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Trystanto, Trystanto. „Small Governing Coalition in Hong Kong and its Impact on Political Freedom“. Jurnal Sentris 4, Nr. 1 (16.06.2023): 46–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v4i1.6346.46-60.
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Hong Kong has seen an upheaval in recent years. From the protests over the extradition law to the protests over the National Security Law, these protests are a response to the ever-encroaching hand of Beijing on political rights in Hong Kong. After the National Security Law was implemented, Hong Kong’s freedom was almost gone. One by one, pro-democracy protesters, opposition parliament members, and opposition media are being targeted and repressed. Despite the numerous protests and riots, the Hong Kong SAR government perseveres with little concession to the protesters. Why does the government of Hong Kong decided not to respect Hong Kong’s unique democratic system in China, arguably the system that has brought Hong Kong to one of the most prominent cities in the world for global interactions, and instead wish to turn it into another normal Chinese city? Why does the Hong Kong SAR government almost completely ignore the voice of the Hong Kong people? Using the framework developed by Bruce Bueno de Mesquita and Alastair Smith in The Dictator’s Handbook, I argue that the small size of Hong Kong’s governing coalition (i.e., the minimum amount of support required for the leader to stay in power) and the ease in which the Chief Executive of Hong Kong rewards her allies play a significant role in this democratic backsliding. Furthermore, while the Western World reacted in outrage over this undemocratic encroachment of Beijing on Hong Kong, I argue that their sanctions on Hong Kong leaders will not play a significant role as the Chief Executive of Hong Kong does not need their support. Keywords: Hong Kong; democracy; protests; governing coalition;sanctions REFERENCES Allison, Graham. Destined for War: Can America and China Escape the Thucydides’s Trap? New York: Houghton Miflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2017. Associated Press. “Only Hand-Picked Pro-Beijing ‘Patriots’ Get to Vote for Committee That Will Choose Hong Kong’s next Government.” The Globe and Mail, September 19, 2021. https://www.theglobeandmail.com/world/article-hong-kong-voters-to-choose-new-election committee-under-pro-beijing/. BBC News. “North Koreans Vote in ‘No-Choice’ Parliamentary Elections.” BBC News, March 10, 2019. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-47492747. Bloomberg News. “Xi Finalizes Hong Kong Election Changes, Cementing China Control.” Bloomberg, March 30, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-03- 30/china-to-form-small-group-to-vet-hong-kong-elections-scmp-says. Candice Chau. “Hong Kong Democratic Party May Breach Security Law If It Tells Members Not to Run in Election, Warns Pro-Beijing Figure.” Hong Kong Free Press, September 6, 2021. https://hongkongfp.com/2021/09/06/hong-kong-democratic-party-may-breach-security-law if-it-tells-members-not-to-run-in-election-warns-pro-beijing-figure/. CBS News. “Hong Kong Protesters Arrested as Trump Vows to Act ‘Powerfully’ against China.” www.cbsnews.com, May 27, 2020. https://www.cbsnews.com/news/hong-kong-protesters arrested-riot-police-china-2020-05-27/. Chen, Jiawen. “Why Economic Sanctions on North Korea Fail to Work?” China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, no. 04 (January 2017): 513–34. https://doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500300. Cox, Gary. Making Votes Count: Strategic Coordination in the World’s Electoral Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Drezner, Daniel W. “The United States of Sanctions: The Use and Abuse of Economic Coercion.” Foreign Affairs 100, no. 5 (2021): 142–54. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/united-states/2021-08-24/united-states-sanctions. Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office, and Export Control Joint Unit. “UK Arms Embargo on Mainland China and Hong Kong.” GOV.UK, December 31, 2020. https://www.gov.uk/government/collections/uk-arms-embargo-on-mainland-china-and-hong kong. Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “Government Structure.” GovHK, September 2021. https://www.gov.hk/en/about/govdirectory/govstructure.htm. Grant, Charles. “Russia, China, and Global Governance.” London: Centre for European Reform, 2012. https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Grant_CER_Eng.pdf. Grundy, Tom. “‘Highly Necessary’: Beijing to Discuss Enacting National Security Law in Hong Kong Following Months of Protest.” Hong Kong Free Press, May 21, 2020. https://hongkongfp.com/2020/05/21/breaking-beijing-to-discuss-enacting-national-security law-in-hong-kong-following-months-of-protest/. Hathaway, Oona A, and Scott J Shapiro. The Internationalists: How a Radical Plan to Outlaw War Remade the World. New York: Simon & Schuster Paperbacks, 2017. Kirby, Jen. “Pro-Democracy Candidates Dominate Hong Kong’s Local Elections in a Rebuke to China.” Vox, November 25, 2019. https://www.vox.com/2019/11/25/20981691/hong-kong district-council-elections-pro-democracy. Kuo, Lily, and Verna Yu. “Hong Kong Protests: Carrie Lam Denies Offering to Resign.” The Guardian, September 3, 2019. