’ (SSR) (Karna, 2010), by governments at all levels.
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Chadwick, Andrew, und James Dennis. „Social Media, Professional Media and Mobilisation in Contemporary Britain: Explaining the Strengths and Weaknesses of the Citizens’ Movement 38 Degrees“. Political Studies 65, Nr. 1 (09.07.2016): 42–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716631350.
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Digital media continue to reshape political activism in unexpected ways. Within a period of a few years, the internet-enabled UK citizens’ movement 38 Degrees has amassed a membership of 3 million and now sits alongside similar entities such as America’s MoveOn, Australia’s GetUp! and the transnational movement Avaaz. In this article, we contribute to current thinking about digital media and mobilisation by addressing some of the limitations of existing research on these movements and on digital activism more generally. We show how 38 Degrees’ digital network repertoires coexist interdependently with its strategy of gaining professional news media coverage. We explain how the oscillations between choreographic leadership and member influence and between digital media horizontalism and elite media-centric work constitute the space of interdependencies in which 38 Degrees acts. These delicately balanced relations can quickly dissolve and be replaced by simpler relations of dependence on professional media. Yet despite its fragility, we theorise about how 38 Degrees may boost individuals’ political efficacy, irrespective of the outcome of individual campaigns. Our conceptual framework can be used to guide research on similar movements.
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Ferree, Myra Marx. „Under different umbrellas: intersectionality and alliances in US feminist politics“. European Journal of Politics and Gender 4, Nr. 2 (01.06.2021): 199–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510820x16068343934216.
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Macro-level forms of inequality work intersectionally to establish democracy normatively, as well as shape its institutions. Liberal democracies, once revolutionarily new political formations, rest on an equally revolutionary understanding of male domination based not on descent, but on economic arrangements (the new ‘breadwinner’ role) and political institutions (the ‘brotherhood’ national state). Over time, social movements have diminished liberal democracy’s original exclusions of women and minority ethnic men so that many citizens’ daily lives now contradict this once hegemonic normative order. The US party binary pushes contemporary movements to transform or restore this understanding of democracy under the political umbrellas of the competing Democratic and Republican parties. This polarisation then contributes to the gendering of movement claims and political representation. Gendered polarisation creates opportunities for cohesion among movements on both sides and yet blocks more fundamental reforms of US democracy.
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Chang, Susan Shih, und Jeremy Huai-Che Chiang. „Review of the Exhibition Oppression and Overcoming: Social Movements in Post-War Taiwan, National Museum of Taiwan History, 28 May 2019–17 May 2020“. International Journal of Taiwan Studies 3, Nr. 2 (20.08.2020): 343–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24688800-00302009.
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Abstract This review article looks at “Oppression and Overcoming: Social Movements in Post-War Taiwan” (2019.5.28–2020.5.17), an exhibition at the National Museum of Taiwan History (nthm) through approaches of museum studies and social movement studies, and aims to understand its implication for doing Taiwan Studies. This review concludes that “Oppression and Overcoming” is significant as a novel museological practice by being part of a continuation of social movements, which transformed the museum to a space for civil participation and dialogue. This allows the exhibition to become a window for both citizens and foreigners to understand and realize Taiwan’s vibrant democracy and civil society. In addition, this review suggests that future exhibitions on social movements could demonstrate the possibility to position Taiwan in a global context to better connect with other countries in the Asian region.
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Charm, Theodore, und Tse-min Lin. „Post-Materialism and Political Grievances: Implications for Protest Participation in Hong Kong“. Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, Nr. 1 (15.01.2023): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221124933.
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In recent decades, Hong Kong witnessed a number of protest movements that drew high levels of participation, most of which revolved around political issues. Why did ordinary citizens protest? What were the underlying factors that motivated Hongkongers to protest? We argue that post-materialism and grievances toward the government increase the selective expressive benefits for individuals to participate in protests. We illustrate that the two factors contribute to the protest movements in Hong Kong in general. Using the World Values Survey data, we found that post-materialism interacted with grievances toward the political system to increase Hongkongers’ propensity to protest. Our findings have important implications for the 2019 Anti-Extradition Law Movement in Hong Kong.
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Ireland, Rowan. „Brazil’s movement of the landless at the cutting edge of conflicted modernity“. Thesis Eleven 143, Nr. 1 (Dezember 2017): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513617742473.
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Brazil’s Movement of the Landless (MST) emerges from this collection as one of the great social movements of modernity. In historical chapters we see its evolution from confrontations with landowners and police in land invasions in the South of Brazil in the 1970s to become a multi-faceted movement with a presence throughout Brazil. More than a pressure group for Land Reform, it turned to mount a comprehensive challenge, on linked legal, cultural, political and economic fronts to Brazil’s dominant model of development. Its ‘social movement approach’, conjoining challenge to Brazil’s massive inequalities with the formation of active citizens among the marginalised rural poor, has become a model for movements in the urban scene. We see this not just through the rich descriptive accounts of MST actions, but because the contributing editor, Miguel Carter, has pointed the action portraits with theoretical acumen, and, with other contributors, placed them in historical context.
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Rezmer-Płotka, Kamila. „„I Am Not Going”: Determinants of Social Activity before Poland’s Ghost Election“. Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (31.12.2022): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202202.
