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1
SINGH, Bhubhindar. „Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia“. East Asian Policy 13, Nr. 03 (Juli 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.
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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
2
Yahuda, Michael. „The Foreign Relations of Greater China“. China Quarterly 136 (Dezember 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.
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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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Taranenko, Anna. „BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE“. Politology bulletin, Nr. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.
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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).
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Khotimah, Siti Khusnul, und Yuliati Yuliati. „Hubungan Perdagangan Majapahit dengan Tiongkok Abad XII - XIV“. SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, Nr. 2 (01.07.2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i2.1122.
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The Majapahit Kingdom was a kingdom that had very good relations with foreign kingdoms in Southeast Asia and foreign kingdoms outside Southeast Asia. One of them is with China, which is a foreign kingdom in the East Asia region. This is because the Majapahit kingdom has a foreign policy called Mitreka Satata which means equal/equal. With this foreign policy, Majapahit was able to establish relationships with foreign kingdoms, one of which was China, which was a foreign kingdom outside Southeast Asia. Kakawin Desawarnana and Notes written by the Chinese themselves also briefly mention the very good relations between Majapahit and China in terms of trade. It was through this trade that Mitreka Satata's relationship between Majapahit and China could be formed and continued very well. In fact, because of trade, there are many Chinese and Majapahit people in social life. Therefore, this research will conduct an in-depth study of the Mitreka Satata relationship between Majapahit and China through existing historical sources.
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Baviera, Aileen S. P. „China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping“. China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, Nr. 01 (Januar 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.
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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
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Sadibaqosev, Habibullo. „THE TAIWAN PROBLEM IN CHINA-USA RELATIONS“. American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 06, Nr. 05 (12.05.2024): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-03.
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The China - Taiwan conflict is one of the most relevant and sensitive topics in China-US relations. Territorial conflict with Taiwan is one of the few issues that can potentially lead to escalation of tension between the United States and China. This article analyzes the China - Taiwan conflict in contemporary Chinese and American foreign policy. The historical conflicts between China and Taiwan from World War II to the present day are examined, showing the role of the United States in escalating the issue. The evolution of Sino-American relations in Northeast Asia in the 21st century and its impact on Taiwan is also explored.
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Malysheva, D. „South Asia in Foreign Policy Priorities of Central Asia and Russia“. Russia and New States of Eurasia, Nr. 2 (2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-80-92.
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The South Asian direction of the foreign policy of the Central Asian republics and Russia serves the purpose of diversifying their international contacts under severe conditions of the transition to a polycentric world order. Along with energy and transport projects, the sphere of security and international relations remains a priority in the triangle of Central Asia (CA)–South Asia (SA)–Russian Federation (RF). The foreign policy vectors are largely determined by such major regional states as India, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan. These states are developing a strategic partnership and economic cooperation with Russia, China, other South Asian and Central Asian countries within the framework of regional (The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, RIC) structures, as well as some informal strategic forums (Central Asia – Russia dialogue, etc.).
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Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, und Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. „Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”“. Конфликтология / nota bene, Nr. 3 (März 2021): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37156.
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This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works, the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.
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Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, und Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. „Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”“. Конфликтология / nota bene, Nr. 4 (April 2021): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37156.
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This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works, the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.
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Freire, Maria Raquel. „China-Russia relations in a framework of strategic containment“. Relações Internacionais, special issue 2021 (2021): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2021.sia04.
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This article analyses Russian foreign policy in its Asian dimension, placing Russia’s relationship with China in the broader framework of Russia’s foreign policy “Asia Pivot” strategy. The study concludes with a cautious reading of this relationship, anchored in the notion that, underneath the layer of greater closeness and intensified collaboration, lies a relationship of double strategic containment, both regarding the US and the West, and between these two giants. For Russia, the relevance of China in political and economic terms is evident and clearly assumed, but the fear of imbalances resulting from substantive differences between the two has held back a number of actions, while encouraging others in a logic of much-needed refocusing and rebalancing for Moscow.
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Ehizuelen, Michael Mitchell Omoruyi, und Hodan Osman Abdi. „Sustaining China-Africa relations“. Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, Nr. 4 (18.09.2017): 285–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117727901.
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China’s “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) Initiative forms the centerpiece of China’s leadership’s new foreign policy. The initiative aspires to put the nations of Asia, Oceania, Europe, and Africa on a new trajectory of higher growth and human development through infrastructural connectivity, augmented trade, and investment. The initiative offers tremendous opportunities for international economic cooperation, especially for African nations. This article examines China-Africa relations, centering on the possibility of expanding the OBOR initiative to cover more African nations. Africa has been the focus of China’s foreign policy since 2013. A study on the implementation of OBOR in Africa will allow for a better understanding of contemporary China-Africa relations, while hopefully providing answers to some of the questions surrounding the issue. In this article, we carefully examine the economic drivers, challenges – with suggestions on ways to navigate those challenges – and opportunities of the OBOR initiative.
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Filippov, Dmitry. „The Origins of Japan’s Contemporary Diplomatic Strategy in East Asia: 2001–2012“. Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, Nr. 2 (2022): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018567-1.
