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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Christianity – Europe – History"
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Little, Lester K. „Romanesque Christianity in Germanic Europe“. Journal of Interdisciplinary History 23, Nr. 3 (1993): 453. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206098.
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Johnson, Todd M., Gina A. Zurlo, Albert W. Hickman und Peter F. Crossing. „Christianity 2017: Five Hundred Years of Protestant Christianity“. International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, Nr. 1 (26.10.2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939316669492.
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Throughout 2017, Protestants around the world will celebrate five hundred years of history. Although for several centuries the Protestant movement was based in Europe, then North America, from its Western homelands it eventually spread all over the world. In 2017 there are 560 million Protestants found in nearly all the world’s 234 countries. Of these 560 million, only 16 percent are in Europe, with 41 percent in Africa, a figure projected to reach 53 percent by 2050. The article also presents the latest statistics related to global Christianity and its mission.
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Tse-Hei Lee, Joseph. „Teaching The History Of Chinese Christianity“. Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 33, Nr. 2 (01.09.2008): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.33.2.75-84.
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Beginning in the sixteenth century, European Catholic orders, including Jesuits, Franciscans, and Dominicans, introduced Christianity and established mission outposts in China. Protestant missionary societies arrived in the middle of the nineteenth century. Despite the Eurocentric view of Christianity conveyed by Western missionaries, many Chinese believers successfully recruited converts, built churches, and integrated Christianity with traditional values, customs, and social structure. This pattern of Chinese church growth represents a large-scale religious development comparable in importance to the growth of Catholicism, Protestantism, and orthodoxy Christianity in continental Europe, the rise of Islam, and the Buddhist transformation of East Asia. The story of the Chinese church is an important chapter of the global history of cross-cultural interactions. The knowledge and insights gained from the China story throw light on the emergence of Christianity as a fast-growing religious movement in the non-Western world.
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Jesse, Horst, und Horst Jesse. „Christianity and Europe: The legacy of Churches in Europe“. European Legacy 1, Nr. 4 (Juli 1996): 1355–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579578.
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Ellis, Geoffrey. „Review: Christianity and Revolutionary Europe c. 1750–1830“. English Historical Review 120, Nr. 485 (01.02.2005): 153–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei028.
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BARRON, Joshua Robert, und Martin MUNYAO. „In memory of those who went before, in honor of those who follow behind: Introducing African Christian Theology.“ African Christian Theology 1, Nr. 1 (31.03.2024): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.69683/4yys6m08.
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Describing the shift of World Christianity from the Global North to the Global South, Mark Noll posited that “as much as the new shape of Christianity in the world affects general world history, much more does it influence matters of Christian belief and practice.”1 Given global Christianity’s shift to the South, Christian beliefs and practices in recent decades have not been driven by Western Christian theology. Nearly thirty years ago, western scholars recognized that the majority of Christians on the face of the earth are found in Africa, Asia, and Latin America — and that “the proportion . . . grows annually.”2 Therefore, in retrospect and prospect, global Christianity is increasingly envisioned to be highly influenced by non-Western Christian theologies. For example, diaspora missiologists are consistently reminding us that the global church is thriving because of the movement of Africans across the world.3 Africans migrating to North America and Europe are planting churches in areas where traditional Christianity has been declining.
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Salamon, Maciej. „How to win new followers for Christianity?: The origins of eastern and western missions in early medieval 'younger Europe'“. Journal of the Australian Early Medieval Association 16, Nr. 1 (2020): 23–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.35253/jaema.2020.1.2.
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The Christianisation of eastern Europe started later than in western Europe and faced challenges not faced by the West in late antiquity. In those eastern lands occupied by Slavs and others, formerly under control of the Byzantines or others, the process of re- Christianising those lands and bringing Christianity for the first time to the occupiers, was done gradually and often with cultural concessions, like the preservation of language. In Bulgaria there was an acceptance of Christianity in former Byzantine territory often associated with increasing political ties. In Frankish lands, however, where there was a push for Christianisation there was often more conflict. The pace of this increased in the ninth century with Cyril and Methodius as missionaries, whose new style of spreading Christianity and the development of a written Slavic language brought permanent success.
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LANGE, Hans-Christoph Thapelo. „Grundzüge der Außereuropäischen Christentumsgeschichte“. African Christian Theology 1, Nr. 1 (01.04.2024): 200–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.69683/kxdv3w11.
