Zeitschriftenartikel: „Christianity and politics“

1

Gwennap, Todd Timothy. „Christianity and Politics“. Political Theology 13, Nr. 6 (Januar 2012): 765–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/poth.v13i6.765.

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2

Marshall, Ruth. „Christianity, Anthropology, Politics“. Current Anthropology 55, S10 (Dezember 2014): S344—S356. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/677737.

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3

Cichocki, Marek A., und Paweł Janowski. „The One Who Restrains“. Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 11 (30.01.2009): 9–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2009.11.01.

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Can we assume, then, that more than the doctrine of faith, it was this lived experience which placed the Christians ever anew before this difficult question: Of what use are history and politics to Christianity? Can we not make do without them? Tertullian’s famous question – “What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem? What concord is there between the Academy and the Church?” – began a centuries-old dispute about the relation between theology and philosophy, between faith and reason, which became a principle axis of tension between Christianity and the Hellenistic legacy. But Tertullian’s question can also be understood as pertaining to the problem of Christianity’s relation to history and politics: What indeed has Athens to do with Jerusalem, the Agora with the Temple, the polis with the Church? Thus the tension between Christianity and the classical world takes on yet another dimension. It is the conflict of faith and eternity with history and politics, of the faithful pilgrim member of the People of God with the loyal citizen of a political community. Christianity attempted to resolve this conflict by reformulating the fundamental concepts of classical politics and philosophy, but the main doubts still remained, and led to new tensions and currents within Christianity itself.

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4

Słowikowski, Andrzej. „The Dialectic of Christian Politics“. Forum Philosophicum 28, Nr. 2 (28.12.2023): 355–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.35765/forphil.2023.2802.20.

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This article suggests that the problem of Christianity’s involvement in the world of politics may be described as taking the form of a dialectic of Christian politics. This means that while the transcendent essence of Christianity is apolitical, the presence of the Christian message in the immanent world always brings with it political consequences and makes Christendom a part of political life. The dialectic is presented with reference to the thought of two key contemporary Christian thinkers: Søren Kierkegaard (1813-1855) and Jacques Maritain (1882-1973). Both recognized the dialectical tension inherent in Christianity, but each found a different solution to this problem: whereas Kierkegaard denies Christianity any possibility of political involvement, Maritain concludes that such involvement is necessary for proper Christian existence in the world. The goal of this article is to uncover, on the basis of their considerations, a third, positive solution to the dialectic of Christian politics—a model that would demonstrate how the elements of the Christian ideal (transcendence) could be transferred to the temporal world (immanence), morally improving the latter without becoming falsified in it.

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5

Francisco, Jose Mario C. „Challenges of Dutertismo for Philippine Christianity“. International Journal of Asian Christianity 4, Nr. 1 (09.03.2021): 145–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-04010008.

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Abstract This paper concentrates on populism’s functional relationship with religion during times of crisis and how religion is instrumentalized for populist causes. Critical analysis of Philippine populism under President Rodrigo Duterte highlights often-overlooked nuances regarding populism as both disruption and reinforcement of traditional politics and its inherent institutional and religious dimensions. Though Dutertismo disrupts Manila-centric power, it reinforces traditional politics rooted in the Philippine political and cultural ethos. Moreover, because of populism’s institutional and religious dimensions, Dutertismo’s challenges to Philippine Christianity involve both its social and evangelizing missions. As institutions, Christian churches are called to a social mission that helps dismantle traditional politics. Their response involves disentangling their institutions and communities from traditional political networks and providing all Christians with political education towards the good of all, especially those oppressed by traditional politics. Dutertismo’s implicit religious perspective challenges Christianity’s evangelizing mission. Insufficiently discussed in many studies, this underlying Manichean perspective common to populists attracts many through an account of and a strategy against social suffering through the war between the good “we” versus the evil “others.” Christianity then must listen more attentively to the yearnings of the suffering people and accompany them more faithfully in the struggle for social transformation. These responses prepare Philippine Christianity to commemorate in 2021 its five-century presence.