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Throughout the first decade of the 21st century, Japan’s East Asia policy saw the emergence of several new strategies and initiatives. The two key strategies of this period were the East Asian Community and the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity, which reflected differing approaches towards the role of China in the developing regional order. The goal of this article is to analyse the ideological foundations of these two strategies, as well as the reasons behind their failure. It also examines the question of why Japan’s diplomatic initiatives changed so rapidly during these years. Finally, the article looks at the shifts in Sino-Japanese relations which represent a key variable in the evolution of Japan’s East Asia policy. While Japan’s East Asian policy of this period is well researched in Russian academic literature, the majority of studies examine the policies of specific prime ministers, with Asian diplomacy typically viewed within the framework of foreign policy in general. Meanwhile, a more dynamic analysis of the development of Japan’s regional strategy is lacking, and it is this gap that this article attempts to fill. Based on the analysis of Japanese government documents, as well as a wide range of studies of Japan’s foreign policy by Russian and foreign scholars, from monographs and academic journals to online outlets, it presents the evolution of Japan’s strategy in East Asia as a competition between two foreign policy initiatives, the East Asian Community and the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity. The article also highlights the prime ministers’ personal views and beliefs, which had a significant effect on creating a particular strategy. The article concludes that the two aforementioned strategies were underpinned by different political philosophies, with the East Asian Community aiming to accelerate East Asian integration based on common economic interests and embracing China, while the Arc of Freedom and Prosperity prioritised relations with countries sharing Japan’s democratic values and viewed China as a regional outsider. It was precisely Sino-Japanese ties, however, that were perhaps the biggest reason why neither strategy achieved much success at the time; either Japan considered the bilateral relations too economically beneficial to deliberately alienate China, or they suffered from too much tension which precluded further development of economic relations.
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Ziegler, Charles E. „Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy“. Asian Survey 53, Nr. 3 (Mai 2013): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.3.484.
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This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While alarmist voices occasionally warn of the threat to American interests from China and Russia through the SCO, the organization’s influence appears limited. Washington has engaged it only sporadically, preferring to conduct relations bilaterally with the Central Asian states.
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Tanner, Murray Scot. „China in 2015“. Asian Survey 56, Nr. 1 (Januar 2016): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.19.
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Surveying China in 2015, this article focuses on how the Xi leadership dealt with several of the most complex economic and security challenges it faced during the year, in particular: sustaining economic growth; responding to social unrest; confronting environmental problems; managing foreign relations in Southeast Asia and the South China Sea; reforming and modernizing the People’s Liberation Army; and managing cross-Strait relations.
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Dadparvar, Shabnam, und Hamidreza Azizi. „Confucian Influence: The Place of Soft Power in China’s Strategy Towards Central Asia“. China Report 55, Nr. 4 (November 2019): 328–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0009445519875233.
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China has traditionally had close relations with Central Asia for quite a long time. The main reasons for this are probably their social, cultural, and demographic bonds, as well as geographical proximity, providing China with a different status in Central Asia from those of the other regions in the world. These bonds have also been strengthened by the ancient Silk Road, beginning in China and passing through Central Asia and Iran towards Europe. Cultural relations, in general, and China’s attempt to expand its means of soft power in the region, in particular, have been a significant aspect of the ties between China and the Central Asian countries. It has drawn attention, especially over the recent decade, and has manifested in various forms. By focussing on the dimension of relations between China and the Central Asian countries, this article addresses the question of what does China try to achieve by expanding its soft power in Central Asia? The article argues that China has focussed on the expansion of its soft power and the consolidation of cultural ties with the Central Asian countries to expand its influence in the region and, eventually, to rise as a new centre of power in the international system. Following a conceptual discussion on the definition of soft power, the article analyses the status of soft power in China’s foreign policy and then, the representations of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Finally, the essay discusses the effects of the soft power factor on the expansion of Chinese influence in the region.
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Kukreja, Veena. „India in the Emergent Multipolar World Order: Dynamics and Strategic Challenges“. India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 76, Nr. 1 (März 2020): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0974928419901187.
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India has a middle power status and a rising power mindset. The emerging multipolar world manifests opportunities as well as challenges to India’s foreign policy. The newness quotient is Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘economy first’ approach rooted in his desire to create external conditions necessary to ensure domestic economic progress. He has displayed dynamism while engaging all major powers, promoting and reintegrating India with the global economy, promoting greater cooperation with South Asian neighbours and renewing strategic connections in the Indian Ocean, the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Pragmatism in India’s foreign policy is seen in Indo–US relations reaching a new level or in cooperation with China on climate change while opposing its territorial claims in the South China Sea and One Belt One Road Project. To counter China, India has sought close strategic partnerships with the USA and its allies and main partners in Asia-Pacific while retaining its strategic autonomy. A major challenge to India’s foreign policy is the downward spiral of relations with Pakistan.
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Gesti Anggraini, Adi Rio Arianto und Pradono Budi Saputro. „CHINA’S GLOBAL STRATEGY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY OF SILK ROAD: CHINA AND THE ASIA SECURITY ARCHITECTURE IN XI JINPING GOVERNMENT“. BHUVANA: Journal of Global Studies 1, Nr. 1 (17.03.2023): 82–131. http://dx.doi.org/10.59408/bjgs.v1i1.59.
