Dissertationen: „Cause of war“

1

Svensson, Jenny. „Foreign Aid as a Cause of War“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403376.

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2

Fogg, Erik (Erik D. ). „Generalizing power transitions as a cause of war“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53080.

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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-70).
In this thesis, I ask three questions about the nature of power transition theory. First, I ask whether power transition theory can be generalized beyond identification of great powers or regional hierarchies. Lemke and Werner introduce the concept of a multiple hierarchical order, in which mutually relevant regional powers can go to war over dissatisfaction with a regional status quo. I submit that this concept can be generalized into a continuous concept to include all states within the umbrella of the theory. Second, I ask how often status quo states initiate war in power transition cases. Jack Levy explains that status quo states have a motive to launch a preemptive war against a revisionist state, before it becomes too powerful to defeat. I submit that these motivations lead to a high incidence of status quo actor-initiated war in power transitions. Finally, I ask whether the rate of change of relative power matters during a transition period. I hypothesize that quick changes in the relative difference in power between two states would create a fast-closing window of opportunity. This closing window creates a crisis and motivates leaders to move quickly, leading to a higher probability of avoidable war. Incorporation of rate of power transition could explain war in power transition cases yet to achieve true parity, or even explain peace in a period of parity and revisionism. To test these questions, I create a large, inclusive (571,000+ N) dataset of nearly all dyads between 1821 and 2001, using the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capabilities as the basis of power independent variables, and a composite of distance and power measurements to determine the relevance independent variable. I run a number of regressions of the power and relevance independent variables against the onset of war. I reach decisive conclusions about the nature of power dynamics in the international system, and propose their incorporation into the power transition literature. Generalized, continuous measurements of relevance, parity, and rate of change of power transition increase the explanatory power of the model; the revisionist state does not always or even usually provoke power transition war; finally, higher rates of power transition lead to a higher probability of war. The thesis ends with a number of shortfalls with the model I propose, and a number of further revisions and expansions of power transition theory.
by Erik Fogg.
S.M.and S.B.

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3

Larsson, Amanda. „Not Just War, But A Just War : Individual rights versus the collective good in just cause for war“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Filosofiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-433324.

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4

Farooq, Hassan, und Ivan Astanosov Zapryanov. „The cult of reputation: deterrent or a cause of war?“ Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/44557.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
A reputation for resolve, used to predict an actor’s future intentions with reasonable accuracy based on his past actions, is central to many deterrence theories. The assumption is that states use other actors’ past behavior as a learning schema for generating expectations, and act according to such expectations. However, there are other powerful determinants in international politics—military capabilities, distribution of power, and interests at stake, etc.—that shape states’ policies. Nonetheless, decision makers assign to their states’ reputation the status of symbolic capital, in order to add credibility to their future threats and commitments, or to credibly deter adversaries’ future threats. They generally believe that their allies and adversaries infer the state’s resolve from its past behavior. In this paper we analyze how this belief and the consequent quest for building, preserving, and/or restoring reputation can push decision-makers into the vortex of conflicts.

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5

Jorgenson, Christer Ivar Ole. „The common cause : the life and death of the Anglo-Swedish Alliance against France,1805-1809“. Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317901/.

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This thesis will view the Napoleonic War from three distinct angles. Firstly, as a world war that was fought beyond the narrow confines of Europe where events on other continents were as important as those taking place in Europe. Secondly, the thesis will view the war from an Anglo-Swedish angle with an emphasis upon the northern and Baltic regions of Europe. This region of Europe is often forgotten when the Napoleonic War is written about despite the fact it was of vital economic and strategic importance to Britain. Thirdly, this military contest between the Great Powers will be viewed from 'below' or in other words from the perspective of a minor power unable to influence events as much as these powers. One good reason for Anglo-Swedish friendship was the strong trade links between the two countries, which led to their successful but neglected economic sabotage of Napoleon's Continental system. Yet economic factors, though vital, did not primarily account for the creation and continued life of the 'common cause'. Instead geopolitical and ideological factors gave rise to the 'common cause'. Firstly, although seeing themselves as nations apart from the continent Sweden and Britain's independence and strategic security depended upon no one power being able to upset or usurp the European balance of power. Secondly, in the eyes of Swedish and British conservatives (they ruled both countries for most of the alliance's life) Napoleonic France was not only a direct threat to their external security but Napoleon also came to symbolise everything they disliked about the new European order. To the architect of the alliance, Gustavus IV , and his fellow conservatives, Napoleon had to be defeated at all costs if Sweden, Britain and all of Europe was to survive. But the conservatives had a monopoly on neither political power nor the truth, for powerful groups in both countries opposed the war with Napoleon. These groups, in opposition during most of the war in both countries,believed an accommodation with Napoleon was possible. In 1806 the British Whigs tried and failed to find a peaceful accommodation with Napoleon. Following defeat at Russian hands and the diversion of British interest to the Iberian peninsula, the Anglo-Swedish alliance was almost dead when in early 1809 the Swedish opposition took power through a coup. They managed, unlike their British colleagues, to get peace with Napoleon, but at a high price. Defeat, despair and domestic turmoil the following year led to the election of marshal Bernadotte as ruler of Sweden. Within two years Bernadotte had begun rebuilding the 'common cause' with Britain, and in 1814 Sweden finally saw its great protagonist Napoleon defeated. The pro-war line had showed itself to be the only realistic and viable long-term option for either country.