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One of the defining features of Christianity is its capacity to take root in many different kinds of soils. Its historiography, however, has often focused on recounting the growth it enjoyed in European soil. In his book Koschorke addresses this imbalance with an outline of how widely the seed has been sown outside of Europe, as the title in English, “Outlines of Extra-European Christian History: Asia, Africa and Latin America 1450–2000,” suggests. It is designed to be used as a resource in teaching this subject in which Koschorke presents selected episodes from Christianity’s global history. These highlight both its various local expressions and its global interconnectedness from 1450 to 2000 CE in the regions of Asia, Africa, and Latin-America. Koschorke certainly is no stranger to the subject, having occupied the chair of church history at the University of Munich since 1993 until his retirement, also transforming it into a center for the History of World Christianity.
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Shepetyak, Oleh. „The Christianity of Franks: the Formation of the Vector of European Civilization“. Ukrainian Religious Studies, Nr. 86 (03.07.2018): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2018.86.703.
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In the article of Oleh Shepetyak "The Christianity of Franks: the Formation of the Vector of European Civilization" is analyzed the Christianization of Western Europe and the Rolle of Franks in this difficult process. The basis of the European civilization is Christianity. The Christianization of the European peoples was a difficult and ambiguous process. Many Germanic peoples, which settled down in Europe, had accepted the Christianity in its Arianism version. The main factor, which caused the domination of Catholic Church in Western Europe and the crowning out of the Arianism, was the political domination of the Franks and the Frank's conquest of the Germanic peoples. The changes of the dynasties of Frank's Kingdom and the change of Europa's political map Europe had played very impotent role in the Christianization Europa's. In the article is highlighted special role of two Frankꞌs Kings Clovis and Charles the Great in the Process dissemination of Christianity in Europe. The analyze of these facts of the religious history Europe's is the object of this article.
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Gasché, Rodolphe. „Of a Ghost and Its Resurrection: María Zambrano on the Agony of Europe“. Research in Phenomenology 50, Nr. 3 (14.10.2020): 351–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341456.
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Abstract In La Agonia de Europa, María Zambrano writes: “Europe is not dead, Europe cannot die completely; it agonizes. For Europe is perhaps the only thing—in history—that cannot die; it is the only thing capable of resurrection.” How to understand this provocative statement? What must Europe be for it not being able to completely die, but only to agonize? How to understand the mode of being Europe as one of continuous agonization? What kind of resurrection does European life refer to, and what is its significance in the context of Zambrano’s heretical Christianity? These are among the questions raised in the paper.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Christianity – Europe – History"
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Kennerley, Sam Joseph. „The reception of John Chrysostom and the study of ancient Christianity in early modern Europe, c.1440-1600“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/271888.
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This study retraces the principal moments of the Latin reception of John Chrysostom between c.1440 and 1600 and how they reflect on the study of ancient Christianity in early modern Europe. After a short Introduction to Chrysostom’s reception in medieval Europe and existing historiography on early modern patristics, the first section of this study focusses on the reception of Chrysostom in the fifteenth century. Chapter 1 examines the collaboration between cardinal Jean Jouffroy and the humanist translator Francesco Griffolini in Renaissance Rome. Chapter 2 explores the career and editorial work of the scholastic writer Johannes Heynlin and his impact on Basel’s rise as a centre of patristic studies. The second part of this study investigates the translations and interpretations of Chrysostom by the renowned Dutch humanist, Desiderius Erasmus. Chapter 3 argues that Erasmus advanced Chrysostom as a Pauline theologian in a way deliberately opposed to contemporary Latin traditions of exegesis. Chapter 4 interprets Erasmus’ editions and translations of Chrysostom against the breakdown of his friendship with the Protestant theologian Johannes Oecolampadius. Chapter 5 asks whether Erasmus’ biography of Chrysostom and criticism of spurious texts of the Greek church fathers confirms or contrasts recent investigations of Erasmus’ scholarship on their Latin counterparts. The third part of this study follows the reception of Chrysostom’s life and works in the Catholic world during and after the Council of Trent. Chapter 6 studies the use of Chrysostom’s works at this Council by cardinal Marcello Cervini and his client Gentian Hervet. Chapter 7 uses Chrysostom’s changing place in the Roman breviary to explore Catholic attitudes to historical scholarship and the Greek church in the sixteenth-century. A short conclusion suggests avenues for future research into the reception of Chrysostom in early modern Europe.
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Dominik, Carl James. „Confucianism in Europe: 1550-1780“. CSUSB ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/475.
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Curk, Joshua M. „From Jew to Gentile : Jewish converts and conversion to Christianity in medieval England, 1066-1290“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:996a375b-43ac-42fc-a9f5-0edfa519d249.