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The 21st Century Chinese Silk Road has shown China a strong influence in the establishment of the Asia Security Architecture during the Xi Jinping Administration. As a regional power, China’s responsibility continues to grow during the formation of “the 21st Century Silk Road” to achieve “Chinese Dreams”. By using methodology of qualitative research with techniques of interviews, the results found that China succeeded in influencing regional countries and institutions through China's foreign and security policy strategy to changes Asia from conflict into harmony (kerukunan). These changes namely the policies to Embrace Uygurs and Taiwan, Asia and Trans-Asia Multilateralism, Peace on the Korean Peninsula, Sub-regional powers as the Asia Harmony Embryo, DOC and COC Policies in the South China Sea, SAAARC and Strategic Cooperation in South Asia, SCO and Joint Security in Asia and Across Asia, as well as BRICS and Strengthening of Inter-Regional Power Economies. This discussion is focused on (1) Asia security architecture before “the 21st Century of China Silk Road”, (2) Asia security architecture during “the 21st Century of China Silk Road”, (3) evolution of foreign policy strategies and national security policy of China “Open Door Policy”during Xi Jinping, (4) power polarization and strategic partnership in Asia, (5) China as regional power in Asia, and (6) The 21st Century Chinese Silk Road and Harmonious Asia. The result, China's influence is shown in the terms, namely: (1) the establishment of “Asia Bumisutera Dunia”, (2) formation of “Asia Benua Pemersatu”, (3) strengthening “Asia Benua Multi-Equilibrium”, (4) strengthening “Asia Benua Teduh”, and (5) strengthening “Asia Benua Harmoni.” The researchers believes that to understand the Asia Security Architecture is advisable use cross-paradigm, therefore the researchers briefly introduces paradigm, philosophy, and theory of Manunggalism through the Eastern World Relations Theories (WRT) and Mazhab Indonesia (Indonesian School) with the birth of the discipline of “Ilmu Antarbangsa (World Relations)” by mainstreaming the gotong royong World Relations System to challenge the Western International Relations Theories (IRT) that tends to anarchism system.
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Mamakhatov, Tlesh Muratovich, und James Mohammad Mallah. „The role of the SCO countries in ensuring China’s energy security“. RUDN Journal of Economics 29, Nr. 4 (15.12.2021): 653–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2329-2021-29-4-653-663.
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The growing dynamics of relationships amongst Central Asia, Russia and China, and other SCO member states in economic and energy corporations is analyzed. Since the formation of the SCO, there have been tremendous changes in the dispensation of both political and economic forces in the region. The actual terms of the cooperation and the functions of the numerous SCO member states have changed, thus increasing the significance of some member countries while relegating others to minor leading roles. The Central Asian region plays a leading role in the CSO organization itself as a geographical platform for its activities and as one of the worlds leading countries in the global context. First, this course applies to Russia and China. However, Chinas recent record-breaking economic growth has affected relations and cooperation with both the SCO countries and Russia over the past decades. The long history of interaction between Russia and countries of Central Asia and the current economic policy pursued by Сhina in the region has a complex structure of intertwining with each other, making the situation of Russian-Chinas relations paramount in the SCO. The booming economic growth of China leads to the transformation of the world economic space, where the other countries still occupy the leading positions. Foreign countries, fearing economic competition, announced a policy of containing China. The tension in the economic relations of the Central Asia countries and China is growing.
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Khandekar, Gauri. „The Changing Landscape of EU-Asia Relations“. Jindal Journal of International Affairs 2, Nr. 1 (01.10.2012): 72–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.31.
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European Union-Asia relations have been progressively developing over the years. The European Union (EU) today is the leading trade partner of many Asian nations and the spectrum of issues falling under the EU’s bilateral relations with countries in Asia spans far and wide. The EU has been a development partner in Asia for decades and is one of Asia’s largest sources of foreign direct investment (FDI), aid and humanitarian assistance. The EU and Asia interact closely on regional and multilateral issues and within multilateral forums. The EU has even constructed developed deeper relationships with some key Asian countries through strategic partnerships: with China, India, Japan, South Korea and Russia. But potential of overall EU-Asia relations remains far from optimum. The EU has been rather late in recognising the rise of Asia and in gearing itself towards this important development. It has ambitions to play a greater political role in complement to its status as a global trading giant, but efforts fall short. In particular, the EU lacks visibility in Asia commensurate to its actual weight. The ongoing financial and economic crisis has further weakened the EU as an actor in Asia. The changing landscape of EU-Asia relations now depends on two important considerations – a dynamically ascendant and economically integrated Asia, and the US’ renewed focus to Asia. This paper examines the EU’s relations with Asia focussing on the Asian partners of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM).
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Averianov, Serhii. „Security aspect of Asean-China relations in South-East Asia“. Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, Nr. 28-29 (2020): 133–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-133-143.
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The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.
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Fernando, Sithara N. „China’s Relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives“. China Report 46, Nr. 3 (August 2010): 285–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600309.
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China’s contemporary relations with both Sri Lanka and the Maldives have been described as ‘models of good relations between small and big countries’. China has been an important trading partner for Sri Lanka, with a large and growing trade surplus in China’s favour in the last few years. At the same time it has also been a significant source of investment and foreign economic assistance to Sri Lanka. Similarly, while China enjoys a large surplus in its trade with the Maldives as well, it is also a significant source of economic assistance and tourism for the Maldives. Given that India is in many ways the preeminent power in South Asia, China’s relations with Sri Lanka and the Maldives in the South Asian regional context have been analysed in terms of two ‘strategic triangles’: China–India–Sri Lanka and China–India–Maldives. What emerges from this analysis is that the sustenance of the cooperative momentum in the China-India relationship is crucial to the improvement of China’s relations with South Asia as a whole.
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Zhanara, Seriyeva, und Medukhanova Lyazipa. „Sustainability and trade relations of Kazakhstan with central Asian countries and China“. RIVISTA DI STUDI SULLA SOSTENIBILITA', Nr. 1 (August 2022): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riss2022-001004.