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/sep/03/hong-kong protests-carrie-lam-denies-she-considered-resigning. Leung, Christy. “Extradition Bill Not Made to Measure for Mainland China and Won’t Be Abandoned, Hong Kong Leader Carrie Lam Says.” South China Morning Post, April 2019. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/politics/article/3004067/extradition-bill-not-made measure-mainland-china-and-wont. Lo, Chloe. “Hong Kong Leader’s Approval Rating Falls to Lowest since Sept.” Bloomberg, February 17, 2021. https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2021-02-17/hong-kong-leader-s approval-rating-falls-to-lowest-since-sept. Low, Zoe. “What Sparked Hong Kong’s Biggest Mass Arrests under National Security Law?” South China Morning Post, January 6, 2021. https://www.scmp.com/news/hong kong/politics/article/3116586/hong-kong-national-security-law-35-plus-ambition-colour. Mahbubani, Kishore, and Jeffery Sng. The ASEAN Miracle: A Catalyst for Peace. Singapore: National University of Singapore Press, 2017. Mahbubani, Kishore. Has China Won? The Chinese Challenge to American Primacy. New York: PublicAffairs, 2020. Mahtani, Shibani, Tiffany Liang, Anna Kam, and Simon Denyer. “Hong Kong’s Pro-Democracy Parties Sweeping Pro-Beijing Establishment aside in Local Elections.” The Washington Post, March 30,2020. https://web.archive.org/web/20200330160031/https://www.sfchronicle.com/news/article/Record-turnout-in-Hong-Kong-election-seen-as-a-14858897.php. Mesquita, Bruce Bueno de, and Alastair Smith. The Dictator’s Handbook : Why Bad Behavior Is Almost Always Good Politics. New York: Public Affairs, 2012. Olorunnipa, Toluse. “As Trump Puts Partisan Spin on Federal Aid for States, Republicans and Democrats Warn of Coming Financial Calamity.” Washington Post, April 27, 2020. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/as-trump-puts-partisan-spin-on-federal-aid-for states-republicans-and-democrats-warn-of-coming-financial-calamity/2020/04/27/a542f19e 889a-11ea-8ac1-bfb250876b7a_story.html. Registration and Electoral Office of the Government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. “REO : Who May Register / How to Register - Functional Constituencies.” Reo.gov.hk. Accessed October 19, 2021. https://www.reo.gov.hk/en/voter/FC.htm. Reuters. “U.S. Condemns ‘Unjustified Use of Force’ in Hong Kong: Senior Official.” Reuters, November 18, 2019, sec. Emerging Markets. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-usa-idUSKBN1XS06A. ———. “U.S. Condemns China’s New Security Law for Hong Kong, Threatens Further Actions.” Reuters, June 30, 2020, sec. APAC. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china hongkong-security-usa-idUSKBN2412N9. Roantree, Anne Marie, Greg Torode, and James Pomfret. “Special Report: Hong Kong Leader Says She Would ‘Quit’ If She Could, Fears Her Ability to Resolve Crisis Now ‘Very Limited.’” Reuters, September 3, 2019. https://www.reuters.com/article/us-hongkong protests-carrielam-specialre-idUSKCN1VN1DU. Sanjaya, Trystanto. “Analyzing the ‘Democracy vs. Autocracy’ Advocacy of the Biden Administration in the Upcoming US-China Great Power Competition from the Perspective of National Interest .” Tamkang Journal of International Affairs 26, no. 4 (2023): 47–98. Subcommittee on Decision of the National People's Congress on Improving the Electoral System of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. The Amended Annex I and Annex II to Basic Law, LC Paper No. CB(4)703/20-21(01) § (2021). https://www.legco.gov.hk/yr20- 21/english/hc/sub_com/hs102/papers/hs10220210331cb4-703-1-e.pdf. Tong, Kurt. “Hong Kong and the Limits of Decoupling.” Foreign Affairs, July 26, 2021. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/asia/2021-07-14/hong-kong-and-limits-decoupling. United Nations Treaty Collection, Joint Declaration of the Government of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and the Government of the People's Republic of China on the Question of Hong Kong, Vol. 1399, (New York, 1994), 62 United States Department of the Treasury. “Treasury Sanctions Individuals for Undermining Hong Kong’s Autonomy | U.S. Department of the Treasury.” home.treasury.gov, August 7, 2020. https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sm1088. Weeks, Jessica L.P. Dictators at War and Peace. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2014. Xinhua. “Hong Kong Must Be Governed by Patriots.” Global TImes, November 12, 2020. https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/1206580.shtml. 香港中联办. “中华人民共和国香港特别行政区基本法附件二香港特别行政区立法会的产生办法和表 决程序.” Hong Kong Liaison Office, March 30, 2021. https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/h6q6yzNwNXuJZ55bx98lFQ.
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Minter, D. W., und P. F. Cannon. „Myriospora smaragdula . [Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria].“ Descriptions of Fungi and Bacteria 227 (Januar 2021): 2266. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/dfb/20210391611.
