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Thematische Bibliographien / Cause of war / Zeitschriftenartikel

Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Cause of war“

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Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 27. Juli 2024

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 28. Juli 2024

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1

McMahan, Jeff. „Just Cause for War“. Ethics & International Affairs 19, Nr. 3 (Dezember 2005): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2005.tb00551.x.

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The central contention of this essay is that a just cause for war is a wrong that is of a type that can make those responsible for it morally liable to military attack as a means of preventing or rectifying it. This claim has many implications that conflict with assumptions of the currently orthodox theory of the just war. Among the implications explored in the text are that the requirement of just cause is logically and morally prior to all the other requirements of a just war, that this requirement governs all phases of a war and not just the resort to war, that it is thus impermissible to continue to fight a war once the just cause or causes have been achieved, that it is impermissible to fight at all in a war that lacks a just cause, that just cause is a restriction on the type of aim that may be pursued by means of war and is not a matter of scale, that a war that lacks a just cause may be morally justified even if it is not just, and that a belligerent can pursue both just and unjust causes in the same war, which may then have elements or phases that are just and other elements or phases that are unjust.

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2

Flanagan, Kieran, und David Martin. „Does Christianity Cause War?“ British Journal of Sociology 49, Nr. 4 (Dezember 1998): 676. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/591302.

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3

Cushman, Thomas, und David Martin. „Does Christianity Cause War?“ Contemporary Sociology 28, Nr. 5 (September 1999): 573. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655019.

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4

Küntay, Ismail Burak. „Would Isolationist Presidents Cause War?“ European Journal of Social Sciences 1, Nr. 1 (17.07.2018): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejss.v1i1.p21-30.

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5

Küntay, Ismail Burak. „Would Isolationist Presidents Cause War?“ European Journal of Social Sciences 5, Nr. 2 (01.10.2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eujss-2022-0014.

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Abstract In American politics, it has been seen that the presidents, who came to power from an isolationist perspective, contrary to their rhetoric, find themselves in the greatest wars in American History. In this study, it was researched whether the isolationist rhetoric of some Presidents who were sitting in the presidency during the period of the great chaos experienced in the USA and the world resulted in great wars, or whether the discourses that winning the elections to these Presidents should have an isolationist approach as a result of decomposition of the world and reflection of economic problems to their countries. The assumption of this study is that the Presidents who won the elections with their isolationist rhetoric were later faced with major wars during their presidency as a result of the processes that had laid their foundations before they were President and their infrastructure had been formed in the light of developments in the world. In this context, the internal political and international conjuncture of William McKinley, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt periods will be evaluated. Accordingly, domestic and foreign policy statements and decisions of the presidents will be analyzed. As a result of the analysis carried out in the conclusion section, there will be an inference and foresight on American internal policy and foreign policy regarding the isolationist discourse in the Donald Trump period that is on the agenda.

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6

Küntay, Ismail Burak. „Would Isolationist Presidents Cause War?“ European Journal of Social Sciences 5, Nr. 2 (01.10.2022): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ejss.v1i1.p21-30.

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Abstract In American politics, it has been seen that the presidents, who came to power from an isolationist perspective, contrary to their rhetoric, find themselves in the greatest wars in American History. In this study, it was researched whether the isolationist rhetoric of some Presidents who were sitting in the presidency during the period of the great chaos experienced in the USA and the world resulted in great wars, or whether the discourses that winning the elections to these Presidents should have an isolationist approach as a result of decomposition of the world and reflection of economic problems to their countries. The assumption of this study is that the Presidents who won the elections with their isolationist rhetoric were later faced with major wars during their presidency as a result of the processes that had laid their foundations before they were President and their infrastructure had been formed in the light of developments in the world. In this context, the internal political and international conjuncture of William McKinley, Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt periods will be evaluated. Accordingly, domestic and foreign policy statements and decisions of the presidents will be analyzed. As a result of the analysis carried out in the conclusion section, there will be an inference and foresight on American internal policy and foreign policy regarding the isolationist discourse in the Donald Trump period that is on the agenda.

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7

Hee Kyung Suh. „War and Justice: Just Cause of the Korean War“. Korea Journal 52, Nr. 2 (Juni 2012): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25024/kj.2012.52.2.5.