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6

Pattison, George. „Editorial: Christianity in Politics“. Modern Believing 35, Nr. 3 (Juli 1994): 2–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/mb.35.3.2.

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7

Reitan, Eric. „Christianity and Partisan Politics“. Logos: A Journal of Catholic Thought and Culture 2, Nr. 4 (1999): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/log.1999.0013.

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8

Mtetwa, Archieford Kurauone. „The Cross and Land Politics in Zimbabwe: The Forgotten Side of the Church“. Advances in Social Science and Culture 4, Nr. 4 (04.09.2022): p1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/assc.v4n4p1.

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Since 1500, Christianity is the major and official religion in Zimbabwe while African Traditional Religion remains the popular religion among Zimbabweans. Such a scenario is comparable to the ancient Israelite religion; Yahweism (monotheism) being the official religion while Polytheism being the popular religion amongst the Israelites. Christianity as a religion did not bring with it land to Zimbabwe. This study will explore the position of Christianity in relation to land and land politics in Zimbabwe. Christianity is a foreign religious ideology to Zimbabwe. The advent of Christianity does not mean that Zimbabweans were short of religion. African Traditional Religion (ATR) is the indigenous religion to Africans including Zimbabweans. Christianity is of great interest in this study because it is embraced by the majority of Zimbabweans (Ruzivo, 2008, p. 28). The arrival of Christianity dates back to the 14th century. It was introduced to Zimbabwe by the missionaries. The article highlights and chronicles the less emphasized issue of religion and land politics in Zimbabwe. In this case, the religion in question is Christianity and land politics or politics of land in Zimbabwe.

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9

Meynell, Hugo. „Christianity, Politics and Shadia Drury“. Lonergan Review 4, Nr. 1 (2013): 116–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/lonerganreview2013416.

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10

Haldane, John J. „Christianity and Politics: Another View“. Scottish Journal of Theology 40, Nr. 2 (Mai 1987): 259–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600017567.

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AbstractThe essay explores the relationship between Christian faith, ethical thought and political action. It examines two views of the matter. First, the autonomy thesis, advanced by writers such as Edward Norman in his Reith Lectures and elsewhere, which claims that Christianity in general is independent of political concerns, and that Church leaders in particular have no business engaging in political debate, or using their teaching authority to commend or condemn the actions of governments. Second, the commitment thesis, here derived from writings of Kenneth Leech, which maintains that fidelity to the biblical revelation involves an explicit commitment to Christian humanism, and thereby to practical opposition to capitalism and support for radical socialism.

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11

Robertson, E. H. „Book Reviews : Christianity and Politics“. Expository Times 101, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1989): 60–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468910100235.

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12

Miller, Duane Alexander. „Power, Personalities and Politics“. Mission Studies 32, Nr. 1 (10.04.2015): 66–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341380.

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While Christianity has existed in Iran/Persia since the fourth century, if not earlier, at the middle of the twentieth century almost all Iranian Christians belonged to an ethnic minority, especially the Assyrians and the Armenians. Ethnic Iranians were almost all Muslims, and then mostly Shi’a Muslims. Since the Revolution of 1979 hundreds of thousands of ethnic Iranians have left Islam for evangelical Christianity, both within and outside of Iran. This paper seeks to explore the multifaceted factors – political, economic and technological – that have helped to create an environment wherein increasing numbers of ethnic Iranians have apostatized from Islam and become evangelical Christians. A concluding section outlines Steven Lukes’ theory of power and analyzes the growth of Iranian Christianity in the light of his theory.

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13

WASHINGTON, JAMES MELVIN. „Jesse Jackson and the Symbolic Politics of Black Christendom“. ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 480, Nr. 1 (Juli 1985): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285480001008.