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After gaining independence, the issue of regional integration and development of economic cooperation between the countries of Central Asia has been raised several times. The article discusses the dynamics of Kazakhstan's trade relations with Central Asia and the role of major neighboring countries as one of the areas of economic cooperation. It considers the importance of trade turnover of the Republic of Kazakhstan with neighboring countries in the region, the existing barriers to trade and opportunities for development. An important factor influencing Kazakhstan's trade relations with regional neighbors is their foreign trade, primarily in Kazakhstan's trade with countries outside the region. This situation is explained by the fact that all Central Asian countries are provided with a high level of natural resources, especially mineral resources. The main results of the study are that Kazakhstan has identified the dynamics of sustainable trade and the structure of trade with Central Asian countries over the past five years. The article provides indicators that allow to determine the individual importance of the republic's foreign economic relations with all countries in the region, as well as with each country - Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan. It also considers the role of large neighboring countries in trade relations with these countries.
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Panda, Jagannath P. „China in SAARC“. China Report 46, Nr. 3 (August 2010): 299–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000944551104600310.
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Crafting interregional cooperation that involves China as a participant has been the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy in recent times. Though the Chinese involvement in South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) is a statement of China’s adherence to the theory of multilateral practices; it is Beijing’s orderly contact with the SAARC members and systematic ‘good-neighbourhood’ policy that have fetched adequate space to China in South Asian politics today. Consequently, Beijing institutionalises the China–South Asia network through SAARC. In addition, the rise of China offers greater scope for both South Asia as a region and SAARC as an institution to expand and grow. Given the complexities that rising powers pose in global politics, it goes without mentioning that China in its affiliation to SAARC would aspire for a greater purpose in South Asia and that could shape the regional power politics in coming future.
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Ishaque, Waseem, Rizwana Karim Abbasi und Usha Rehman. „Comparative Analysis of the US and Chinese Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Implications for Pakistan“. Global Regional Review V, Nr. IV (30.12.2020): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/grr.2020(v-iv).01.
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South Asia has its geopolitical significance due to its proximity with the oil-rich Middle Eastern States, natural resourcerich Central Asia and economically developed states of South-East Asian States. South Asia has two nuclear states; Pakistan and India. Since the end of 2nd World War, the USA has been present which has provided stability to this region. The USA had extended its investment and aid to Pakistan in during cold war which had maintained a Balance of Power between India and Pakistan. U.S. articulated response against Soviet invasion in 1979 and later entered in Afghanistan in 2001 on the pretext of WoT. Chinese foreign policy has fostered stability in South Asian region. Through its "Win-Win" policy, China has very firm economic relations with all South Asian states. Through BRI, China wants economic prosperity in the South Asian region. In such environments, Pakistan must have to act pragmatically, avoiding zero-sum policy.
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DE CASTRO, Renato Cruz. „The Marcos Administration’s Foreign Policy towards the Great Powers: Seeking the Elusive Balance in Dealing a Changing Indo-Pacific Region“. East Asian Policy 15, Nr. 04 (Dezember 2023): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930523000314.
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This article examines the Marcos administration’s efforts to seek the elusive balance in managing its relations with the United States, China and Japan. At the beginning of his term, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr planned a balanced foreign policy marked by China providing the investments and market for the Philippines while the United States extended its security guarantee. In conclusion, the article argues that Marcos Jr’s foreign policy reflects the Philippines’ acumen in practising ASEAN’s age-old and proven statecraft in dealing with the significant powers that require the smaller Southeast Asian countries to accept the presence of big powers in Southeast Asia as a fact of international relations.
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Myšička, Stanislav. „Gagliardone, Iginio. 2019. China, Africa, and the Future of the Internet. London: Zed Books.“ Modern Africa: Politics, History and Society 9, Nr. 1 (01.10.2021): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.26806/modafr.v9i1.403.
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He holds a PhD and is Assistant Professor at the Department of Politics, Philosophical Faculty, University of Hradec Králové, Czech Republic. He specialises in Chinese modern history, Chinese foreign politics, international relations in Asia, and the history of Asian political thinking. He is the author of the book John Rawls a Teorie Mezinárodních Vztahů [John Rawls and the Theory of International Relations]. E-mail: stanislav.mysicka@uhk.cz
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Rogozhina, Natalia G. „The Mask Diplomacy of China in Southeast Asia“. South East Asia: Actual problems of Development 1, Nr. 1(50) (2021): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2021-1-1-50-073-081.
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The article notes that China's mask diplomacy in Southeast Asia is an integral part of its foreign policy aimed at strengthening its positions in the region by increasing the level of confidence. By providing assistance to Southeast Asian countries in the fight against COVID-19, China hopes to improve its image of a “benevolent” neighbor in the region. At the same time, the priority was given to those countries of Southeast Asia with which the closest relations have developed and which are participating in the Belt and Road Initiative. In the development of the achieved success in mask diplomacy, China is moving to the implementation of the so-called vaccine diplomacy in Southeast Asia. However, despite the currently pronounced humanitarian orientation of China's foreign policy in Southeast Asia, the continuing territorial conflict in the South China Sea plays against its positive image in the region as “generous sponsor”. Time will tell whether mask diplomacy will help China gain an edge in the competition for influence in the region. But one thing is clear – China is acting decisively and does not miss a single chance to provide support for the countries of Southeast Asia in the competition with the United States.