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8

Stanar, Dragan. „A ‘Just Cause’ or ‘Just A Cause’: Perils of the Zero-sum Model of Moral Responsibility for War“. Conatus 8, Nr. 2 (31.12.2023): 613–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/cjp.34553.

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In this paper the author aims to explain the consequences of the implicit application of the zero-sum game model of distribution of moral responsibility for war, i.e., for causing war, within the context of the dominant perspective of modern-day ethics of war – Just War Theory. The main criterion of the jus ad bellum concept of Just War Theory, “just cause,” recognizes the possibility of only one “cause” of war, and every attempt to further analyze and investigate deeper causes of war is automatically perceived through the zero-sum lens, as an attempt to justify or excuse the unjust side in war. No such thing happens when analyzing other, extremely morally troubling and disturbing phenomena as we invest significant effort into attempting to explain evil without this effort ever being understood as a justification attempt. The author demonstrates how the described approach in Just War Theory prevents us from fully understanding war, and thus implicitly from how to normatively prescribe human actions in and regarding war. The author also asserts that this perspective actually represents a presupposition concerning the possibility of justness of war. The author concludes that, in order to fully understand war and properly morally evaluate it, ethics of war must adopt a non-zero-sum model of distribution of moral responsibility and acknowledge the existence of a wide variety of causes of war.

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9

Hurka, Thomas. „Liability and Just Cause“. Ethics & International Affairs 21, Nr. 2 (2007): 199–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2007.00070.x.

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This paper is a response to Jeff McMahan‘s “Just Cause for War” (Ethics & International Affairs 19, 2005). McMahan holds, as many have, that there is a just cause for war against group X only if X have made themselves liable to military force by being responsible for some serious wrong. But he interprets this liability requirement in a very strict way. He insists (1) that one may use force against X for purpose Y only if they are responsible for a wrong specifically connected to Y; and (2) that one may use force against an individual member of X only if he himself shares in the responsibility for the wrong. This paper defends a more permissive, and more traditional, view of just war liability against McMahan's claims. Against McMahan‘s first claim it argues that certain “conditional just causes,” such as disarming an aggressor, deterring future aggression, and preventing lesser humanitarian crimes, can be legitimate goals of war against X even if X have no specific liability connected to them. Against McMahan's second claim it argues that soldiers who have no responsibility for X‘s wrong may nonetheless be legitimately attacked because in becoming soldiers they freely surrendered their right not to be killed by enemy combatants in a war between their and another state, so killing them in such a war is not unjust. Though initially a criticism of McMahan, the paper makes positive proposals about conditional just causes and the moral justification for directing force at soldiers.

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10

HOLLIDAY, IAN. „When is a cause just?“ Review of International Studies 28, Nr. 3 (Juli 2002): 557–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210502005570.

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The September 11 terrorist strikes prompted renewed interest in a debate about just cause that has been increasingly open since the demise of the Cold War and the shift to a more multilateral and interventionist world order. This article contributes to that debate by looking first into the just war tradition to argue for a conceptual revision that equates just cause with jus ad bellum (just recourse to war). It then seeks to specify the component parts of just cause understood in this way, holding that demonstrable injustice should take the place formerly occupied by just cause in just war theory. Towards the end it uses three real-world cases to develop a mechanism for validating just cause claims. The argument is that a cause is just only when its proponents can convince an international forum of intractable injustice, responsible intervention, and an appropriate balance of contingent factors. The article closes by considering how the current war on terrorism might be assessed in such a forum.

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11

McMahan, Jeff. „Proportionality and Just Cause“. Journal of Moral Philosophy 11, Nr. 4 (16.07.2014): 428–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-01104005.

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In the course of commenting on the third chapter of Frances Kamm’s Ethics for Enemies, this article proposes an analysis of the notion of a just cause for war, according to which there is a just cause only when those whom it is necessary to attack as a means of achieving some aim are potentially morally liable to be attacked. The remainder of the article then discusses issues of proportionality, particularly in relation to several distinct forms of moral justification for harming or killing people. Among the central questions addressed is what the conditions are in which good effects of a war that are independent of the achievement of the just cause may count in determining whether the war would be proportionate.

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12

Schlichte, Klaus. „Is ethnicity a cause of war?“ Peace Review 6, Nr. 1 (März 1994): 59–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10402659408425775.