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This article examines the significance of the Reverend Jesse Jackson's bid for the Democratic party's presidential nomination. Jackson's candidacy represents a new use of political revivalism, an old evangelical political praxis recast in the modalities of African American Christian culture. This praxis is an aspect of American political culture that has often been overlooked because of past misunderstandings of American folk religion in general, and black Christianity in particular, as captives of an otherworldly and privatized spirituality. This article contends that black Christianity has an identifiable and coherent political style with both passive and active moods. The dominant manifestations of these moods are, respectively, political cynicism and political revivalism, which are the consequence of the correct folk perception that it is impossible to reason with the purveyors of the absurdities of racial injustice. A critical assessment of black Christianity's political symbolic capital seems appropriate.

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14

Mang, Pum Za. „The Karen and the Politics of Conversion“. Church History and Religious Culture 96, Nr. 3 (2016): 325–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09603001.

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The history this essay explores confirms the claim that a combination of political backdrop, social change, tribal religion, and cross-cultural appropriation of the gospel has positively contributed to religious conversion among the ethnic Karen in Burma from their primal religion to Christianity. This essay further contends that Christianity has protected the Karen from Burman coercion and assimilation, continued to differentiate them from the Burman, and will likely protect them from Burman aggression and absorption in the future, proving the historical truth that the fate and future of the Karen are tightly bound up with Christianity. It is also observed that the Karen would have been assimilated into the religion, culture, language, and ethnicity of the Burman had they refused to convert from their ancestral religion to Christianity.

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15

Johnston, Geoffrey, und Paul Gifford. „Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia.“ American Historical Review 99, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1994): 1374. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168903.

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16

Ekechi, Felix K., und Paul Gifford. „Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia“. African Studies Review 38, Nr. 1 (April 1995): 151. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525494.

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17

Sullivan, Jo, und Paul Gifford. „Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia“. International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, Nr. 2 (1995): 368. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221621.

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18

TONKIN, ELIZABETH. „Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia“. African Affairs 93, Nr. 372 (Juli 1994): 451–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098738.

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19

O'neil, Daniel J. „Politics and Christianity: Limitations and Opportunities“. Teaching Political Science 15, Nr. 3 (April 1988): 92–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00922013.1988.9943555.

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20

Ko, Rosa, und Benedict Edward DeDominicis. „Christianity and Politics: Korea versus Kenya“. International Journal of Interdisciplinary Global Studies 19, Nr. 2 (2024): 39–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2324-755x/cgp/v19i02/39-62.

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21

Hennig, Anja, und Oliver Fernando Hidalgo. „Illiberal Cultural Christianity? European Identity Constructions and Anti-Muslim Politics“. Religions 12, Nr. 9 (15.09.2021): 774. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12090774.

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This paper refers to the ambivalence of secularization in order to explain why Cultural Christianity can show both a liberal and illiberal character. These two faces of Cultural Christianity are mostly due to the identity functions that, not only faith-based religion, but a particularly culturalized version of religion, entails. Proceeding from this, it will be demonstrated here how Cultural Christianity can turn into a concrete illiberal marker of identity or a resource for illiberal collective identity. Our argument focuses on the link between right-wing nationalism and Cultural Christianity from a historical-theoretical perspective, and illustrates the latter with the example of contemporary illiberal and selective European memory constructions including a special emphasis on the exclusivist elements.

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22

Vollaard, Hans J. P. „Re-emerging Christianity in West European Politics: The Case of the Netherlands“. Politics and Religion 6, Nr. 1 (27.02.2013): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000776.

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AbstractDoes Christianity re-emerge in politics even in the most secularized part of the world, Western Europe? In this article, the exemplary case of the Netherlands provides empirical evidence for two mechanisms of resurgent Christianity in party politics. In this way, the article also offers a more precise understanding under what conditions various dimensions of religion become (again) or remain politically significant. The first mechanism has been the incentive of secularization and secularism for remaining Christians to regroup in a so-called creative minority to convey an explicitly faith-based message to a broader public. Modernization has therefore not automatically meant less religion in politics. However, creative minorities remained a relatively minor affair in Dutch party politics, despite the large number of Christian migrants and their descendants. Second, Christian and culturally rightwing, secular parties have increasingly referred to a Judeo-Christian culture to mark the political identities of the European Union and its nations in response to Islam's growing visibility. The concept of Judeo-Christian culture foremost functioned as a sacred word to denote the liberal and secular order of the West, reflecting the re-emergence of Christianity as cultural phenomenon rather than faith in West European politics.