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Abstract A description is provided for Myriospora smaragdula , a lichen-forming fungus occurring on rocks including, and perhaps particularly, those rich in copper, iron or lead. Some information on its associated organisms and substrata, dispersal and transmission, habitats and conservation status is given, along with details of its geographical distribution (Africa (Morocco), Arctic Ocean (Greenland, Norway (Svalbard and Jan Mayen)), Asia (Armenia, China (Hong Kong, Xinjiang), India (Himachal Pradesh, Jammu & Kashmir, Uttarakhand), Japan, Pakistan, Russia (Altai Republic, Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, Kemerovo Oblast, Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug, Kamchatka Krai, Krasnoyarsk Krai, Magadan Oblast, Republic of Khakassia, Republic of Tuva, Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug), South Korea, Taiwan, Turkey), Atlantic Ocean (Portugal (Azores)), Australasia (Australia (ACT, South Australia, Western Australia)), Europe (Austria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Channel Islands, Czech Republic, Denmark, Faroe Islands, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Iceland, Ireland, Isle of Man, Italy, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Russia (Arkhangelsk Oblast, Kabardino-Balkarian Republic, Kaliningrad Oblast, Karachay-Cherkess Republic, Leningrad Oblast, Murmansk Oblast, Republic of Karelia, Stavropol Krai), Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, UK), North America (Canada (Alberta, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Labrador, Northwest Territories, Nova Scotia, Nunavut, Ontario, Prince Edward Island, Quebec, Saskatchewan), Mexico, USA (Alaska, Arizona, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kansas, Kentucky, Maine, Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon, South Carolina, South Dakota, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington, Wisconsin, Wyoming)), South America (Chile, Falkland Islands/Islas Malvinas, Peru)). This species has been shown to produce biologically active compounds and specialized secondary metabolites.
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Lynn, Richard. „INTELLIGENCE IN CHINA“. Social Behavior and Personality: an international journal 19, Nr. 1 (01.01.1991): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2224/sbp.1991.19.1.1.
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Studies of the intelligence of' Oriental peoples in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and the United States have typically reported slightly higher mean IQs than those of British and American Caucasoids. Recently results have become available for a standardization of Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices in the People's Republic of China. The results show that Chinese 6–15 year-olds obtain a mean IQ of 102.1 in relation to an American Caucasoid standard of 100.
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Stewart, Sally, und Paula DeLisle. „Hong Kong Expatriates in the People’s Republic of China“. International Studies of Management & Organization 24, Nr. 3 (September 1994): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00208825.1994.11656640.
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Cremer, R. D. „Hong Kong, Macau, and the People’s Republic of China“. Asian Affairs: An American Review 18, Nr. 3 (September 1991): 153–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00927678.1991.10553544.
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O'Brien, Roderick. „Legal Education in China: English Language Materials“. International Journal of Legal Information 38, Nr. 1 (2010): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500005552.
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Modern legal education began in China late in the Qing dynasty (1644–1911), and then expanded during the period of the Republic of China from 1912. With the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, legal education entered a new and difficult period. The compilation of English language materials offered here includes a few materials relating to the Qing and Republican periods, but after 1949 only materials relating to the People's Republic of China (mainland China). Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan all have separate legal education systems and structures, and are excluded from this compilation.
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Alford, Duncan. „A Bridge Between East and West: The Universities Service Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong“. International Journal of Legal Information 34, Nr. 3 (2006): 585–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500001761.
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Fragrant Harbor is the literal translation of the Chinese (pinyin Xiang Gang) for Hong Kong. Once a British colony and now a Special Administrative Region within the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong is also a global financial center. In June 2006 I had the privilege of conducting legal research as a visiting scholar at the Universities Service Centre of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. My research topic was the influence of Hong Kong banking law on banking reform in the People's Republic of China. The following is a brief summary of my research and experience there.
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Cheskidov, B. M. „FINANCIAL ASPECTS OF THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN HONG KONG“. Russian Economic Journal, Nr. 6 (Januar 2021): 112–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.33983/0130-9757-2020-6-112-117.
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In article the interrelation of current political crisis in the Special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China Siangtan (Hong Kong) with change of its importance for transit of the capital from continental China in offshore jurisdictions and its return as part of transformation of a situation in the People’s Republic of China is considered. The conclusion about the serious financial reasons for development of crisis in the direction of strengthening of separatist sentiments in Hong Kong is drawn and related aggravation of a military-political situation.
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Jiuyong, Shi. „Autonomy of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region“. Leiden Journal of International Law 10, Nr. 3 (September 1997): 491–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000356.
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On 1 July 1997 the People's Republic of China recovered Hong Kong in accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 19 December 1984. On the same day, China announced the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) formally established and functioning as of 1 July 1997.
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Jiuyong, Shi. „Autonomy of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region“. Leiden Journal of International Law 11, Nr. 1 (März 1998): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156598000041.
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On 1 July 1997 the People's Republic of China recovered Hong Kong in accordance with the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 19 December 1984. On the same day, China announced the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) formally established and functioning as of 1 July 1997.
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Niu, Jill, Kathryn Sanger und Beatriz Segorbe. „Arbitration in Greater China: Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan“. Journal of International Arbitration 24, Issue 6 (01.12.2007): 651–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2007048.
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Arbitration has come to play an increasingly important role in Asia, particularly in the People’s Republic of China. In that context, this article discusses the role that arbitration plays in Greater China, namely Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan. Experienced practitioners from Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan have each provided a practical introduction to arbitration in their own jurisdiction, detailing the legal system underpinning the arbitration regime, particular features of arbitration, the relevant arbitral institutions and enforcement of arbitration awards in that jurisdiction, including PRC awards. The section on Hong Kong also explains the special relationship that Hong Kong enjoys with Mainland China and how that impacts on the resolution of PRC-related disputes through arbitration.
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Leung, M. K. „Banking Integration: Hong Kong and the People's Republic of China“. China Report 33, Nr. 3 (August 1997): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944559703300305.
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Szulc-Fischer, Paulina. „Jakość życia a kultura na przykładzie wybranych państw Azji Wschodniej – Chin, Japonii, Korei Południowej i Hongkongu“. Gdańskie Studia Azji Wschodniej, Nr. 21 (30.08.2022): 189–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/23538724gs.22.030.16146.