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13

Montefiore, Hugh. „Book Review: Does Christianity Cause War?“ Theology 101, Nr. 802 (Juli 1998): 316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x9810100440.

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14

Tickell, Oliver. „How war debris could cause cancer“. New Scientist 199, Nr. 2672 (September 2008): 8–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(08)62208-3.

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15

Walt, Stephen M. „Revolution and War“. World Politics 44, Nr. 3 (April 1992): 321–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010542.

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Revolutions are watershed events in international politics, yet the existing literature on revolutions focuses primarily on the causes of revolution or its effects on domestic politics. Revolutions are also a potent cause of instability and war, because they alter the “balance of threats” between the revolutionary state and the other members of the system. First, revolutions alter the balance of power and make it more difficult for states to measure it accurately. Second, they encourage states to exaggerate each other's hostility, further increasing perceptions of threat. Third, revolutions cause states to exaggerate both their own vulnerability and that of their opponents, thereby encouraging them to view the use of force as both necessary and feasible. This combination of insecurity and overconfidence is usually illusory, however. In fact, revolutions are usually harder either to export or to reverse than either side expects.

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16

Song, Yuxuan. „Is Democracy A Cause of Peace?“ Studies in Social Science Research 3, Nr. 4 (17.11.2022): p136. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v3n4p136.

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The West has been discussing the relationship between democracy and peace for a long time. The “Democratic Peace Theory” was put forward as early as Kant’s period, furthermore, this theory flourished again after the Second World War. After the end of the Cold War, Fukuyama and other scholars reinterpreted the “Democratic Peace Theory” and had a profound impact on the foreign policies of today’s Europe and the United States. The purpose of this article is to analyze the theoretical logic of the “Democratic Peace Theory” and its application in reality, as a consequence to examine how this theory provides an ideological excuse for the intervention and expansion of the world war situation.

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17

Meirowitz, Adam. „Strategic Uncertainty as a Cause of War“. Quarterly Journal of Political Science 3, Nr. 4 (31.12.2008): 327–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/100.00008018.

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18

Houweling, Henk, und Jan G. Siccama. „Power Transitions as a Cause of War“. Journal of Conflict Resolution 32, Nr. 1 (März 1988): 87–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002788032001004.

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19

Lyndon, Brian. „Essex and the King's Cause in 1648“. Historical Journal 29, Nr. 1 (März 1986): 17–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018604.

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In 1648, Essex was the scene of a major military campaign of the Second Civil War. This essay seeks to explain why that campaign was fought. There are several reasons why such an investigation is worthwhile. Firstly, it challenges the fashionable historical idea that the Civil Wars were fundamentally a conflict between centre and localities. Secondly, it concentrates upon the Second Civil War as a serious proposition, not as a pathetic appendage of the earlier conflict to be dismissed with contempt but not consideration. Thirdly, it demands a look at Essex as a county caught up in the violence of civil war.

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20

Nadzifah, Sifaun. „Perang Sampit (Konflik Suku Dayak Dengan Suku Madura) Pada Tahun 2001“. JURNAL SOSIAL Jurnal Penelitian Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial 23, Nr. 2 (17.11.2022): 14–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.33319/sos.v23i2.112.

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The Sampit War was a war between the Dayak and Madurese tribes which culminated in February 2001. The factors that triggered the Sampit war were cultural differences or customs between the Dayak and Madura tribes which eventually became the cause of conflict between the two. The conflict between the Dayak and the Madurese had repeatedly occurred during the New Order era, but the peak of the conflict only exploded in the Reformation era. Many factors trigger conflict, which is mainly caused by socio-cultural causes. The clash between these two tribes has caused many casualties on the part of the Madurese and forced them to leave Central Kalimantan. This study aims to determine the causes and effects of the Sampit war in 2001. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach using data research results in the form of several books, archives, documents, journals and the internet with the hope that through this method can find data that accurate

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21

MacGinty, Roger. „War Cause and Peace Aim? Small States and the First World War“. European History Quarterly 27, Nr. 1 (Januar 1997): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149702700102.

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22

Onyusheva, Irina, Cherry Thinn Naing und Aung Lin Zaw. „THE US-CHINA TRADE WAR: CAUSE-EFFECT ANALYSIS“. EUrASEANs: journal on global socio-economic dynamics, Nr. 1(14) (30.01.2019): 07–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.35678/2539-5645.1(14).2019.07-15.