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Khudoliy, Anatoliy. „Modern challenges in the Asia-Pacific“. American History & Politics Scientific edition, Nr. 6 (2018): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.72-82.
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The article deals with American-Chinese and American-Indian relationships in the 21st century. The researcher focused on political, military and economic aspects of cooperation between Washington and Beijing, Washington and New Deli over the last few years of the twenty-first century. The author of the article has analyzed major tendencies of development of American-Chinese relationships in the context of bilateral cooperation during the presidency of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. The economic and security activities of China, oriented to a strengthening of leadership positions of Beijing, as a key actor, in the regional policy were detailed. Along with it, the author shifted attention to Washington priorities in bilateral relations considering its pragmatic purposes and national interests which considerably influence foreign policy course of the United States. Despite close relations between the USA and the People’s Republic of China, there are factors that set limits for the strategic partnerships between the two countries. The author analyzed not only foreign policy of the United States but also the foreign policy strategy of China that hides interventionism behind the economic policy, trade, economic activity and projects such as ‘One belt, one road’. Some cases of conflict situations between China and its neighbors are analyzed in order to highlight problems. The author analyzed definite political and economic steps made by President Trump in order to strengthen American positions and regional security. Under the support of Washington, India, Japan, and Australia play more important roles as regional actors. India’s role in the regional confrontation between the United States and China is well depicted. Since 2017 India increased its positions in exporting goods and services to the United States, which is one of the main markets after China and the EU. Nevertheless, the USA is still a key player in the region. So, developing trade, financial and military relations, the USA is attempting not only to preserve, but also to strengthen its own positions in the Asia-Pacific and, as a result, to contain China.
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Panin, V. N., A. K. Botasheva und M. M. Abazalieva. „Sino-Indian socio-political relations at the modern stage“. Sovremennaya nauka i innovatsii, Nr. 3 (43) (2023): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37493/2307-910x.2023.3.18.
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Modern Sino-Indian relations are characterized on the one hand by similarity in views on many key issues of world politics and mutual attitude to cooperation, on the other hand, there is an element of competition and disagreement in a number of areas. In general, the geopolitical balance of power in South and Southeast Asia is unstable and largely depends on the relations between such powers as India and China. A certain concern is caused by the fact that in modern conditions, India, having abandoned the long-standing policy of neutrality, has taken a course to build up military power, since China in its foreign policy towards it in some cases, using a military resource, has established control over some disputed border territories of India. The article analyzes the strategic plans and concrete steps of both India and China to build either China-centric or Indo-centric Asia and provides arguments in favor of China-centric trends in both geopolitical and geo-economic areas.
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ZABELLA, Anastasia A., und Evgeniya Yu Katkova. „NEW TRENDS IN CHINA-AUSTRALIA RELATIONS“. Southeast Asia: Actual Problems of Development, Nr. 4(60) (2023): 161–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2023-4-3-60-161-171.
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The article is devoted to the latest trends in the development of Australian-Chinese relations, including the Chinese policy of the new Labor administration of Anthony Albanese. China at the turn of the 20th-21st centuries has undoubtedly become one of the key participants in the system of international relations, as well as an important player on the "Asian chessboard". In the context of the growing confrontation between China and the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, the attempts of the main "hawks" of world politics to create a new region - the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR), to equip Australia with nuclear submarines within the framework of the AUKUS strategic partnership, there can therefore be no doubt that the research topic is relevance. The article examines the evolution of the Australian vector in the foreign policy of the PRC, the reasons that led to the cooling of the Australian-Chinese relations and new trends in the interaction between the two countries.
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Samphantharak, Krislert. „The Rise of China and Foreign Direct Investment from Southeast Asia“. Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 30, Nr. 2 (Juni 2011): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810341103000204.
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This paper discusses foreign direct investment from Southeast Asia to China. With the exception of some government-linked companies, most investments from Southeast Asia have been dominated by the region's overseas Chinese businesses. In addition to cheap labour costs, large domestic market and growing economy, China has provided business opportunities to investors from Southeast Asia thanks to their geographic proximity and ethnic connections, at least during the initial investment period. However, the network effects seem to decline soon after. As the Chinese economy becomes more globalised and more competitive, the success of foreign investment in China will increasingly depend on business competency rather than ethnic relations.
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Khanal, Gopal. „Blending Foreign Policy with Nepal’s Geostrategic Location“. Journal of Foreign Affairs 2, Nr. 01 (05.09.2022): 121–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/jofa.v2i01.44021.
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Over the course of a century, the Western world’s power hegemony has gradually shifted to Asia. China is emerging as a superpower with technological advancement, cashless transactions, 5Gdevelopment, and one of the most powerful military forces. China’s power in Asia has added worries to the United States of America. The purpose of this research is to emphasize Nepal’s geostrategic location and its impact on foreign policy. Nepal is located between the two rising economies in the world, China, and India, who have had conflicting and competitive relations, and therefore requires to delicately balance its relations given the sensitive geopolitical location. But it doesn’t mean Nepal should compromise her sovereignty and territorial integrity while maintaining geopolitical balance. Similarly, India and China need to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Nepal. This has been a major challenge for Nepal to design its foreign policy based on sound geopolitical theories. Although literature on Nepal’s geostrategic importance is limited, this paper explores the impact of its geographic location on foreign policy in the changing global order.
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Freeman, Carla P. „China’s ‘regionalism foreign policy’ and China-India relations in South Asia“. Contemporary Politics 24, Nr. 1 (19.12.2017): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2017.1408168.