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The subject of this thesis is Jewish conversion to Christianity in medieval England. The majority of the material covered dates between 1066 and c.1290. The overall argument of the thesis contends that converts to Christianity in England remained essentially Jews. Following a discussion of the relevant secondary literature, which examines the existing discussion of converts and conversion, the principal arguments contained in the chapters of the thesis include the assertion that the increasing restrictiveness of the laws and rules regulating the Jewish community in England created a push factor towards conversion, and that converts to Christianity inhabited a legal grey area, neither under the jurisdiction of the Exchequer of the Jews, nor completely outside of it. Numerous questions are asked (and answered) about the variety of convert experience, in order to argue that there was a distinction between leaving Judaism and joining Christianity. Two convert biographies are presented. The first shows how the liminality that was a part of the conversion process affected the post-conversion life of a convert, and the second shows how a convert might successfully integrate into Christian society. The analysis of converts and conversion focusses on answering a number of questions. These relate to, among other things, pre-conversion relationships with royal family members, the reaction to corrody requests for converts, motives for conversion, forced or coerced conversions, the idea that a convert could be neither Christian nor Jew, converts re-joining Judaism, converts who carried the names of royal functionaries, the domus conversorum, convert instruction, and converting minors. The appendix to the thesis contains a complete catalogue of Jewish converts in medieval England. Among other things noted therein are inter-convert relationships, and extant source material. Each convert also has a biography.
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Brewitt-Taylor, Samuel. „'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England, 1957-1970“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e1a19573-6e94-46d7-92d7-d27e8f9f3458.
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This thesis is the first study of 'Christian radicalism' in the Church of England between 1957 and 1970. Radicalism grew in influence from the late 1950s, and burst into the national conversation with John Robinson’s 1963 bestseller, Honest to God. Emboldened by this success, between 1963 and 1965 radical leaders hoped they might fundamentally reform the Church of England, even though they were aware of the diversity of their supporting constituency. Yet by 1970, following a controversial turn towards social justice issues in the late 1960s, the movement had largely reached the point of disintegration. The thesis offers five central arguments. First, radicalism was fundamentally driven by a narrative of epochal transition, which understood British society in the late 1950s and early 1960s to be undergoing a seismic upheaval, comparable to the transition between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Secondly, this led radicals to exaggerate many of the social changes occurring in the period, and to imagine the emergence of a new social order. Radicals interpreted affluence as an era of unlimited technology, limited church decline as the arrival of a profoundly secular age, and limited sexual shifts as evidence of a sexual revolution. They effectively created the idea of the ‘secular society’, which became widely accepted once it was adopted by the Anglican hierarchy. Third, radical treatment of these themes was part of a tradition that went back to the 1940s; radicals anticipated many of the themes of the secular culture of the 1960s, not the other way round. Fourth, far from slavishly adopting secular intellectual frameworks, radical arguments were often framed using theological concepts, such as Christian eschatology. Finally, for all these reasons, Christian radicals made an original and influential contribution to the elite re-imagination of British society which occurred in the 1960s.
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Stuart-Buttle, Tim. „Classicism, Christianity and Ciceronian academic scepticism from Locke to Hume, c.1660-c.1760“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a181f810-9637-4b70-a147-ea9444a54cd5.
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This study explores the rediscovery and development of a tradition of Ciceronian academic scepticism in British philosophy between c.1660-c.1760. It considers this tradition alongside two others, recently recovered by scholars, which were recognised by contemporaries to offer opposing visions of man, God and the origins of society: the Augustinian-Epicurean, and the neo-Stoic. It presents John Locke, Conyers Middleton and David Hume as the leading figures in the revival of the tradition of academic scepticism. It considers their works in relation to those of Anthony Ashley Cooper, third earl of Shaftesbury, and Bernard Mandeville, whose writings refashioned respectively the neo-Stoic and Augustinian-Epicurean traditions in influential ways. These five individuals explicitly identified themselves with these late Hellenistic philosophical traditions, and sought to contest and redefine conventional estimations of their meaning and significance. This thesis recovers this debate, which illuminates our understanding of the development of the ‘science of man’ in Britain. Cicero was a central figure in Locke’s attempt to explain, against Hobbes, the origins of society and moral consensus independent of political authority. Locke was a theorist of societies, religious and civil. He provided a naturalistic explanation of moral motivation and sociability which, drawing heavily from Cicero, emphasised the importance of men’s concern for the opinions of others. Locke set this within a Christian divine teleology. It was Locke’s theologically-grounded treatment of moral obligation, and his attack on Stoic moral philosophy, that led to Shaftesbury’s attempt to vindicate Stoicism. This was met by Mandeville’s profoundly Epicurean response. The consequences of the neo-Epicurean and neo-Stoic traditions for Christianity were explored by Middleton, who argued that only academic scepticism was consistent with Christian belief. Hume explored the relationship between morality and religion with continual reference to Cicero. He did so, in contrast to Locke or Middleton, to banish entirely moral theology from philosophy.