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23

Sullivan, Vickie B. „Catherine Zuckert on Machiavelli's New Understanding of Politics“. Review of Politics 80, Nr. 2 (2018): 271–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670517001085.

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AbstractCatherine Zuckert's Machiavelli's Politics offers an unprecedented interpretation of all of Machiavelli's major works. Her interpretation places Machiavelli in his historical context as he understood it and shows Machiavelli seeking a populist alternative in politics. Because her approach and her conclusion have been championed by scholars explicitly opposed to Strauss's interpretation of Machiavelli, she intervenes in the scholarly debates on Machiavelli by drawing seemingly opposed approaches closer together. Strauss acknowledges the importance of Machiavelli's historical situation and understands him as a type of democrat. Nevertheless, in highlighting the functioning of Machiavelli's republic, Zuckert directly challenges Strauss, who, she argues, focuses too narrowly on Machiavelli's war on Christianity to explicate fully Machiavelli's politics. Religion and politics, though, are inextricably linked in Machiavelli's thought, and his treatment of Christianity's ascendency offers insight into his new republicanism. Consideration of Montesquieu's commentary on Machiavelli underscores some of the excesses of the Florentine's political solutions.

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24

Runesson, Anders. „puzzle and politics of historical reconstruction“. Approaching Religion 12, Nr. 1 (01.03.2022): 4–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.30664/ar.111496.

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This essay focuses on the topic of the emergence of Christianity and Judaism as related but distinct religious traditions, as an example of a process of religious and cultural change, which has had an enormous impact on Western and other societies around the world. At the heart of this question lies what appear to be contradictions between normative practices in antiquity and those we know of today, leading us to consider the historical and hermeneutical issue of continuity and change over time; its how, when and why. Rejecting the idea that theological differences between Judaism and Christianity necessitated a ‘parting of ways’ between them, it is argued that social, political and colonial decision-making was essential to this process, and that, furthermore, a historical focus on institutional realities in the ancient Mediterranean world, including in Jewish society, will challenge many long-held assumptions about the origins not only of Christianity but also of Judaism. The general historical reconstruction offered is then applied to a specific archaeological site, Capernaum, showing how traces of the larger pattern of development from the first to the fifth century CE may be seen in the histories of two buildings in this town.

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Hellman, John, W. D. Halls und Robert Zaretsky. „Politics, Society, and Christianity in Vichy France.“ American Historical Review 101, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1996): 1225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2169722.

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26

Tranvouez, Yvon, und W. D. Halls. „Politics, Society and Christianity in Vichy France“. Vingtième Siècle. Revue d'histoire, Nr. 49 (Januar 1996): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3770532.

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27

Chesnut, Andrew. „Faith Matters: Christianity, Islam, and Global Politics“. International Studies Review 6, Nr. 2 (Juni 2004): 295–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1521-9488.2004.00406.x.

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28

Lichty, S. „Christianity Politics and Public Life in Kenya“. Journal of Church and State 51, Nr. 4 (01.09.2009): 697–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/csq015.

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29

Chapman, M. „Christianity and Party Politics: Keeping the Faith“. Journal of Church and State 54, Nr. 4 (12.10.2012): 664–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/css092.

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30

Haustein, Jörg. „Christianity, Politics and Public Life in Kenya“. Pneuma 33, Nr. 1 (2011): 134–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007411x554875.

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31

Shuve, Karl. „The Politics of the Veil in Medieval Christianity“. Sociology of Islam 7, Nr. 4 (13.12.2019): 245–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00704004.