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The quality of life and culture. An example of selected Asian countries: China, Japan, South Korea and Hong Kong East Asian countries have consistently maintained high levels of economic growth since the 1960s. In 1993, The East Asian Miracle report described an economic boom. The report presents the result of public policies of Hong Kong, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, the Republic of Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Thailand. Cultural (Confucian) background in East Asia is very important to explain the improvement of the quality of life especially in China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and Hong Kong. The quality of life is calculated in the Human Development Index, Quality of Life Index and Human Poverty Index.
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Chen, Edward K. Y. „Hong Kong’s Role in Asian and Pacific Economic Development“. Asian Development Review 07, Nr. 02 (Januar 1989): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0116110589000072.
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Hong Kong is one of Asia’s four newly industrializing economies (NIEs) which have experienced very rapid economic growth in the past 25 years. While all of them have experienced export-oriented industrialization, there have been significant differences among them from the start of their rapid economic growth and development. Over time, their differences have become even more pronounced. It is very often asserted that the Asian NIEs can be divided into two groups: the Republic of Korea and Taipei, China on the one hand, and Hong Kong and Singapore on the other. Yet, there are in fact significant differences between the Republic of Korea and Taipei, China, and even more so between Hong Kong and Singapore…
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Karpov, K. A. „The financial legal regulation of the securities market of The People’s Republic of China“. Courier of Kutafin Moscow State Law University (MSAL)), Nr. 7 (18.10.2023): 196–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/2311-5998.2023.107.7.196-207.
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The article deals with issues related to the formation and development of the securities market in the People’s Republic of China. The features of the financial and legal regulation of this market are studied, taking into account the concept of «One country, two systems». Attention is paid to the financial and legal regulation of the securities market in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China. The genesis of the securities market of this territory has been studied. The author points out that Hong Kong, being previously a colony of the British Empire, retained the Anglo-Saxon legal system and financial and legal regulation of the securities market independent from mainland China. The article also discusses the further development of the cryptocurrency market in China and Hong Kong. The author notes that at present, due to unfriendly actions towards Russia by a number of foreign states and international organizations, Russian legal entities are becoming more interested in expanding cooperation with China, taking into account the «yuanization» of the world economy, which in turn confirms the need for further study regulation of China’s securities market.
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Ziętek, Agata Wiktoria. „Hongkong — Specjalny Region Administracyjny Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej i praktyczna realizacja politycznej idei „jedno państwo — dwa systemy”“. Przegląd Sejmowy 5(160) (2020): 153–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.70.
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On 1 July 1997, the United Kingdom officially handed over the territory of Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China. This event had a symbolic meaning. It marked the end of a stage in China’s history which began in the middle of the 19th century and was described as a time of humiliation. Hong Kong was supposed to be an example of practical implementation of Deng Xiaoping’s political concept of “one country, two systems”, which assumed the possibility of functioning of different economic and political systems in one country. Despite the passage of time, questions remain as to what China’s attitude to the regained territory will be; to what extent the provisions of the 1984 agreement signed between the governments of the People’s Republic of China and the United Kingdom and the 1990 Basic Law for the region will be respected by China, and thus what the political, economic and social situation in Hong Kong will look like until its complete reintegration, i.e., by 2047, and what the future of Hong Kong will be.
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Gungwu, Wang. „Greater China and the Chinese Overseas“. China Quarterly 136 (Dezember 1993): 926–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032392.
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Some of the most important developments of the last quarter of the century have taken place in the Asia-Pacific region. Of these, the Chinese shift from Communist ideology and central planning to a commitment to build a market economy has had extensive ramifications. These have led to much speculation about the re-emergence of China as a powerful actor in world politics. The idea of Greater China is one of the products of that speculation. The lack of precision in the term “Greater China” – whether it should cover Hong Kong-Macao (hereafter Hong Kong), Taiwan and all of the People's Republic of China (PRC) or only parts of it – should not prevent it being used to explore some current and future developments. In this article, which examines the impact the concept of Greater China has on the Chinese overseas, the term would obviously not include those Chinese who live outside. Nevertheless, depending on which aspect is emphasized, the actual area covered can be significant.
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Ku, Charlotte. „People's Republic of China: The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China“. International Legal Materials 29, Nr. 6 (November 1990): 1511–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020782900016855.
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Kong, Qingjiang. „Enforcement of Hong Kong Sar Court Judgments in the People's Republic of China“. International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2000): 867–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064691.
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On 1 July 1997 Hong Kong entered a new era when it was transformed from a British colony into a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC). The impact of the handover of Hong Kong cannot be overstated but, for the time being perhaps, may lie more in the sphere of ideology than in institutions.
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JHAVERI, Swati. „Reconstitutionalizing Politics in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China“. Asian Journal of Comparative Law 13, Nr. 1 (14.12.2017): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2017.21.