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6

Schuetze, Jennifer Johanna. „To cause or not to cause, that is the question : the prosecutorial standard for incitement at international criminal law“. Thesis, McGill University, 2005. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82670.

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The prosecutorial standard for incitement is subject to different approaches in the common law and civil law traditions respectively. The most crucial difference lies in the role attributed to the result as a definitional element of the offence. While the civil law generally characterizes proof of results as a prerequisite to liability, the common law views it as significant but not determinative of guilt. This divergence is expounded at the international level, which condones both approaches with respect to different crimes, employing the common law approach only to genocide and relegating all other crimes to the purview of the civil law approach. The practical effect is a focus on the gravity of the substantive crime to which incitement attaches, rather than on the crucial role of incitement itself. This thesis will seek to elucidate the parameters of this debate with the aim of deconstructing and redrawing preconceived barriers in international criminal law.

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7

Ping, Laura Jane. „Life in an Occupied City: Women in Winchester, Virginia During the Civil War“. VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10156/2164.

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8

Rodriguez, Ismael. „George S. Patton Jr. and the Lost Cause Legacy“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699940/.

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Historians have done their duty in commemorating an individual who was, as Sidney Hook’s Hero in History would describe, an “event making-man.” A myriad of works focused on understanding the martial effort behind George S. Patton Jr. from his ancestral lineage rooted in military tradition to his triumph during the Second World War. What is yet to be understood about Patton, however, is the role that the Civil War played in his transformation into one of America’s iconic generals. For Patton, the Lost Cause legacy, one that idealized the image of the Confederate soldier in terms of personal honor, courage, and duty, became the seed for his preoccupation for glory.

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9

Moody, III John Wesley. „Demon of the Lost Cause: General William Tecumseh Sherman and the Writing of Civil War History“. Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_diss/12.

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This dissertation will examine the formation of the myth that William T. Sherman laid waste to the state of Georgia in 1864, and almost single-handedly invented the concept of “total war.” It will also examine how Sherman’s reputation has evolved over the years from accusations of being a Southern sympathizer and traitor at the end of the Civil War to the modern image of Sherman as the destroyer of the old South. William Tecumseh Sherman was the most controversial general of the American Civil War. The modern image of Sherman is either a destructive monster who violated the laws of civilized warfare or a strategic genius who invented modern warfare. Both of these images have evolved over the years. In large part, they have been the product of Lost Cause writers trying to reinterpret the history of the war, but also the product of Union generals and politicians attempting to glorify their own place in the history of the war, men with personal grudges against the general and modern historians using Sherman to make their own arguments about contemporary society. The sources used for this dissertation were the journals, letters and memoirs of the participants. The Official Records of both the Union and Confederacy were examined as well as nineteenth and twentieth century newspapers and magazines. This dissertation will show that the modern conception of General Sherman is not the same as the historical fact, but rather a post-war creation. Individuals’ agendas have created and sustained the myth of Sherman to explain defeat in the Civil War, justify later military strategy, condemn later conflicts and for personal gain. It is not enough to know that historical events as commonly understood are inaccurate; it is important to understand how and why these inaccuracies came about.

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10

Pollard, Emily Lois. „The ethics of war : a new individualist rights-based account of just cause and legitimate authority“. Thesis, Durham University, 2017. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/12275/.