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Saba Mahmood begins Politics of Piety with a question: ‘[H]ow should issues of historical and cultural specificity inform both the analytics and the politics of any feminist project?’ She notes that while many forms of ‘difference’ have been integrated within feminist theory, ‘religious difference’ has received comparatively little emphasis. She attributes this to the ‘vexing relationship between feminism and religion,’ arising from feminism’s firm situation within ‘secular-liberal politics.’ In this essay, I explore how Mahmood’s insights might enrich the study of premodern Christianity. My particular focus will be a central, yet highly contested, aspect of medieval women’s piety: the practice of nuns taking the veil during consecration, marking them as ‘brides of Christ’. I hope, with Mahmood, to consider how an analysis of ‘the particular form that the body takes might transform our conceptual understanding of the act itself’, offering new possibilities for the practice of feminist historiography.

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Voll, John. „Haggai Erlich.Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined.:Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia: Islam, Christianity, and Politics Entwined“. American Historical Review 113, Nr. 2 (April 2008): 619–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.113.2.619.

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33

Lewis, Andrew R. „The Transformation of the Christian Right’s Moral Politics“. Forum 17, Nr. 1 (24.04.2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0001.

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Abstract For at least the past four decades, the Christian Right’s political advocacy has epitomized morality politics in the US. In recent years, however, the Christian Right has transformed how it approaches various moral and cultural issues, appealing to the language and process of political rights. This reframing of cultural concerns has coincided with the declining cultural status of conservative Christianity. This article analyzes three issue areas—abortion, free speech, and religious freedom—documenting how conservative Christianity has altered its approach to public politics, coming to embrace individual rights language and arguments over and above common morality. The article also analyzes the whether this growing rights talk has contributed to extending support to the rights of others, finding mixed results. As conservative Christians have embraced the rights commitment for themselves, there has been a corresponding growth of political tolerance for others. At the same time, there remain prominent challenges to supporting pluralistic politics. While questions about the commitment to pluralism remain, the evolution of the Christian Right’s cultural style of politics has important implications, as the last vestige of communitarian politics routinely engages politics using the language of liberalism. Moral politics are now routinely rights politics.

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Klinken, Adriaan van. „Homosexuality, Politics and Pentecostal Nationalism in Zambia“. Studies in World Christianity 20, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2014): 259–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2014.0095.

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Building upon debates about the politics of nationalism and sexuality in post-colonial Africa, this article highlights the role of religion in shaping nationalist ideologies that seek to regulate homosexuality. It specifically focuses on Pentecostal Christianity in Zambia, where the constitutional declaration of Zambia as a Christian nation has given rise to a form of ‘Pentecostal nationalism’ in which homosexuality is considered to be a threat to the purity of the nation and is associated with the Devil. The article offers an analysis of recent Zambian public debates about homosexuality, focusing on the ways in which the ‘Christian nation’ argument is deployed, primarily in a discourse of anti-homonationalism, but also by a few recent dissident voices. The latter prevent Zambia, and Christianity, from accruing a monolithic depiction as homophobic. Showing that the Zambian case presents a mobilisation against homosexuality that is profoundly shaped by the local configuration in which Christianity defines national identity – and in which Pentecostal-Christian moral concerns and theo-political imaginations shape public debates and politics – the article nuances arguments that explain African controversies regarding homosexuality in terms of exported American culture wars, proposing an alternative reading of these controversies as emerging from conflicting visions of modernity in Africa.1

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Rozo, Esteban. „Between Rupture and Continuity“. Social Sciences and Missions 31, Nr. 3-4 (17.08.2018): 284–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748945-03003007.

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Abstract This paper explores the politics of conversion in the Colombian Amazon, comparing missionary narratives of conversion with indigenous accounts of conversion. It shows how conversion to Christianity articulates new meanings of indigeneity today in Amazonia. Using ethnographic evidence, documents and interviews, the paper demonstrates that neither the missionaries nor the indigenous populations view conversion only as rupture. Although they recognize the transformational process involved in conversion, they both emphasize cultural continuity, albeit for different reasons. It also analyses how indigenous pastors and missionaries combine narratives of rupture and narratives of continuity while articulating a new kind of indigeneity (Christian indigeneity), and a specific politics of conversion. In this context, politics of conversion articulates emergent regimes of indigeneity that postulate strong complementarities between Christianity and indigenous values.