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AbstractThe question of whether constitutional law can protect, consolidate, and advance democracy has been considered extensively in multiple jurisdictions. The issue has not yet been considered in the context of one of the most problematic contemporary democratic transitions: Hong Kong’s, from an externally governed colonial outpost to a self-governed suffrage-based special administrative region of the People’s Republic of China. The Basic Law of Hong Kong proposes the eventual election of the Legislative Council and Chief Executive of Hong Kong by some form of universal suffrage. These provisions are at the core of the ‘democratic constitution’ of Hong Kong. Achieving this goal requires consensus between the executive in Hong Kong, members of the Legislative Council in Hong Kong, and the legislative body of the People’s Republic of China. Although not a formal constitutional requirement, any democratization efforts will also require popular buy-in from Hong Kong residents in order to function effectively. However, it is increasingly clear that the views of all concerned do not converge on how and when these constitutional aspirations should be realized. In addition, all parties have started moving outside of this constitutional framework when deliberating issues of political reform. This article looks at the problems in the constitutional design of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region that have resulted in this political deadlock. The article will then look at one solution to mitigate the effect of these design issues and to move forward again on the issue of reform: ‘litigating’ the democratic constitution in the courts. The article discusses the advantages of the courts in the process: primarily the capacity of the courts toreconstitutionalizepolitical debate on electoral issues. This article evaluates the largely unsuccessful use of the courts thus far by Hong Kong residents to correct and advance political reform. It considers possible reasons for the high failure rate in courts and proposes alternative litigation strategies that can better utilize the position of the courts to re-orient all parties to the Basic Law.
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Tsen, Wong Hock. „INTEGRATION ANALYSIS OF THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA STOCK MARKETS“. Labuan Bulletin of International Business and Finance (LBIBF) 9 (16.04.2014): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51200/lbibf.v9i.1344.
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This study analyzes the integration between the People’s Republic of China stock markets, namely Shanghai Stock Exchange (SSE), Shenzhen Stock Exchange (SZSE), and Hong Kong Exchanges and Clearing Limited (HKEx), in both long run and short run for the period from 3rd July 1997 to 30th June 2010. As Hong Kong rejoined China in 1st July 1997, this study would imply a view on economy development tendency particularly financial market trends after the twelve years. The result obtained from the tests indicates that there is no long-run stable relationship between the three stock markets, but short-run causality exists.
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China-Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 17, Nr. 12 (2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781475566062.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China-Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 18, Nr. 17 (2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781484338377.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China--Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 02, Nr. 99 (2002): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816839.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China--Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 03, Nr. 142 (2003): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816846.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China--Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 07, Nr. 4 (2007): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816952.002.
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Yu‐Pao, Eric Lin. „The value of Hong Kong to the people's republic of China“. RUSI Journal 142, Nr. 5 (Oktober 1997): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071849708446183.
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CARROLL, JOHN M. „Colonial Hong Kong as a Cultural-Historical Place“. Modern Asian Studies 40, Nr. 2 (18.04.2006): 517–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06001958.
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In July 1997, when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, this former British colony became a new kind of place: a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People's Republic of China (PRC). In the several years leading up to the 1997 transition, a sudden outpouring of Mainland Chinese scholarship stressed how Hong Kong had been an inalienable part of China since ancient times. Until then, however, Hong Kong had rarely figured in Mainland Chinese scholarship. Indeed, Hong Kong suffered from what Michael Yahuda has called a “peculiar neglect”: administered by the British but claimed by China, it was “a kind of bureaucratic no-man's land.” Only one university in all of China had a research institute dedicated primarily to studying Hong Kong. As part of this new “Hong Kong studies” (Xianggangxue), in 1997 China's national television studio produced two multi-episodic documentaries on Hong Kong: “One Hundred Years of Hong Kong” (Xianggang bainian) and “Hong Kong Vicissitudes” (Xianggang cangsang). The studio also produced two shorter documentaries, “One Hundred Points about Hong Kong” (Xianggang baiti) and “The Story of Hong Kong” (Xianggang de gushi). The “Fragrant Harbor” that PRC historians had generally dismissed as an embarrassing anachronism in a predominantly postcolonial world suddenly found its way into millions of Mainland Chinese homes.
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Cheung, Siu-Keung. „Reunification through Water and Food: The Other Battle for Lives and Bodies in China's Hong Kong Policy“. China Quarterly 220 (31.10.2014): 1012–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741014001106.
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AbstractThe People's Republic of China failed to win the hearts and minds of the Hong Kong Chinese people before its resumption of the city's sovereignty on 1 July 1997. This article attempts to account for this contradiction in China's pursuit of reunification. By shifting the focus to the alternative battle to control the lives and bodies of the local population, this article demonstrates how China exploited its water and food supplies to the colony in order to control Hong Kong before and after 1997. The study pinpoints the bio-political measures used by China to secure Chinese sovereignty over Hong Kong. It concludes with an analysis of the current situation in Hong Kong and the implications of China's control of water and food supplies for the relations between the ruling state and the people of Hong Kong.
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Tse, David K., Kam-hon Lee, Ilan Vertinsky und Donald A. Wehrung. „Does Culture Matter? A Cross-Cultural Study of Executives’ Choice, Decisiveness, and Risk Adjustment in International Marketing“. Journal of Marketing 52, Nr. 4 (Oktober 1988): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002224298805200408.
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The authors investigate whether a manager's home culture significantly influences his or her international marketing decisions. They also examine whether the impact of home culture diminishes in an open economy with intense exposure to international markets, giving way to a process of “globalization.” Decision making in four simulated international marketing situations was studied with executives from the People's Republic of China, Hong Kong, and Canada. The findings confirm that home culture has predictable, significant effects on the decision making of the executives from the People's Republic of China and Canada. Chinese executives from Hong Kong were influenced by a combination of Western and Chinese cultural norms.