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Sowerby, R. S. „Angels in Anglo-Saxon England, 700-1000“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:60cb4d1f-505a-4ef9-8415-bc298f3cb535.
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This thesis seeks to understand the changing place of angels in the religious culture of Anglo-Saxon England between AD 700 and 1000. From images carved in stone to reports of prophetic apparitions, angels are a remarkably ubiquitous presence in the art, literature and theology of early medieval England. That very ubiquity has, however, meant that their significance in Anglo-Saxon thought has largely been overlooked, dismissed as a commonplace of fanciful monkish imaginations. But angels were always bound up with constantly evolving ideas about human nature, devotional practice and the workings of the world. By examining the changing ways that Anglo-Saxon Christians thought about the unseen beings which shared their world, it is possible to detect broader changes in religious thought and expression in one part of the early medieval West. The six chapters of this thesis each investigate a different strand from this complex of ideas. Chapters One and Two begin with Anglo-Saxon beliefs at their most theological and speculative, exploring ideas about the early history of the angels and the nature of their society – ideas which were used to express and promote changing ideals about religious practice in early England. Chapters Three and Four turn to the ways that angels were believed to interact more directly in earthly affairs, as guardians of the living and escorts of the dead, showing how even apparently traditional beliefs reveal changing ideas about intercession, moral achievement and the supernatural. Lastly, Chapters Five and Six investigate the complicated ways that these ideas informed two central aspects of Anglo-Saxon religion: the cult of saints, and devotional prayer. A final Conclusion considers the cumulative trajectory of these otherwise distinct aspects of Anglo-Saxon thought, and asks how we might best explain the changing importance of angels in early medieval England.
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Arnold, Jonathan W. „The reformed theology of Benjamin Keach (1640-1704)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:3365fbf1-7c93-42de-a916-a22637a1a592.
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Benjamin Keach, the most prolific Particular Baptist theologian of the seventeenth century, described himself as a defender of ‘Reformed Orthodoxy’. Despite this self-identification, modern scholarship has largely relegated Keach to a self-educated dissenting pastor whose major achievement could be found in his controversial support of hymn singing. Two recent dissertations have attempted to revise this view of Keach, but no scholarly work has yet attempted to wrestle holistically with Keach’s view of himself as a Reformed theologian. This work fills that void by reviewing Keach’s own understanding of the term ‘Reformed Orthodoxy’, reconstructing Keach’s connections both in the personal contacts available in dissenting London and Buckinghamshire and in the books at his disposal, examining the major aspects of his theology, and placing that theology within the spectrum of Reformed Orthodoxy. From the time of his entry onto the public theological stage, Keach quickly became identified with those with whom he networked intellectually. From his branding as a Fifth Monarchist to his identification first as a General Baptist and later as the most prominent Particular Baptist, those connections proved to be the most idiosyncratic characteristic of Keach’s theological pilgrimage. Those connections crossed the conventional lines of systematic theology and boundaries of religious sects, resulting in Keach’s theology crossing those same lines yet remaining Reformed in its major assertions. Following the organizational structure of Keach’s catechisms and confessions, this work proceeds by expounding and interrogating Keach’s major theological positions—his understanding of the Trinity including this doctrine’s foundational role in ecclesiology, the significance of the covenants, justification, and eschatology. Throughout this exposition, Keach’s theological lenses, shaped by his contacts and his independent, creative thought, become clear. Ultimately, Keach proves himself to be a capable Reformed theologian, able and willing to dialogue with the most influential theologians, yet consistently forging his own ground within Reformed Orthodoxy as a whole and more specifically Particular Baptist theology.
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Lockley, Philip J. „Millenarian religion and radical politics in Britain 1815-1835 : a study of Southcottians after Southcott“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c787538b-fddd-42bb-9eec-7bc8ab542685.