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Buulolo, Sitedi, Muhammad Adika Nugraha und Lianda Dewi Sartika. „Pengaruh Pandita Roos Telaumbanua dalam Perkembangan Agama dan Politik di Nias“. Polyscopia 1, Nr. 1 (26.01.2024): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.57251/polyscopia.v1i1.1225.

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This study examines the influential role of Pandita Roos Telaumbanua in shaping the political and religious landscape of Nias Island. Focusing on the spread of Christianity, it analyzes its impact on local social systems, including politics and culture. Utilizing a critical analysis of historical records from Pandita Roos Telaumbanua's era on Nias, the research explores the social, religious, and political consequences of his presence. Through secondary evidence, it highlights how Pandita Roos Telaumbanua significantly transformed the region's religious environment, affecting belief systems, education, and local culture. The emergence of social institutions and shifts in power dynamics within Nias society exemplify Christianity's profound influence on the regional political system. This research also underscores debates surrounding the rise of Christianity, revealing the social and political upheaval faced by Nias society. The adoption of this new religion often led to conflicts, impacting various social and political dynamics in Nias.

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Cason, J. Walter. „Book Review: Christianity and Politics in Doe's Liberia“. Missiology: An International Review 23, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 347–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969502300314.

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38

Marsh, Leonard. „Palestinian Christianity – A Study in Religion and Politics“. International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 5, Nr. 2 (Juli 2005): 147–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742250500220228.

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39

Ananyan, Shahe. „Armenian Christianity Today: Identity, Politics and Popular Practice“. International journal for the Study of the Christian Church 15, Nr. 1 (02.01.2015): 67–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1474225x.2015.1020210.

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40

Jarvis, Lauren V. „Popular Christianity and Populist Politics in Southern Africa“. Religious Studies Review 49, Nr. 1 (März 2023): 7–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.16301.

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41

Holland, Matthew S. „“To Close the Circle of our Felicities”: Caritas and Jefferson's First Inaugural“. Review of Politics 66, Nr. 2 (2004): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500037268.

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Thomas Jefferson's Declaration of Independence defends an inherent and individual right to the pursuit of happiness. For Jefferson, this right dramatically limited Christianity's role in politics. In any case, when drafting the Declaration, Jefferson thought Christianity largely irrelevant, if not inimical, to America's well-being. However, shortly before becoming president, several events transformed Jefferson's private thoughts about Christianity and its public utility. Careful attention to both the text and context of Jefferson's First Inaugural (a significant Jeffersonian document, but one that has never been examined in great detail by political theorists and intellectual historians) reveals that Jefferson came to embrace the teachings of a rationalized version of the New Testament in a way that lightly amends the liberal paradigm of his Declaration. Without significantly altering his commitment to a rights-based government of limited proportions, Jefferson's First Inaugural bespeaks the new political importance he placed on widely cultivating a largely demystified sense of Christian charity.

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42

Mang, Pum Za. „The Politics of Religious Conversion among the Ethnic Chin in Burma“. Studies in World Christianity 24, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2018): 188–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0227.

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Through an analysis of some possible reasons for religious conversion among the ethnic Chin in the western frontier of modern-day Burma to Christianity from their old religion that historically shaped and impacted Chin society for centuries, this article argues that missionary agency, Chin religion, social change and political awakening after the Chin were finally exposed to the wider modern world appear to have played a critically crucial role in a long process of the choice of religious conversion among the Chin when Christian missionaries came to their country and evangelised them at the turn of the twentieth century. Moreover, their newly adopted religion has been not only a historical source of political awareness and social progress, but also a hallmark of their ethnic identity. Chin leaders now proudly maintain that Christianity has provided them with a cementing source for retaining their ethnic identity and that Chin identity and Christianity have become interwoven.