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Erbaugh, Mary S. „Southern Chinese dialects as a medium for reconciliation within Greater China“. Language in Society 24, Nr. 1 (März 1995): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500018418.
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ABSTRACTSouthern Chinese dialects – Cantonese, Taiwanese, and Hakka – have received little official support from the governments of the nations where Chinese is spoken; they are not mutually intelligible with Mandarin, and are often deeply stigmatized. Although China's language wars have paralleled cold war hostilities, unofficial forces in the 1990s are rapidly enhancing dialect prestige, as an economic boom increasingly links the “Greater China” of the People's Republic, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. (Chinese dialects, Mandarin, Cantonese, Min, Hakka, bilingualism, Hong Kong, Taiwan, official language)
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dos Santos Queirós, António. „One Country, Two Systems: Understand the Paradox of the Last Hong Kong Crisis“. Athens Journal of Philosophy 1, Nr. 4 (30.11.2022): 239–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajphil.1-4-4.
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This essay analyses the Historical Evolution of Hong Kong, from the colonial period to the return to China sovereignty in 1997, according to the political philosophy of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, and the principle “one country, two systems”, which means that Hong Kong is part of China and enjoys a high degree of autonomy, except in foreign and defence policy, as stipulated by the Basic Law of The Hong Kong Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. The political system implemented in HKSAR corresponds to the matrix of the People’s Republic of China, but its economic base and legal system remained untouched in essence; an extreme model of liberal capitalism, deregulated and functioning on the margins of international law, with deep social inequalities, millions of new poor (workers and students in a situation of necessity) and a serious problem of access to housing. This essay analyses the political nature of the conflict around the extraction laws, distinguishing internal causes, and external interferences. At least, this essay analyses the system of political representation of HKSAR, the government program to overcome crisis and the new legislation after crisis. Keywords: history, one country, two systems, paradox, HKSAR, fallacies
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Ekaterina N., Rakhmanova, und Filatova Nadezhda Yu. „Legal Regulation of Liability for Cruelty to Animals in the People's Republic of China“. Rossijskoe pravosudie, Nr. 6 (25.05.2022): 63–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.37399/issn2072-909x.2022.6.63-69.
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Currently, the problem of prosecuting persons for cruelty to animals is actual for many countries. Legislative regulation and attitude to the problem of animal protection is a certain indicator of the civilization of society. Historically, China has all the prerequisites for the formation of a developed system of protection animals from cruelty, but at present, according to international experts, the People’s Republic of China is practically at the very beginning of the formation of legislation on the protection of animals. Hong Kong and Taiwan, as two separate administrative units, have more progressive legislation in this area. The purpose of the article is to research the legal experience of the People’s Republic of China of establishing responsibility for cruelty to animals. The authors set the following tasks: to analyze the regulatory legal acts in the field of regulating the responsible treatment of animals in China, Hong Kong and Taiwan and to identify positive and negative trends. As part of the work on the article, dialectical, comparative legal, and formal legal methods were used. The research revealed problems in the legislation of the People’s Republic of China, as well as to establish a trend in Chinese society aimed at protecting animals from an ethical point of view, and not from an economic one.
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Chan, Joseph Man, und Chin-Chuan Lee. „Shifting Journalistic Paradigms: Editorial Stance and Political Transition in Hong Kong“. China Quarterly 117 (März 1989): 97–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000023663.
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Since the signing of Sino–British Joint Declaration in September 1984 Hong Kong has entered a transitional phase, preparing for its ultimate return to China in 1997. This transition is characterized by a drastic redistribution of power and authority, and a realignment of social forces. Most significantly, a dualistic power structure has emerged, signifying a rapid decline of traditional British colonial dominance and a corresponding rise in the influence of the People's Republic of China in Hong Kong.
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Petersen, Carole J., und Jan Currie. „Higher Education Restructuring and Academic Freedom in Hong Kong“. Policy Futures in Education 6, Nr. 5 (01.01.2008): 589–600. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2008.6.5.589.
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A former British colony, Hong Kong was reunited with the People's Republic of China in 1997 under the ‘one country two systems’ model. The Hong Kong Basic Law contains detailed provisions for academic freedom, ensuring that local academics enjoy far greater freedom than their counterparts in mainland China. Hong Kong academics and the broader community have also publicly supported academic freedom when they perceived it to be under threat. The authors argue, however, that the recent restructuring of Hong Kong's universities may ultimately pose a greater threat than any explicit interference from the local or national governments.
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Kin, Au Chi. „The Academic Role of Hong Kong in the Development of Chinese Culture, 1950s–70s“. China Report 54, Nr. 1 (28.12.2017): 66–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445517744408.
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For many people, ‘Hong Kong is a cultural desert’. However, we find that Hong Kong plays an important academic role and acts as a cultural bridge between China and Western countries, especially when China experiences unstable political, economic, social and cultural situations. The People’s Republic of China was established in 1949. During this time, numerous scholars fled China and selected Hong Kong as a ‘shelter’. Some decided to stay for good, whereas others viewed the territory as a stepping stone. Regardless of their reasons, their academic performance has significantly influenced Hong Kong. Two of the most famous scholars in this period were Luo Xianglin (羅香林 Lo Shan Lin) and Qian Mu (錢穆). Luo taught at the Department of Chinese of the University of Hong Kong. Qian was a faculty member at the New Asia College, which was one of the founding members of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. This study will examine the following issues: (i) why these two scholars selected Hong Kong, (ii) what role they played in the development of tertiary education with regard to Chinese studies in Hong Kong, (iii) how they developed the role of Hong Kong as a haven for the protection of Chinese culture and (iv) how Qian Mu developed New Asia College as a vehicle for spreading the ‘New’ Asian culture in the 1960s.