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The popular millenarian movement founded by Joanna Southcott (1750-1814) enjoyed a complex relationship with political radicalism in early nineteenth-century Britain. Southcott opposed radicalism during her lifetime, encouraging her followers to await a messianic agent of the millennium. Within two decades of the prophet’s death – as Southcott expected to give birth to this messiah – some surviving Southcottians became political radicals, most notably, John ‘Zion’ Ward (1781-1837) and James Elishama Smith (1801-57). Ward was a popular preacher during the agitations around the Reform Bill, Smith a radical lecturer, editor of Robert Owen’s journal Crisis, and ideologue within general trades unionism in 1833-34. The respective influence of each figure drew several hundred Southcottians into engagement with politics. This thesis presents a new interpretation of why such millenarians engaged with radicalism. Utilising a substantial range of Southcottian and radical sources, many previously unstudied, it challenges the existing explanations of Southcottian radicalism of E.P. Thompson, J.F.C. Harrison, Barbara Taylor and others. Through a close study of the religious experience, ideas and practices of Southcottians in 1815-35, it locates an altered disposition towards social activity through the evolving millennial theologies of Southcottian groups and the personal acquaintanceship of individual believers with radical freethinkers. Under the prophetic leadership of Zion Ward and John Wroe (1782-1863), earlier Southcottian notions of the respective roles of divine and human agency in the realising of the millennium were changed by 1830. This led Southcottians to a new sense of agency, where their own actions took on a millennial significance when directed towards the achievement of God’s perceived intentions for the world. For some, this presented engagement with political radicalism, even freethought radicalism, in a new light: as action apposite to their beliefs. This argument features an alternative theoretical framework for millenarian beliefs which takes account of the way conceptions of human agency can vary within religious movements centred on modern prophecy. In exposing the inadequacy of existing pre- and postmillennial categories to explain such beliefs, it demonstrates how visionary religion can inspire expectations of both disruptive and evolutionary change, and require both divine and human agency, in the realisation of the millennium. This is a study in religious history, orientated towards politics. It demonstrates that a sensitivity to how visionary religious ideas influenced individuals involved in political movements, aids an improved understanding of political motivations and ideals.
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Aalders, Cynthia Yvonne. „Writing religious communities : the spiritual lives and manuscript cultures of English women, 1740-90“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:786913a8-64a6-48ef-bce4-266b6fa70ff3.
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This thesis examines the spiritual lives of eighteenth-century English women through an analysis of their personal writings. It explores the manuscripts of religious women who practised their faith by writing letters, diaries, poetry, and other highly personal texts—texts that give unique access to the interior, spiritual lives of their authors. Concerned not only with the individual meaning of those writings but with their communal meanings, it argues that women’s informal writing, written within personal relationships, acted to undergird, guide, and indeed shape religious communities in vital and unexplored ways. Through an exploration of various significant personal relationships, both intra- and inter-generationally, this thesis demonstrates the multiple ways in which women were active in ‘writing religious communities’. The women discussed here belonged to communities that habitually communicated through personal writing. At the same time, their acts of writing were creative acts, powerful to build and shape religious communities: these women wrote religious community. A series of interweaving case studies guide my analysis and discussion. The thesis focuses on Catherine Talbot (1721–70), Anne Steele (1717–78), and Ann Bolton (1743–1822), and on their literary interactions with friends and family. Considered together, these subjects and sources allow comparison across denomination, for Talbot was Anglican, Steele Baptist, and Bolton Methodist. After an introductory chapter, Chapter Two focuses on spiritual friendship, showing how women used personal writings within peer relationships to think through religious ideas and encourage faith commitments. Chapter Three considers older women as spiritual elders, arguing that elderly women sometimes achieved honoured status in religious communities and were turned to for spiritual direction. Chapter Four explores the ways in which women offered religious instruction to spiritual children through the creative use of informal writings, including diaries and poetry. And Chapter Five considers women’s personal writings as spiritual legacy, as they were preserved by family and friends and continued to function in religious communities after the death of their authors.
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Marriott, Brandon John. „The birth pangs of the Messiah : transnational networks and cross-religious exchange in the age of Sabbatai Sevi“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ed4243fe-d113-4d7e-9704-f0361b966d33.