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43

Marks, Jonathan D. „Rousseau's Use of the Jewish Example“. Review of Politics 72, Nr. 3 (2010): 463–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467051000032x.

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AbstractRousseau refers to the Jews in major and minor works, setting them alongside the Greeks and Romans as models for republican politics. Yet Rousseau's use of the Jewish example has been almost entirely neglected. I argue that this example, which for Rousseau stands between paganism and Christianity, plays a unique role in Rousseau's political thought. In particular, Judaism, as Rousseau presents it, surpasses Christianity in its this-worldly emphasis on compassion and justice, an emphasis that even the classical republics that are Rousseau's usual models for social and political well-being cannot match. It does so, moreover, without fostering the dogmatism that, along with Christian otherworldiness, has, in Rousseau's estimation, helped to spoil European politics.

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Ngong, David. „Contesting Conversions in African Christian Theology: Engaging the Political Theology of Emmanuel Katongole“. Mission Studies 36, Nr. 3 (09.10.2019): 367–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341675.

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Abstract This article argues that Emmanuel Katongole’s theology focuses on contesting conversions in African Christianity. To him, conversions that have so far taken place in much of African Christianity, especially those informed by the theology of inculturation, have not adequately emphasized the formation of critical Christian social imagination that would challenge the violent politics of the postcolonial nation-state in Africa. The article engages Katongole’s theology by showing how his understanding of conversion aligns him with a form of African Christianity which he criticizes – the neo-Pentecostal and Charismatic variety of African Christianity. It critiques Katongole’s proposal by suggesting that the social and political transformation he seeks may be enhanced by forms of conversion rooted in the theology of inculturation which he minimizes.

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Tomlinson, Matt. „Christian Difference. A Review Essay“. Comparative Studies in Society and History 59, Nr. 3 (07.06.2017): 743–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417517000238.

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The discipline called the “anthropology of Christianity” began to gain traction in the early to mid-2000s when interested scholars focused on Christianity as an object of collaborative and comparative cross-cultural analysis. Along with several landmark works of Joel Robbins, one foundational text is Fenella Cannell's edited volume The Anthropology of Christianity, published in 2006. In her introductory essay, Cannell poses a pointed question for the volume and the discipline itself: “What difference does Christianity make?” Bracketing the question of whether “difference” can or should be defined (Green 2014), several anthropologists have taken inspiration from Cannell, including Naomi Haynes (2014) in the concluding essay to a recent special issue of Current Anthropology, and myself and Debra McDougall (2013) in an edited volume on Christian politics in Oceania. Difference, as the criterion by which continuity and transformation are evaluated, is arguably the key concept for an effective anthropological engagement with Christianity.

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Gushee, David P. „Evangelicals and Politics: A Rethinking“. Journal of Law and Religion 23, Nr. 1 (2007): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400002575.

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I understand my primary task in this essay to be to take you inside the world of evangelical political reflection and engagement. Though I actually grew up Roman Catholic and attended the liberal Union Theological Seminary in New York, I am by now an evangelical insider, rooted deeply in red state mid-South America, a member of a Southern Baptist church (actually, an ordained minister), a teacher at a Tennessee Baptist university, and a columnist for the flagship Christianity Today magazine. Due to the blue state/red state, liberal/conservative boundary-crossing that has characterized my background, I am often called upon to interpret our divided internal “cultures” one to another. Trained to be fair-minded and judicious in my analysis and judgments (though not always successful in meeting the standards of my training), I seek to help bridge the culture wars divide that is tearing our nation apart.As one deeply invested in American evangelicalism, most of my attention these days now goes to the internal conversation within evangelical life about our identity and mission, especially our social ethics and political engagement. In this essay I will focus extensively on problems I currently see with evangelical political engagement, addressing those from within the theological framework of evangelical Christianity and inviting others to listen in to what I am now saying to my fellow evangelicals.