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Ding, Sheng. „China Among Unequals: Asymmetric Foreign Relations in Asia by Brantly Womack“. China Review International 19, Nr. 1 (2012): 146–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cri.2012.0014.
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Petrunina, Zhanna V. „on china’s foreign POLICY IN SOUTHern ASIA: China-Pakistan relations today“. Scholarly Notes of Komsomolsk-na-Amure State Technical University 2, Nr. 21 (30.01.2015): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17084/2015.i-2(21).4.
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Cai, Penghong. „The South China Sea: Troubled Waters in China-U.S. Relations“. China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, Nr. 02 (Januar 2017): 283–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500130.
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Similar to his foreign policy and strategic thinking, President Trump’s South China Sea policy features strong uncertainty. The new president is keen on enhancing U.S. military strength, but often uses “suspense” to achieve better deals on the negotiation table. Whether the practice can be directly linked to the rebalancing strategy is uncertain, but it can be said that the Trump administration is seeking peace through stronger military power, which will exert complex impact on the security situation of the South China Sea as well as the rest of the Asia-Pacific region. President Trump believes that the United States should consolidate its maritime supremacy in the Asia-Pacific, yet seeking confrontation and conflicts is by no means a policy option for the United States to maintain its regional hegemony. In comparison, China’s approach to resolving disputes and the security dilemma with the United States is to seek common ground while shelving disputes. Both countries should try to enhance their mutual understanding on the South China Sea issue for sustainable development of China-U.S. relations.
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Keith, Ronald C. „Review: Asia: The Making of Foreign Policy in China“. International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis 41, Nr. 2 (Juni 1986): 468–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002070208604100213.
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Wang, Dong. „Is China Trying to Push the U.S. out of East Asia?“ China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 01, Nr. 01 (April 2015): 59–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740015500049.
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One of the key questions for understanding the future trajectory of regional order is whether or not China is trying to push the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order. Some Western analysts accuse China of pursuing the Monroe Doctrine and excluding the United States from the region. This article argues that the Western discourse of China practicing the Monroe Doctrine is a misplaced characterization of China's behavior. Rather than having intention of pushing the United States out of East Asia and build a China-dominated regional order, China is pursuing a hedging strategy that aims at minimizing strategic risks, increasing freedom of action, diversifying strategic options, and shaping the U.S.' preferences and choices. This can be exemplified in five issue areas: China's ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and China's foreign policy activism, China-Russia relations, the Conference on Interactions and Confidence-Building Measures in Asia (CICA) and the New Asian Security Concept, as well as China-U.S. relations. Beijing has explicitly acknowledged the U.S. predominance in the international system and reiterated its willingness to participate in and reform the existing system. It concludes by suggesting that, for a more peaceful future to emerge in East Asia, the United States and China, as an incumbent power and a rising power, will have to accommodate each other, and negotiate and renegotiate the boundaries of their relative power, as well as their respective roles in the future regional order where Beijing and Washington would learn to share responsibilities and leadership.
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Bunyavejchewin, Poowin, Wichian Intasi und Watcharabon Buddharaksa. „The Myth of Sino–Thai Brotherhood: Archival Evidence on Thailand’s Relations with China in Continental Southeast Asia in the 1990s“. Asian International Studies Review 23, Nr. 1 (10.06.2022): 28–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667078x-bja10014.
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Abstract Thailand–China relations have often been described metaphorically as fraternal, signifying the special place China has in Thai foreign policy. However, Sino–Thai brotherly friendship is an illusion. Based on archival evidence recently made available in Bangkok, this study provides a new account of Thailand’s relations with China in the 1990s, usually described by scholars as the period of partnership. This study argues that during this period, Thai foreign policy vis-a-vis China was almost exclusively driven by the Kingdom’s national interests, framed by its consistent diplomatic mentality over time. Specifically, the primacy of national interest was a modus operandi of Thailand’s China policy. Notably, Bangkok policymakers viewed China’s expanding role and influence in mainland Southeast Asia and throughout Asia as a long-term threat to the Kingdom’s security. Thus, ironically, China and Thailand might not be termed brothers but possibly in a distant fraternal relationship that some might categorize as “others.”
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Tingting, F. „Energy Factor in PRC’s Foreign Policy“. World Economy and International Relations, Nr. 8 (2011): 87–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-8-87-90.
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In recent years, China’s fast-growing economy has fuelled the demand for energy. For China energy policy becomes not only a part of foreign policy and diplomacy, but also part of the state development strategy. The article explores the main directions of China's energy policy at the present stage. A detailed analysis of energy factors in Chinese foreign policy at the present stage is undertaken. A particular attention is paid to the main vectors of energy cooperation between China and other countries and regions: Middle East, Africa, Latin America, Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Russia.
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QINGSONG, TIAN, und IRINA ZELENEVA. „JAPAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA (2001-2006)“. Sociopolitical Sciences 12, Nr. 3 (28.06.2022): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.33693/2223-0092-2022-12-3-105-112.