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Between 1648 CE and 1666 CE, news, rumours, and theories about the messiah and the Lost Tribes of Israel were disseminated amongst diverse populations of Jews, Christians, and Muslims. Employing a world history methodology, this thesis follows three sets of such narratives that were spread through the American colonies, England, the Dutch Republic, the Italian peninsula and the Ottoman Empire, connecting people separated by linguistic, religious, national, and continental divides. This dissertation starts by situating this transmission within a broader context that dates back to 1492 CE and then traces the three-stage process in which eschatological constructs originating in the Americas in the 1640s were transmitted across Europe to the Levant in the 1650s, preparing the minds of Jews and Christians for the return of these ideas from the Ottoman Empire in the 1660s. In this manner, this study seeks to make three contributions to the existing literature. It brings together often isolated historiographies, it unearths fresh archival sources, and it provides a new conceptual framework. Overall, it argues that one cannot understand the growth of apocalyptic tension that reached its peak in 1666 without examining the major historical events and processes that began in 1492 and affected Jews, Christians, and Muslims across the Atlantic and Mediterranean worlds.
Bücher zum Thema "Christianity – Europe – History"
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Christianity and revolutionary Europe, 1750-1830. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
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Aston, Nigel. Christianity and revolutionary Europe, 1750-1830. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
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Aston, Nigel. Christianity and revolutionary Europe, 1750-1830. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 2002.
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Berglund, Bruce R. Christianity and modernity in Eastern Europe. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010.
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R, Berglund Bruce, und Porter Brian, Hrsg. Christianity and modernity in Eastern Europe. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2010.
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Philip, Walters, Hrsg. World Christianity. Monrovia, Calif: Missions Advanced Research & Communication Center, 1988.
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Russell, Jeffrey Burton. A history of medieval Christianity: Prophecy & order. Arlington Heights, Ill: H. Davidson, 1986.
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1956-, Rubin Miri, und Simons Walter, Hrsg. Christianity in Western Europe c. 1100-c. 1500. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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Rubin, Miri. Christianity in Western Europe c. 1100-c. 1500. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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1956-, Rubin Miri, und Simons Walter, Hrsg. Christianity in Western Europe c. 1100-c. 1500. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Christianity – Europe – History"
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Alcock, Antony. „Christianity 100bc–1200ad“. In A Short History of Europe, 37–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230597426_3.
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Alcock, Antony. „Christianity 100bc–1200ad“. In A Short History of Europe, 37–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-50093-8_3.
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Young, Francis. „Exorcism in Counter-Reformation Europe“. In A History of Exorcism in Catholic Christianity, 99–130. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29112-3_4.
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Young, Francis. „Catholic Exorcism Beyond Catholic Europe“. In A History of Exorcism in Catholic Christianity, 131–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29112-3_5.
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Anesaki, Masaharu. „Kirishitan Missions 1 Japan's First Contact with Europe and Christianity“. In History of Japanese Religion, 240–53. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781032641607-25.
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Thurner, Mathias. „The Indian Challenge: Indology and New Conceptions of Christianity as ‘Religion’ at the End of the Nineteenth Century“. In Palgrave Series in Asian German Studies, 59–87. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-40375-0_4.
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AbstractThis chapter argues that religion as a universal concept was not a European invention but had a global history. In the late-nineteenth century, a new understanding of ‘religion’(This contribution uses terms like ‘religion’, ‘science’, ‘history’, or ‘Europe’ not as ontological self-evident entities and unchangeable concepts. They are rather understood in a strictly historical sense—as names produced and used within a global discourse) emerged as a reaction against a physiological materialism that criticized ‘religion’ in the name of ‘science’. This new understanding regarded religion as an inner experience differing from ‘science’. Simultaneously, colonial knowledge production and the new importance of ‘history’ in the humanities led to the formation of a general religious history including Christianity. Consequently, religious reformers in all parts of the world started to define their traditions as ‘religion’ to prove their accordance with ‘science’. Western intellectuals were turning to Buddhism, and later a neo-Vedantic form of Hinduism, as decidedly scientific religions, and as historical evidence for their critique of Christianity. In this context, Christian theologians were challenged to prove the truth claims of Christianity in the new arena of the general religious history. Ernst Troeltsch, who was at the centre of this debate, turned to the German Indologist Hermann Oldenberg to substantiate his new conception of Christianity. This chapter shows that Troeltsch and Oldenberg were part of a global discourse on religion in which Buddhism was a challenge for Christian scholars.
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Hsia, R. Po-Chia. „Christianity in Europe and overseas“. In The Cambridge World History, 334–57. Cambridge University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139022460.015.
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Roy, Olivier. „Europe’s Christian Heritage“. In Is Europe Christian?, 7–26. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190099930.003.0002.