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Sanders, W. Scott, und John P. Ferré. „Reader Responses to Religion News: Discussions about Ark Encounter on Reddit“. Journal of Religion, Media and Digital Culture 9, Nr. 1 (01.05.2020): 107–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/21659214-bja10008.

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This study compares news reports about Ark Encounter, the young earth creationist theme park that opened in Kentucky in 2016, with contemporaneous posts on three Reddit communities to determine the strength of agenda setting by the news media for public discussions of controversial religious issues. Using topic modeling, this study compared the subjects covered in 139 discrete news articles with 2,926 comments in the subreddits of atheism, Christianity, and politics. The comparison found that many Reddit posts initially responded to news reports about controversies involving economics, politics, and beliefs. But online discussions proceeded to reflect diverse community interests more than the narrower focus of news reports. The atheism subreddit focused on issues of scientific evidence, the Christianity subreddit focused on hermeneutics of belief, and the politics subreddit focused on the separation of church and state. In short, the news media did not seem to exert a strong agenda-setting effect on discussions about Ark Encounter.

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Gluchman, Vasil. „Ethics and politics of Great Moravia of the 9th century“. Ethics & Bioethics 8, Nr. 1-2 (01.06.2018): 15–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ebce-2018-0007.

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Abstract The author studies the role of Christianity in two forms of 9th century political ethics in the history of Great Moravia, represented by the Great Moravian rulers Rastislav and Svatopluk. Rastislav’s conception predominantly uses the pre-Erasmian model of political ethics based on the pursuit of welfare for the country and its inhabitants by achieving the clerical-political independence of Great Moravia from the Frankish kingdom and, moreover, by utilising Christianity for the advancement of culture, education, literature, law and legality, as well as by spreading Christian ethics and morality in the form of the Christian code of ethics expressed in ethicallegal documents. Svatopluk’s political conception was a prototype of Machiavellian political ethics, according to which one is, in the interest of the country and its power and fame, allowed to be a lion and/or a fox. Svatopluk abused Christianity in the name of achieving his power-oriented goals. Great Moravia outlived Rastislav; it did not, however, outlive Svatopluk, as, shortly after his death, it broke up and ceased to exist. The author came to the conclusion that Rastislav’s conception was more viable, as its cultural heritage lives on in the form of works by Constantine and Methodius.

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Molnar, Aleksandar. „Alfred Rosenberg’s clash with Christianity“. Filozofija i drustvo, Nr. 29 (2006): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid0629009m.

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In the article the author is following the development of Alfred Rosenberg?s social and political theory. Special attention is given to the anti-Christian attitude of the so-called "chief ideologist of Third Reich". Although one among the creators of the apocalyptic anti-Semitist ideology (about "final battle" with the Jews - perceived as the powers of Evil incarnated) he opposed Nazi "Eastern politics" during the World War II. Instead of atrocities against the eastern peoples (Ukrainians, Russians etc) he was prepared to give them certain autonomy and to treat them as some kind of racially inferior allies. For him, only Jews deserved extermination ("once for all") and it was this ultimate goal he expected to shape not only German foreign policy but also war itself.

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Marteijn, Elizabeth S. „The Revival of Palestinian Christianity“. Exchange 49, Nr. 3-4 (09.11.2020): 257–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-12341569.

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Abstract Palestinian Christians are a minority of approximately 1 or 2% in a context marked by conflict, expulsions, and ongoing emigration. Despite all this, Palestinian Christians have made a significant contribution to society in the spheres of politics, the arts, science, and social welfare. Moreover, from the 1980s onwards, this Palestinian context of struggle has also been the source for the emergence of a socially and politically committed contextual theology. This article analyses the development of Palestinian contextual theology by examining theological publications by Palestinian theologians. It identifies liberation, reconciliation, witness, ecumenism, and interfaith-dialogue as some of the dominant theological themes. What unites these publications is a theological engagement with the Palestinian Christian identity in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

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