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The US-China trade war has been considered one of the urgent issues in today’s international trade. In fact, this is a trade war where top two largest world economies participate. In this paper, we have made an attempt to describe and explain the motives behind this trade war along with the potential threats, causes and effects for the world economy. Comparative macroeconomic analysis of the involved countries has been also conducted. Possible retaliation of China and other countries to the US’ increasing in tariffs on imported goods, protectionism and deficit issues in the US are discussed in the first part of the paper. The authors focus on the potential threats and effects that this trade war may have on the world economy from the political economy point of view. Authors’ vision on the future prospects of the current situation is also presented.

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Fu, Yujia. „Analysis of the Causes for the Sino-US Trade War“. Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 10, Nr. 1 (14.09.2023): 44–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/10/20230047.

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In 2018, the US government launched a trade war against China, and later it became a tit-for-tat competition between these two economies. It brought more uncertainties and challenges to bilateral and global trade. The economic conflict was a long-term issue between the two countries, while the Section 301 investigations provided rationales for the Trump administration to launch the trade war. This paper aims to reveal the reasons that contributed to the Sino-US trade war in order to better understand the whole economic conflict. There are some data collected by the US government and some official organizations are used in this paper to introduce the background. The writer mainly uses the literature analysis to discuss the possibilities that cause the trade war and applies one theory the Hegemonic Stability Theory to analyze the situation. At last, different perspectives of the deep-seated causes were applied to understand the trade war. This paper discovers that the trade war between the two countries was not only caused by economic conflicts, but also technological disputes, and other deep-seated issues, including national security and political concerns. All these causes should be addressed to understand and smooth the tensions.

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Kizilkaya, Zafer. „Identity, War, and Just Cause for War: Hezbollah and Its Use of Force“. Mediterranean Quarterly 28, Nr. 2 (Juni 2017): 80–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4164281.

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25

Zuber, Terence. „France and the Cause of World War I“. Global War Studies 11, Nr. 3 (01.11.2014): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.11.03.03.

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26

Anderson, David L., und Gerard J. DeGroot. „A Noble Cause? America and the Vietnam War“. Journal of American History 88, Nr. 1 (Juni 2001): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675062.

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27

Kane, Brian M. „John XXIII and Just Cause for Modern War“. New Blackfriars 80, Nr. 936 (Februar 1999): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.1999.tb01645.x.

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28

Andreani, G. „The 'War on Terror': Good Cause, Wrong Concept“. Survival 46, Nr. 4 (01.11.2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/survival/46.4.31.

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29

Agnew, John. „Killing for Cause? Geographies of War and Peace“. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 99, Nr. 5 (30.10.2009): 1054–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00045600903279432.

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30

Andréani, Gilles. „The ‘War on terror’: Good cause, wrong concept“. Survival 46, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2004): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00396330412331342446.

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31

EMBER, LOIS. „Still No Cause Found For Gulf War Ills“. Chemical & Engineering News 78, Nr. 37 (11.09.2000): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v078n037.p007a.

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32

Kotkin, Stephen. „World War Two and Labor: A Lost Cause?“ International Labor and Working-Class History 58 (Oktober 2000): 181–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003665.

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EMBER, LOIS. „Chemical arms not cause of Gulf War syndrome“. Chemical & Engineering News 72, Nr. 28 (11.07.1994): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v072n028.p026.

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34

Midtgaard, Trude M., Krishna Chaitanya Vadlamannati und Indra de Soysa. „Does the IMF cause civil war? A comment“. Review of International Organizations 9, Nr. 1 (20.03.2013): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11558-013-9167-z.

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35

SCHNEIDER, MARY ELLEN. „IOM Panel: Gulf War Exposure Can Cause PTSD“. Family Practice News 40, Nr. 7 (April 2010): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0300-7073(10)70499-0.

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36

Shirkey, Zachary C. „Commitment Problems as a Cause of War Severity“. International Studies Review 16, Nr. 1 (März 2014): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12103.

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37

Sample, Susan G. „Anticipating War? War Preparations and the Steps-to-War Thesis“. British Journal of Political Science 48, Nr. 2 (23.06.2016): 489–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341500068x.