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This chapter discusses Europe's Christian heritage. The importance of Christianity in European history, even in the very idea of Europe, cannot be doubted. The area which can be called Europe today roughly corresponds to eleventh-century Latin Christendom, and it is self-evident that the main legal and political concepts that structured state-building, and later European integration, were forged in a Christian milieu. The chapter then looks at key moments in Christianity's history: the emergence of the Protestant Reformation; and the Wars of Religion. Following the Age of Discovery and the first phase of colonial expansion, Europe no longer had a monopoly on Christianity. At the very start of the sixteenth century, the Catholic Church quickly undertook a worldwide missionary project. Overseas, it again encountered the problem of tension with European states, but this time in their colonial guise. The nineteenth century was also a period of tension between the Church and European governments, as political anticlericalism mounted. Ultimately, the globalization of Christianity has inherently altered its relationship to Europe. Even if Europe continues to perceive itself as Christian, Christianity is only marginally European.
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Aston, Nigel. „Continental Catholic Europe“. In The Cambridge History of Christianity, 13–32. Cambridge University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521816052.003.
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Lehmann, Hartmut. „Continental Protestant Europe“. In The Cambridge History of Christianity, 33–53. Cambridge University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/chol9780521816052.004.
Der volle Inhalt der QuelleKonferenzberichte zum Thema "Christianity – Europe – History"
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Trebežnik, Luka. „Christianity as a constant process of atheization“. In International conference Religious Conversions and Atheization in 20th Century Central and Eastern Europe. Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče Koper, Annales ZRS, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/978-961-7195-39-2_07.
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In his Deconstruction of Christianity, the contemporary French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy described Christianity as “the exit from religion and the expansion of the atheist world”. Inspired by this assertion, we will reassess the traces of atheism in Christianity and its secular supplements. We will examine the broad context of Christianity and some seemingly external factors such as the Enlightenment and the development of science. Several features of Christianity, such as the emphasis on spirituality, individual faith, and the deinstitutionalization of religious experience, have prepared the ground for the rise of atheism. First, Christianity, most clearly in the Protestant denominations, places great emphasis on the inner spiritual experience of the believer, the conscience as the inner presence of God. The subjective personal relationship with God and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit are central tenets of Christian theology. However, this emphasis on individual, private spirituality can inadvertently lead to a devaluation of external religious structures and communal rituals and even pave the way for atheistic isolation. Moreover, throughout its history, Christianity has repeatedly produced its own critics, movements that have challenged institutional authority and hierarchical structures within the church. From the Hussites to the Protestant Reformation to today's movements advocating spiritual autonomy, the goal has always been to decentralize religious authority, separate it from worldly powers (secularization) and empower individual believers. While this deinstitutionalization is certainly meant to promote a more authentic and personal faith that is closer to God's will, it can also create room for doubt and scepticism, which in turn can lead to atheism. Furthermore, Christianity has grappled more than other religions with the tension between faith and reason, two completely different areas of our relationship with reality and the world. This relationship has completely changed with advances in science and philosophy, as traditional religious doctrines and supernatural explanations are increasingly challenged and even rendered obsolete. The struggle to reconcile faith and reason has led some people to the practical solution of rejecting religious faith altogether in favour of a purely secular worldview. We should also mention that even the pervasive influence of Christianity on Western culture may have inadvertently facilitated its own decline. Because Christianity is deeply embedded in societal norms, people who have grown up in Christian cultures may take their faith for granted, not as something out of the ordinary, but as something normal, leading to complacency or indifference toward religious beliefs. Over time, this cultural familiarity with Christianity can erode the foundations of religious belief and eventually contribute to the rise of atheism. Given this internal dynamic, it is clear that Christianity itself has played a crucial role in its own atheization. This paper will highlight some of the key features of Christian atheism and one of its most notorious examples, socialist atheization.
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Kayaoglu, Turan. „PREACHERS OF DIALOGUE: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND INTERFAITH THEOLOGY“. In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/bjxv1018.