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The article analyses political opposition toward the date of presidential elections and conducting them in the correspondence form on May 10, 2020, in Poland. The study is embedded in the theories of quasi-militant democracy and the emergence of social movements. The method used in the study is the qualitative analysis of media messages of the main news websites in Poland. Mainly in terms of the activity and arguments of citizens against the elections in the form of correspondence. The presidential elections revealed the imperious relationship between the government and citizens in Poland’s becoming quasimilitant democracy. The emphasis was on the elements regarding the organisation of elections on May 10 that could impact a social movement’s emergence. The most significant role in stopping the May 10 elections was played by institutional opposition in the form of local self-governments’ civil disobedience and the Senate’s action, which efficiently blocked the party’s initiative. The article accounts for how election matters determined the social mobilisation and activity of the new social movement. This paper’s main finding is that institutional opposition may prevail over the social one in the pandemic.
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Fuller, C. J. „Untouchable citizens: Dalit movements and democratization in Tamil Nadu ? By Hugo Gorringe“. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 13, Nr. 1 (März 2007): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2007.00423_30.x.
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Waley, Paul. „Book Review: Living Cities in Japan: Citizens’ Movements, Machizukuri and Local Environments“. Urban Studies 48, Nr. 1 (20.12.2010): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00420980110480011104.
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Daser, Deniz. „Citizens of the City: Undocumented Latinx Migrants Organising Politically in Post-Katrina New Orleans“. Public Anthropologist 3, Nr. 1 (04.03.2021): 148–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891715-03010008.
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Abstract Across the globe marginalised urban residents have organised for improved access to rights nominally afforded them as citizens. While studies of such insurgent citizenship movements mostly focus on formal citizens, I examine here how undocumented migrants have drawn upon past labour to organise for improved working conditions and the “right to the city” free of deportation. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with Latinx migrants who worked in post-Hurricane Katrina rebuilding in New Orleans, Louisiana, this study identified wage theft, work injury, and potential deportation as shaping their political activism. As reconstruction ended and immigration enforcement hardened throughout the 2010s, these workers framed their past labour as a moral and economic contribution worthy of rights and recognition. Key US industries such as construction rely on undocumented workers. These findings thus contribute to a growing literature on how undocumented migrants are also insurgent citizens by shifting analysis to labour’s importance in movement building.
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Shashkova, Yaroslava, und Dmitry Kachusov. „Classification of network social movements in the cities of Southwestern Siberia regions“. Vestnik instituta sotziologii 13, Nr. 2 (28.06.2022): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2022.13.2.789.
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The article presents the results of the study of urban Internet communities of a causal nature in the regions of Southwestern Siberia. Communities are analysed by variables: the degree of their development, the number of participants, the goals and objectives set, the forms of activity used. These communities were identified in social networks and messengers such as VKontakte, Facebook, Twitter, Odnoklassniki, Instagram, Telegram, as well as among YouTube channels and specialized sites. The informatisation of modern society provides citizens with more and more opportunities to participate in public life and establish horizontal communications. This is combined with the processes of raising the level of civic consciousness and the search for "workarounds" for participation in public politics. Both of these tendencies lead to more and more active involvement of citizens in the processes of self-organisation and participation in various associations. This leads to an increase in the number of urban problematic (causal) communities and in the number of their participants, the creation of new projects, and the massisation of their actions. There can be distinguished two main vectors for the development of such urban communities: urban protection and environmental. The first direction deals with the issues of arranging the living environment of citizens and creating "places of application" of causal civil activity, with problems of combining commercial, social, historical and cultural principles in the development of cities. The second one deals with the issues of protecting the natural environment, improving the living conditions of citizens, changing the consciousness and behaviour of people towards those more environmentally friendly. The set of methods used by all these communities is very wide: information campaigns in media and the Internet, filing petitions and appeals, organising of practical activities in the direction of their work, educating citizens, holding pickets and other public events, establishing contacts between civil society and government. It should be noted that there is no strict distinction between the communities of the two main problem areas, since the tasks they strive to solve (for example, the preservation of green areas in cities, the fight against landfills, etc.), as well as the composition of the participants, partially coincide.
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Muñoz, Jordi, und Eva Anduiza. „‘If a fight starts, watch the crowd’: The effect of violence on popular support for social movements“. Journal of Peace Research 56, Nr. 4 (19.03.2019): 485–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318820575.
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Social movements often face tactic diversification. In otherwise nonviolent movements, some groups or radical flanks may resort to violent actions such as street rioting. This article analyzes the impact that these violent episodes can have on popular support for the movement as a whole. To estimate the causal effect of violence, it exploits an unexpected riot outbreak that occurred during the fieldwork of a face-to-face survey in Barcelona in May 2016, led by a squat group linked to the anti-austerity movement known as the 15-M or indignados that emerged during the financial crisis. By comparing respondents interviewed before and after the riots, it finds that the street violence episode reduced support for the 15-M movement by 12 percentage points on average. However, the magnitude of the effect is highly conditional on the respondents’ predispositions towards the movement. Core supporters, that are expected to share the frame of the movement in justifying violent actions, are the least affected by the violent outbreak. On the other extreme, weak supporters, opposers, and non-aligned citizens reduce their support to a larger extent. Results are robust to different specifications and a wide range of robustness checks. These findings have potentially important implications for movements concerned with broadening their support base.