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This study addresses what it means, theoretically and diplomatically, to argue that states anticipate war. The ‘steps-to-war’ thesis contends that territorial disputes are high salience issues, but war is relatively unlikely unless state policies, such as arms buildups, directly increase the probability of war. This framework contrasts with the argument that these policies simply reflect underlying conflict, seen as the primary cause of both policies and war. The historical analysis here indicates that states do ‘anticipate’ war, but, at least in the case of wars related to ongoing territorial conflicts, it is theoretically trivial: states anticipate war, engaging in final preparations after their relations have deteriorated over time, and the process occurs in ways predicted by the steps-to-war theory.

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Gardner, Lloyd C. „The American ‘Cause’ in Vietnam, 1941-1965“. Itinerario 22, Nr. 3 (November 1998): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009591.

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Before World War II, French Indochina little concerned American policymakers. The idea of sending half a million men to fight a war there would have seemed as fantastic as sending a man to the moon. Even after John F. Kennedy decided that the United States should - and could - send a man to the moon, the idea of sending half a million men to Vietnam still seemed fantastic. When George Ball expressed fears that such a possibility indeed existed if matters were allowed to continue until incremental creep became an avalanche, the president was astounded. ‘George’, Kennedy admonished him, ‘you're just crazier than hell. That just isn't going to happen.’ Historians still debate whether Kennedy would have followed the same path Lyndon Johnson took in Vietnam, thereby fulfilling George Ball's seemingly absurd prophecy. My purpose here is not to rehearse the arguments in that debate. Instead, I want to talk about the American ‘cause’ in Vietnam, and how, beginning in World War II, a generalised concern with the problem of closed economies and the creation of a post-colonial world order finally became focused on Vietnam.

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39

K.C, Chandra Bahadur. „For Whom the Bell Tolls: A Story of War for the Cause of Humanity and Democracy“. Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 2, Nr. 1 (29.04.2021): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v2i1.36740.

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Set against the backdrop of Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), For Whom the Bell tolls provides the firsthand account of that war which Hemingway experienced by serving as a war correspondent. In the novel he takes the side of the Republic for the cause of humanity and democracy. The protagonist Robert Jordan, an American professor from Montana, volunteers his services in the war for anti-fascist cause. He himself thinks that he is inherently antifascist republican, who believes in life, liberty and pursuit of happiness. The novel asserts that the activities shown by the fascists or nationalists were full of selfish and misdirected aggressive impulses. This paper claims that the protagonist and other characters voluntarily involve in the war for the cause of humanity and democracy. The protagonist voluntarily takes part in blowing up the bridge at Guadarrama Mountains near Segovia to stop the Fascists away from the mountains to make the Republican attack successful. He was convinced that the Republicans meant for democratic, civilian, secular order. So he takes part in the war in foreign land for the cause of humanity. This war is related to politics, and the novel is in favour of republican alliance. The novel shows that war is inevitable part for the Republicans for their humanitarian cause. The novel tries to justify the war for the sake of preservation of republican norms like humanity, democracy, freedom, equality, rights of people and brotherhood.

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40

Kadušić, Alma, Alija Suljić und Nedima Smajić. „The demographic ageing of population in Bosnia and Herzegovina: causes and consequences“. Journal for Geography 11, Nr. 1 (30.06.2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/rg.11.1.3951.

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In this paper the age structure and the ageing population process in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century is analyzed. The main reasons that caused changes in the age composition of the population and the population ageing in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been researched. The main causes of the population ageing in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the second half of the 20th century were primarily trends in fertility rates and secondarily trends in mortality rates. The economic growth of Bosnia and Herzegovina after World War II conditioned changes in the economic and educational structure of the population and with that the changes in the natural increase rates and migration balance. The war was the main cause of negative demographic changes in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the period from 1992 to 1995, and the post-war adverse socioeconomic, political and other circumstances have been the cause of negative demographic trends after 1995. The aim of this paper is to determine the level of population ageing in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the consequences this process could have on the demographic future of this country.

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41

Spellberg, Brad. „Carl Von Clausewitz (1780–1831) and Cholera: The Cause of World War II?“ Journal of Medical Biography 13, Nr. 2 (Mai 2005): 108–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096777200501300211.