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While the appeal of ‘civilisational dialogue’ is on the rise, its sources, functions, and con- sequences arouse controversy within and between faith communities. Some religious lead- ers have attempted to clarify the religious foundations for such dialogue. Among them are Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, Edward Idris, Cardinal Cassidy of the Catholic Church, and Fethullah Gülen. The paper compares the approach of these three religious leaders from the Abrahamic tra- dition as presented in their scholarly works – Sacks’ The Dignity of Difference, Cardinal Cassidy’s Ecumenism and Interreligious Dialogue, and Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue. The discussion attempts to answer the following questions: Can monotheistic traditions accom- modate the dignity of followers of other monotheistic and polytheistic religions as well as non-theistic religions and philosophies? Is a belief in the unity of God compatible with an acceptance of the religious dignity of others? The paper also explores their arguments for why civilisational and interfaith dialogue is necessary, the parameters of such dialogue and its anticipated consequences: how and how far can dialogue bridge the claims of unity of God and diversity of faiths? Islam’s emphasis on diversity and the Quran’s accommodation of ear- lier religious traditions put Islam and Fethullah Gülen in the best position to offer a religious justification for valuing and cherishing the dignity of followers of other religions. The plea for a dialogue of civilizations is on the rise among some policymakers and politi- cians. Many of them believe a dialogue between Islam and the West has become more urgent in the new millennium. For example following the 2005 Cartoon Wars, the United Nations, the Organization of the Islamic Conferences, and the European Union used a joint statement to condemn violent protests and call for respect toward religious traditions. They pled for an exchange of ideas rather than blows: We urge everyone to resist provocation, overreaction and violence, and turn to dialogue. Without dialogue, we cannot hope to appeal to reason, to heal resentment, or to overcome mistrust. Globalization disperses people and ideas throughout the world; it brings families individuals with different beliefs into close contact. Today, more than any period in history, religious di- versity characterizes daily life in many communities. Proponents of interfaith dialogue claim that, in an increasingly global world, interfaith dialogue can facilitate mutual understanding, respect for other religions, and, thus, the peaceful coexistence of people of different faiths. One key factor for the success of the interfaith dialogue is religious leaders’ ability to provide an inclusive interfaith theology in order to reconcile their commitment to their own faith with the reality of religious diversity in their communities. I argue that prominent leaders of the Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) are already offering separate but overlapping theologies to legitimize interfaith dialogue. A balanced analysis of multi-faith interactions is overdue in political science. The discipline characterises religious interactions solely from the perspective of schism and exclusion. The literature asserts that interactions among believers of different faiths will breed conflict, in- cluding terrorism, civil wars, interstate wars, and global wars. According to this conven- tional depiction, interfaith cooperation is especially challenging to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam due to their monotheism; each claims it is “the one true path”. The so-called “monothe- istic exclusion” refers to an all-or-nothing theological view: you are a believer or you are an infidel. Judaism identifies the chosen people, while outsiders are gentiles; Christians believe that no salvation is possible outside of Jesus; Islam seems to call for a perennial jihad against non-Muslims. Each faith would claim ‘religious other’ is a stranger to God. Political “us versus them” thinking evolves from this “believer versus infidel” worldview. This mindset, in turn, initiates the blaming, dehumanizing, and demonization of the believers of other reli- gious traditions. Eventually, it leads to inter-religious violence and conflict. Disputing this grim characterization of religious interactions, scholars of religion offer a tripartite typology of religious attitude towards the ‘religious other.’ They are: exclusivism, inclusivism, and pluralism. Exclusivism suggests a binary opposition of religious claims: one is truth, the other is falsehood. In this dichotomy, salvation requires affirmation of truths of one’s particular religion. Inclusivism integrates other religious traditions with one’s own. In this integration, one’s own religion represents the complete and pure, while other religions represent the incomplete, the corrupted, or both. Pluralism accepts that no religious tradi- tion has a privileged access to religious truth, and all religions are potentially equally valid paths. This paper examines the theology of interfaith dialogue (or interfaith theology) in the Abrahamic religions by means of analyzing the works of three prominent religious lead- ers, a Rabbi, a Pope, and a Muslim scholar. First, Jonathan Sacks, the Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of Britain and the Commonwealth, offers a framework for the dialogue of civilizations in his book Dignity of Difference: How to Avoid the Clash of Civilizations. Rather than mere tolerance and multiculturalism, he advocates what he calls the dignity of difference—an active engagement to value and cherish cultural and religious differences. Second, Pope John Paul II’s Crossing the Threshold of Hope argues that holiness and truth might exist in other religions because the Holy Spirit works beyond the for- mal boundaries of Church. Third, the Turkish Islamic scholar Fethullah Gülen’s Advocate of Dialogue describes a Muslim approach to interfaith dialogue based on the Muslim belief in prophecy and revelation. I analyze the interfaith theologies of these religious leaders in five sections: First, I explore variations on the definition of ‘interfaith dialogue’ in their works. Second, I examine the structural and strategic reasons for the emergence and development of the interfaith theologies. Third, I respond to four common doubts about the possibility and utility of interfaith di- alogue and theologies. Fourth, I use John Rawls’ overlapping consensus approach to develop a framework with which to analyze religious leaders’ support for interfaith dialogue. Fifth, I discuss the religious rationales of each religious leader as it relates to interfaith dialogue.