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Liu, Joan. „Beyond the Border: Chinese Legal Information in Cyberspace“. International Journal of Legal Information 29, Nr. 1 (2001): 120–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500000871.
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In a broad sense, “China law” ought to be comprised of four components: (1) the laws of the People's Republic of China (PRC); (2) the laws of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), a former British colony handed back to the PRC in 1997, which still employs the common law system; (3) the laws of the Macao Special Administrative Region (Macao SAR), a former Portuguese colony which was returned to China in 1999, but has kept the original legal system; and (4) the laws of Taiwan which, as the remaining part of the former Republic of China, has developed a distinct legal system different from that of the mainland after the Nationalists lost the civil war to the Communists in 1949. However, “China law” is commonly referred as the laws of the PRC, which was constituted in 1949 when the new government was founded. This article will mainly review the legal resources of the laws of the PRC in electronic formats, including databases, websites, CD-ROM products, and other non-print materials, but not traditional print resources. The legal resources of the laws of Hong Kong, Macao, and Taiwan will be discussed in future articles.
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May, Anthony, und XiaoLu Ma. „Hong Kong: Changing Geographies of a Media Capital“. Media International Australia 124, Nr. 1 (August 2007): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712400115.
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Thanks to its stunning entry into the ranks of world cinema in the 1970s, the history of the Hong Kong film industry up to 1997 is relatively well known. However, the coincidence of the Asian economic recession and the city's reintegration into the People's Republic of China (PRC) has worked to obscure recent developments. This article analyses contemporary Hong Kong cinema and its relations with the government of the mainland. We argue that the economic, cultural and geopolitical location of the city is contributing to developments that will allow the art cinema of the People's Republic of China to engage in international, Hollywood-dominated markets. Matters to do with production investment, censorship and film exhibition business are analysed in terms of the development of and revisions to the Closer Economic Partnership arrangement that now governs trade between the PRC and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).
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International Monetary Fund. „People's Republic of China--Hong Kong Special Administrative Region:Selected Issues: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 05, Nr. 62 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816914.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People�s Republic of China: Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 06, Nr. 51 (2006): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816945.002.
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International Monetary Fund. „People�s Republic of China: Hong Kong Special Administrative Region: Selected Issues“. IMF Staff Country Reports 08, Nr. 42 (2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5089/9781451816976.002.
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Siu-Kai, Lau. „The Hong Kong Policy of the People's Republic of China, 1949-1997“. Journal of Contemporary China 9, Nr. 23 (März 2000): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/106705600112065.
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CHIN, ANGELINA Y. „Diasporic Memories and Conceptual Geography in Post-colonial Hong Kong“. Modern Asian Studies 48, Nr. 6 (17.03.2014): 1566–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x13000577.
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AbstractThis paper explores how the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) has been trying to incorporate post-1997 Hong Kong into the framework of a Greater China. The construction of two ‘narratives’ are examined: the grand narrative of Chinese history in secondary school textbooks in Hong Kong; and the development of a new regional framework of the Pearl River Delta. The first narrative, which focuses on the past, signals the PRC government's desire to inculcate through education a deeper sense of collective identity as patriotic citizens of China amongst residents of Hong Kong. The second narrative, which represents a futuristic imagining of a regional landscape, rewrites the trajectory of Hong Kong by merging the city with the Pearl River Delta region. However, these narrative strategies have triggered ambivalent responses from people in Hong Kong, especially the generations born after 1980. In their discursive battles against merging with the mainland, activists have sought to instil a collective memory that encourages a counter-imagination of a particular kind of Hong Kong that draws from the pre-1997 past. This conflict pits activists and their supporters against officials in the local government working to move Hong Kong towards integration with greater Guangdong and China at large. But the local resistance discourses are inadequate because they are constrained by their own parochial visions and colonial nostalgia.
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Frisch, Nicholas, Valerie Belair-Gagnon und Colin Agur. „Media capture with Chinese characteristics: Changing patterns in Hong Kong’s news media system“. Journalism 19, Nr. 8 (28.08.2017): 1165–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917724632.
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In the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, a former British territory in southern China returned to the People’s Republic as a semi-autonomous enclave in 1997, media capture has distinct characteristics. On one hand, Hong Kong offers a case of media capture in an uncensored media sector and open market economy similar to those of Western industrialized democracies. Yet Hong Kong’s comparatively small size, close proximity, and broad economic exposure to the authoritarian markets and politics of neighboring Mainland China, which practices strict censorship, place unique pressures on Hong Kong’s nominally free press. Building on the literature on media and politics in Hong Kong post-handover and drawing on interviews with journalists in Hong Kong, this article examines the dynamics of media capture in Hong Kong. It highlights how corporate-owned legacy media outlets are increasingly deferential to the Beijing government’s news agenda, while social media is fostering alternative spaces for more skeptical and aggressive voices. This article develops a scholarly vocabulary to describe media capture from the perspective of local journalists and from the academic literature on media and power in Hong Kong and China since 1997.
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Wong, W. S. „Design History and Study in East Asia: Part 2 Greater China: People's Republic of China/Hong Kong/Taiwan“. Journal of Design History 24, Nr. 4 (17.11.2011): 375–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jdh/epr034.