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Here it is proposed that, by killing Prussian Major General Carl von Clausewitz before he could complete the work on his military text On War, cholera strongly influenced the nature of World War I (1914–18) and, by direct extension, contributed to the cause of World War II (1939–45).

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42

Roberts, J. „Chemical weapons did not cause the Gulf war syndrome“. BMJ 310, Nr. 6981 (18.03.1995): 692. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.310.6981.692.

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EMBER, LOIS. „Stress may be cause of Gulf War syndrome ailments“. Chemical & Engineering News 74, Nr. 48 (25.11.1996): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v074n048.p038.

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ZURER, PAMELA. „Study finds no single cause for Gulf War ills“. Chemical & Engineering News 72, Nr. 51 (19.12.1994): 6–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v072n051.p006a.

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Milojevich, Jovan. „Coercive Diplomacy as a Cause of War: Yugoslavia Revisited“. Serbian Studies: Journal of the North American Society for Serbian Studies 29, Nr. 1-2 (2018): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ser.2018.0002.

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Tierney, Dominic. „Does Chain-Ganging Cause the Outbreak of War?1“. International Studies Quarterly 55, Nr. 2 (23.03.2011): 285–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2011.00650.x.

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Schenker, Eran, und Shlomo Mor-Yosef. „Did Anxiety during the Gulf War Cause Premature Delivery?“ Military Medicine 158, Nr. 12 (01.12.1993): 789–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/158.12.789.

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Lee, Wan-Bom. „The Cause of the Korean War: An Organic Interpretation“. Korean Journal of International Relations 39, Nr. 1 (30.09.1999): 193–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.1999.09.39.1.193.

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Jokubauskas, Vytautas. „Causes of Death in the Lithuanian Armed Forces, 1919–1940“. Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis 43 (16.12.2022): 99–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.15181/ahuk.v43i0.2490.

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Annotation:

Between the First World War and the Second World War, approximately 280 thousand men served in the Lithuanian armed forces. This is a significant figure for a country that only had a population of two to 2.5 million. Even though the Lithuanian armed forces were only involved in active military operations and low-intensity fighting from 1919 to 1923, servicemen died during the entire period up to 1940. The numbers of deaths during the Wars of Independence are well known; however, the causes of death in the Lithuanian armed forces, both from 1919 to 1920 and in later years, have not been investigated in great depth. We understand that one cause of death in an active army is active combat. In the study of war, deaths in action are further classified into deaths caused by artillery fire, machine gun and rifle fire, bayonets, etc. This allows scholars to determine the effectiveness of weapons systems and tactical elements used on the battlefield. However, the focus of this article is the causes of soldiers’ deaths that are not directly combat related. In the first section, I discuss causes of death in the Lithuanian armed forces during periods of war and peace, and provide a host of examples, which include deaths caused by disease, accidents, homicide and suicide. In the last section, I present the results of quantitative analysis. The quantitative analysis is a case study of a single regiment that demonstrates the predominant causes of death from 1919 to 1940, with a separate analysis of causes of death for the period 1919 to 1920.

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Waite, Kevin. „The “Lost Cause” Goes West“. California History 97, Nr. 1 (2020): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.1.33.

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California once housed over a dozen monuments, memorials, and place-names honoring the Confederacy, far more than any other state beyond the South. The list included schools and trees named for Robert E. Lee, mountaintops and highways for Jefferson Davis, and large memorials to Confederate soldiers in Hollywood and Orange County. Many of the monuments have been removed or renamed in the recent national reckoning with Confederate iconography. But for much of the twentieth century and into the twenty-first, they stood as totems to the “Lost Cause” in the American West. Despite a vast literature on the origins, evolution, and enduring influence of the Lost Cause myth, little is known about how this ideology impacted the political culture and physical space of the American West. This article explores the commemorative landscape of California to explain why a free state, far beyond the major military theaters of the Civil War, gave rise to such a vibrant Confederate culture in the twentieth century. California chapters of the United Daughters of the Confederacy (UDC) carried out much of this commemorative work. They emerged in California shortly after the organization's founding in Tennessee in 1894 and, over the course of a century, emblazoned the Western map with salutes to a slaveholding rebellion. In the process, the UDC and other Confederate organizations triggered a continental struggle over Civil War memory that continues to this day.

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