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The article considers the dynamics of Japan’s foreign policy towards China at the beginning of the millennium. Its study was the purpose of this article. Its achievement presupposed the solution of the corresponding tasks: consideration of Japan’s multilateral diplomacy in other countries, characterization of the economic policy of the Koizumi cabinet in China. On the basis of the analysis carried out, appropriate conclusions were drawn. Since becoming Prime Minister of Japan, Junichiro Koizumi has made significant changes to his China policy. On the one hand, Koizumi believes that China’s economic growth and internal stability play a positive role for the Japanese economy. On the other hand, he sees China as a rising power that threatens Japan’s external environment and at the same time shakes its dominance in Asia. During Koizumi’s rule, Sino-Japanese relations generally showed a deteriorating trend: he actively deepened economic exchanges with China, but at the same time took a tough stance towards China in the field of foreign policy and security. Koizumi’s repeated visits to the Yasukuni Shrine seriously damaged Sino-Japanese relations, leading to the suspension of high-level visits between China and Japan. And Sino-Japanese relations have deteriorated to their lowest point since 1972.
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Ng, Beoy Kui. „The Economic Rise of China: Its Threats and Opportunities from the Perspective of Southeast Asia“. Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 25 (05.02.2008): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v25i0.1427.
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Abstract
The purpose of the paper is to examine the economic impact of China on Southeast Asian countries, mainly in terms of trade and investment. The paper attempts to examine whether the rise of China poses a threat to Southeast Asia as a region in the area of international trade, especially competition in third country markets, and asks, can they be friends and allies rather than competitors in international market? Secondly, the paper also questions if the concentration of foreign direct investment (FDI) in China is resulting in a diversion of FDI away from the region. Do FDI in China and Southeast Asia complement one another when it comes to the international division of labour? On the other hand, the increasing role of China as an international trader and global investor provides an opportunity for Southeast Asia countries to integrate with the Chinese economy. The huge domestic market of China also provides vast opportunities for investment, especially through connections with their respective ethnic Chinese businesses in the region. The overall assessment is that the rise of China will benefit Southeast Asian countries, especially in terms of China's role in the Asian production network, destination for investment, its outward investment and more importantly, its huge and growing domestic market. All these turn China into another driver for economic growth in Asia.
Keywords: China, FDI flows, Southeast Asia, trade, investment, Asia production networks.
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Antonopoulos, Paul. „The Kangaroo, the Bear, and the Dragon: Australia-Russia-China Relations in the “Asian Century”“. China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 03, Nr. 03 (Januar 2017): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740017500208.
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With Australia and Russia increasingly seeing their future in the Asia-Pacific, neither can reach its full economic potential except under the guidance of Beijing’s control of ports on its “Maritime Silk Road.” Cold War clichés of the “Yankee lapdog” and the big bad “Russian bear” continue to dominate how Canberra and Moscow view each other. Yet when it comes to the future of Australia-Russia-China relations, one must look beyond Moscow, Beijing, and Canberra, but rather at Vladivostok and Darwin, symbols of an as-yet unrealized goal to shift emphasis onto each country’s sparsely-populated regions bordering the Asia-Pacific. With the dawning of the “Asian Century,” how does the United States change the geopolitical dynamics of the region, and how do China, Russia, and Australia react to “America’s Pacific Century”? Rather than a capitulation to America’s aggressive posture in the Asia-Pacific, China and Russia have consolidated the integration of their economies and militaries to counter such penetration. This emerging rivalry creates a challenge for Australia to balance its military alliance with the United States and its economic reliance on China. The necessity of finetuning this balance should be Canberra’s primary foreign policy issue.
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Wong, Pak Nung, und Wai Kay Ricky Yue. „U.S.-China Containment and Counter-Containment in Southeast Asia“. African and Asian Studies 13, Nr. 1-2 (09.05.2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341284.
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AbstractIn 2011, the United States of America (u.s.) adopted the “pivot to Asia” (also known as “return to Asia”) foreign policy. In order to provide a critique of this apparent policy change, this paper has two aims. First, we will contextualize such policy agenda against the Anglo-American strategic culture of “containment” as a strand of geopolitical realism and a foreign policy practice against communism. Second, by providing a case study on the changing relations between the Union of Myanmar (Burma), the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America, we will characterizeu.s.containment and China’s counter-containment strategies through the lens of Suntzu’sArt of War.
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Hevia, James L. „Tribute, Asymmetry, and Imperial Formations: Rethinking Relations of Power in East Asia“. Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, Nr. 1-2 (2009): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645751.
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AbstractIn organizing the conference “History and China's Foreign Relations, ” John Wills set two difficult tasks for the participants. The first was to consider the role of the academy in U.S. policy-making toward China and surmise whether academics were more influential in John Fairbank's day than today. The second involved a consideration of the models or theoretical constructs used for characterizing China's relations with other countries. Although there is much to say about the relation between area studies and the state, my focus will be on the latter topic, models and theories of foreign relations.
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Berdiyev, Ahmet, und Nurettin Can. „THE IMPORTANCE OF CENTRAL ASIA IN CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY AND BEIJING’S SOFT POWER INSTRUMENTS“. Central Asia and The Caucasus 21, Nr. 4 (17.12.2020): 015–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.37178/ca-c.20.4.02.