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MANANTAN, MARK BRYAN. „The People’s Republic of China’s Cyber Coercion: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea“. Issues & Studies 56, Nr. 03 (September 2020): 2040013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251120400135.
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This paper investigates the increasing use of cyber coercion by the People’s Republic of China (PRC) among its core interests: Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea. It argues that the PRC’s deployment of sophisticated attacks in the form of cyber coercion continues to be part of its geostrategic playbook to exert its influence and prosecute its wider interests as a rising power in the Indo-Pacific region. However, it observes that cyber coercion will be employed by the PRC in concert with all the other tools — diplomatic, economic, and the political — across the spectrum. The paper has two broad goals: first to unpack the trends or patterns in the PRC-sponsored cyber coercion by accentuating contextual and operational dimensions using Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea as analytical case studies; second, to highlight the opportunities and limitations of using cyber coercion as an asymmetrical capability in the changing threat landscape. The paper concludes that the PRC’s cyber coercion is characterized by blurring the distinction on what constitutes compellence and deterrence. The boundaries are not clear cut, and to a certain degree both are even mutually reinforcing. The in-depth analysis of the case studies reveals the growing prominence of disinformation campaigns in close coordination with cyber operations (malware, phishing, and DDoS attack). This emboldens the PRC with a myriad of coercive strategies in shaping its external environment and realizing its ambition of national rejuvenation across Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the South China Sea.
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Lowry, Robert, und Feridun K. Serim. „People to People International (P/P) SNAME China Trip Report“. Marine Technology and SNAME News 26, Nr. 03 (01.07.1989): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5957/mt1.1989.26.3.218.
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This is a report on a 21-day trip made to the Peoples Republic of China in 1986 by twelve SNAME delegates at the invitation of the China Society of Naval Architects and Marine Engineers (CSNAME) under the auspices of People to People International. The delegates visited four universities, five ship design organizations, three regional shipbuilding management organizations, seven shipyards, three shipping service organizations and three port areas. The tour visited Beijing, Dalian, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong.
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Cheung, Eric F. C., Linda C. W. Lam und Se-fong Hung. „Mental health in Hong Kong: transition from hospital-based service to personalised care“. International Psychiatry 7, Nr. 3 (Juli 2010): 62–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/s1749367600005865.
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Hong Kong was a UK colony before 1997 but has since been a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. It is located in southern China and has an area of 1104 km2. Approximately 95% of Hong Kong's population is ethnic Chinese. Hong Kong is a developed capitalist economy, with a gross domestic product of US$301.6 billion (2009 estimate), of which about 5.5% is spent on healthcare and about 0.24% on mental health (World Health Organization, 2005). Despite the relatively low level of spending on healthcare, Hong Kong nevertheless has one of the longest life expectancies in the world (79.2 years for men; 84.8 years for women) and a very low infant mortality rate (2.93 per 1000 live births) (Central Intelligence Agency, 2010).
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Sidel, Mark. „The Re-emergence of China Studies in Vietnam“. China Quarterly 142 (Juni 1995): 521–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000035049.
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After war, years of hostility and a long period of gradually improving Party and state relations, the study of China has begun to re-emerge in the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Vietnam has had a sinological tradition for hundreds of years, linked to China by history, language, trade, a common border and in a myriad of other ways. From the mid-1950s until the early 1970s, thousands of Vietnamese students and officials studied in the People's Republic of China. Today the People's Republic remains Vietnam's key strategic threat. But the PRC, Taiwan, Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities are also among Vietnam's key trade partners and a growing source of investment for its economic reforms.Given this close relationship – including the direct hostility in the late 1970s and early to mid–1980s, one of a series of conflicts going back hundreds of years – it is perhaps paradoxical that the study of China in Vietnam has remained relatively weak. During the war against the French which led to the founding of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in 1945 and the victory at Dien Bien Phu, Vietnamese sinology was a field largely limited to one or two universities and institutes in Hanoi and some additional capacity in Hue and Saigon, with scholars trained in either the older Vietnamese or French tradition. The thousands of Vietnamese who studied in China in the 1950s and 1960s were trained largely for other fields, although Chinese studies did see some development during the 1949 to 1966 period.
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(Leich), Marian Nash. „Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law“. American Journal of International Law 91, Nr. 3 (Juli 1997): 493–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2954186.
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On March 3,1997, President William J. Clinton transmitted to the Senate for its advice and consent to ratification as a treaty the Agreement Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of Hong Kong for the Surrender of Fugitive Offenders, signed at Hong Kong on December 20,1996. In his letter of transmittal, President Clinton pointed out that, upon its entry into force, the Agreement would “enhance cooperation between the law enforcement communities of the United States and Hong Kong, and … provide a framework and basic protections for extraditions after the reversion of Hong Kong to the sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China on July 1, 1997.” The President continued: Given the absence of an extradition treaty with the People’s Republic of China, this Treaty would provide the means to continue an extradition relationship with Hong Kong after reversion and avoid a gap in law enforcement. It will thereby make a significant contribution to international law enforcement efforts.The provisions of this Agreement follow generally the form and content of extradition treaties recently concluded by the United States. In addition, the Agreement contains several provisions specially designed in light of the particular status of Hong Kong. The Agreement’s basic protections for fugitives are also made expressly applicable to fugitives surrendered by the two parties before the new treaty enters into force.