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Throughout history, Central Asia was seen as a vital region by the great powers that struggled for the influence in this region in the past. After the breakdown of the Soviet Union, new independent states have emerged in Central Asia. This article provides an analysis of China’s implementation of foreign policy towards Central Asian states through soft power. China recently implemented the idea of soft power as a crucial foreign policy instrument. The study focuses on the fact that soft diplomacy can be essential in forming an attractive image of China in the international arena. Furthermore, it argues that China’s ambition to become more authoritative in the region is associated with the activation of efforts in its soft power policy. Employment of soft power is entirely determined by China’s national interests. It is in China’s national interests to establish a secure and peaceful climate for its economic advance, to adjust its vast and growing energy needs, and to curtail the domination of other powerful actors. Thus, this article offers an analysis of China’s soft power and its application within the Central Asian region in pursuit of its foreign policy tasks. The paper aims to solve the following problem: What is China’s soft power and how does it use it in the Central Asian states? To address the problem, we compare Chinese soft power to the policy of other regional actors. The goal is to study China’s foreign policy in Central Asia, with the purpose of highlighting Chinese political strategy in the region. The article begins with the discussion of China’s foreign policy chief aims and objectives to understand the meaning of good neighborhood diplomacy, which forms the basis of China’s soft power diplomacy in Central Asia.
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Garbuzarova, Elena Gennad'evna. „The Central Asian Direction of French Foreign Policy (1992-2022)“. Contemporary Europe, Nr. 2 (15.04.2023): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020043.
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From the moment of the collapse of the USSR to the present days France showed interest in building relations with the countries of Central Asia in a wide range of areas of interaction. France was one of the first European states to recognize the independence of the new republics. The article is aimed to expand knowledge about French policy in Central Asia and the factors that determine the interest of Paris in the Eurasian region. In the context of the transformation of the world order and global geopolitical tensions France's capabilities are narrowing which encourages Paris to pursue a proactive foreign policy on the Central Asian track. At the same time the place of France's ideological and value rhetoric in its foreign policy in the Central Asian countries is gradually occupied by economic reasonability. France's interests in the region are focused on energy resources and Afghan issues. France's efforts are aimed at reducing the dependence of Central Asian countries on Russia and China. It is concluded that France is strengthening the economic dimension of its foreign policy in Central Asia with an emphasis on expanding cooperation with the two leading countries of the region - Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan.
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NELSON, TRAVIS, und MATTHEW CARLSON. „Charmed by China? Popular Perceptions of Chinese Influence in Asia“. Japanese Journal of Political Science 13, Nr. 4 (01.11.2012): 477–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109912000230.
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AbstractChinese influence in Asia is complicated by many factors. There are those who argue that China's growing military and economic power make this influence an automatic threat, while others maintain that China's recent attempts at a ‘charm offensive’ mute this threat and have succeeded in creating a positive image for many of its regional neighbors. Drawing on survey data collected across 23 countries, we enter this debate by asking what individuals in and across Asia think about Chinese influence. Do they see this influence as positive or negative? What factors at the individual and national levels most clearly shape their perceptions? Using multilevel statistical analysis, we find that Asian opinions of Chinese influence are on the whole quite positive and are influenced by a range of factors, including foreign policy interest, national identification, foreign contact, and recent military conflict.
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Fedorovskii, Aleksandr Nikolaevich. „Priorities of the Republic of Korea in Integration Projects“. Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 10, Nr. 4 (28.11.2017): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2017-10-4-144-157.
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The article deals with the main purposes, opportunities and risks of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects. The author stresses the basic principles of South Korean foreign economic strategy, including common views of the different president administrations on key foreign economic priorities, including constant support of business expansion towards the most prominent markets. The analysis focuses also on new methods of support of national business interests: the transition from rigid defense of domestic market to adoption to growing competition at home as far as foreign partners agreed to open their markets to South Korean export. The paper describes role of bilateral Free Trade Agreements (FTA) and regional mega-projects in South Korea’s foreign economic diplomacy. Comparison study of bilateral Free Trade Agreements between the Republic of Korea on the one side, European Union, the USA and China on the other sides. The author characterizes growing role of China and other East Asian countries for South Korean economy the ROK-China Free Trade Agreement, including some obstacles and limitations to upgrade development of bilateral economic exchanges. Special attention paid to positive and negative factors, influenced on economic integrations between China, Japan and the Republic of Korea. The paper describes Seoul’s interests in economic integration projects in East Asia, including involvement in joint economic projects with ASEAN. The author analyses the Republic of Korea’s attitude to regional mega-projects in Asia-Pacific region such as Trans-Pacific Partnership. Finally the article describes modern stage and possible development of Russia-South Korea economic relations and contains forecast of the main trends of the Republic of Korea’s involvement in integration projects in East Asia and in Asia-Pacific region in general.
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Fahadayna, Adhi Cahya. „The Two Faces of Russia Foreign Policy toward China and Taiwan“. Global Focus 1, Nr. 1 (30.04.2021): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.5.
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Russia, as one of the key actors in international politics, faces problematic issues in Chinese-Taiwan Relations. As a significant player, Russia reserves a close and stable relationship with China. However, Russia could not avoid Taiwan's significant role in Northeast Asia, especially its role in allying with the West. Taiwan undoubtedly offers a promising prospect for the Russian economy, but political relations with Taiwan could not significantly contribute to Russian FP. In this paper, Russian foreign policy will be examined on both sides, Russian foreign policy toward China and Russian foreign policy toward Taiwan. The purposes of this paper are trying to analyze the Russian foreign policy dilemma toward China-Taiwan relation. The analysis of this paper will focus on President Vladimir Putin as the decision-maker and explore all circumstances that will influence the decision-making process. The level of analysis implemented in this paper is domestic politics that significantly contribute to Russian foreign policy decision-making. This paper will gather secondary data from the news, journal, and book as the primary sources. The paper's outcome is analyzing Russian foreign policy's dilemma and exploring how Russian foreign policy toward current dynamics of China-Taiwan Relations.