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My thesis focuses upon the ad bellum criteria of just cause and, to a lesser extent, legitimate authority. I begin by developing an account of the individual right to self-defence, grounded upon the individual right to lead a flourishing life, drawing upon Jeff McMahan’s and Judith Jarvis Thomson’s rights-based accounts of defence, and developing a dual account of liability to attack. I then outline a broadly individualist account of just cause, based upon this account of the individual right to defence. I explain what kinds of just causes for war would exist, based upon the delegation of individual defensive rights to a collective entity. Following this, I develop an asymmetrical account of the rights of combatants, based upon the dual account of liability. I argue that most unjust combatants are weakly liable, and I propose a general presumption of weak liability for both just and unjust combatants. I suggest that unjust combatants may therefore possess at least some rights of individual defence, but that just combatants have additional war rights resulting from taking part in a wider act of defence. Finally, I expand upon my argument concerning the delegation of individual defensive rights, by explaining which types of collective entity may receive delegated defensive rights and how such rights are delegated, and I also argue that collective entities which have been delegated individual defensive rights are therefore legitimate authorities, based upon a definition of legitimate authority as moral authority. Overall, my thesis aims to develop an individualist account of just cause, grounded upon the delegation of individual defensive rights to a collective entity, and to use my account to develop an asymmetric account of combatants’ rights and a rights-based account of legitimate authority.

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11

Moody, John Wesley. „Demon of the Lost Cause General William Tecumseh Sherman and the writing of Civil War history /“. restricted, 2008. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-01142009-194658/.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2008.
Title from file title page. Wendy Hamand Venet, committee chair; Timmothy Crimmins, Charles Steffen, committee members. Description based on contents viewed Sept. 22, 2009. Includes bibliographical references.

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12

Duby, Rachel Christine. „The Myth of the Lost Cause and Tennessee Textbooks, 1889-2002“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2005. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1034.

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The Myth of the Lost Cause is an inaccurate account of the Civil War that remains prominent in American society. The myth alters key aspects of the war such as its cause, participants, and outcome. It is my hypothesis that one reason many Americans misunderstand the war is because they learned inaccurate information as children. Most children first learn of the war in school textbooks. I became curious as to the accuracy of Civil War information. As there is little research on this topic, this paper begins the process of bridging the gap between education curriculum and the Lost Cause. I examined textbooks used in Tennessee schools between 1889-2002. I discovered that the Lost Cause is most prominent in textbooks used in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century but remains present in modern textbooks. I conclude that material will continue to correct itself as the twenty-first century continues.

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13

Pillot, Clémence. „“A cause for readjustment of values?”. English public schools and social inclusion (1914-1951)“. Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL111.

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Cette thèse porte sur les neuf principales public schools anglaises entre 1914 et 1951, de la Grande Guerre à la fin de l’expérience travailliste. Elle revient sur la période de l’entre-deux-guerres, dans laquelle sont progressivement remises en cause les valeurs de la masculinité chrétienne promues par les écoles, alors que la critique se fait aussi politique à l’égard d’un système privé perçu comme de plus en plus inégalitaire. Cette étude montre que pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les public schools confrontées aux bombardements, à la mobilisation, à l’évacuation et à l’effort de guerre, apparaissent plus en phase avec la communauté nationale et que les écoles manifestent la volonté de maintenir, au-delà des années de guerre, un esprit de coopération nationale. Ce travail suggère enfin que les réformes éducatives des années 1940, dont le Fleming Report qui recommandait l’admission de 25% d’élèves issus de l’enseignement public, peinent cependant à rapprocher les systèmes privé et public dans la période de l’après-guerre
This thesis focuses on the nine leading English public schools from 1914 to 1951, i.e. from the Great War to the end of the first Labour majority governments. It looks back on the interwar years, when the Muscular Christian values championed by public schools were progressively challenged, and politicised criticism was levelled at the social exclusiveness of the private system. This study shows that during World War Two, public schools were confronted to bombings, the calling-up of masters, evacuation schemes and the war effort, and appeared more attuned to the national community. Lead players in the field of private education also expressed their wish to maintain a spirit of national cooperation beyond the war years. However, this work finally suggests that the educational reforms of the 1940s, including the Fleming Report, which recommended the admission of 25% of students from state schools, failed to bring public schools more in line with the state system in the post-war period

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14

Waterman, G. Scott. „The Common Cause of All Advanced and Progressive Mankind: Proletarian Internationalism, Spain, and the American Communist Press, 1936 - 1937“. ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2015. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/421.

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In July 1936, units of the Spanish military, backed by a collection of domestic right-wing elements and by fascist governments elsewhere in Europe, staged a rebellion against the legally constituted national government that had been elected five months previously. The governing bloc, an ideologically broad coalition of liberal republicans, Marxists, and anarchists known as the People's Front, embodied the strategy formulated by Stalin and the Communist International (Comintern) in Moscow to stem the advance of international fascism and mitigate the danger it posed to the Soviet Union and, by extension, the communist movement and the global radical working class it represented. During the destructive and bloody civil war that ensued, the Comintern sponsored recruitment of anti-fascist volunteer fighters from around the world. Before the war ended, nearly 3,000 Americans had surreptitiously traveled to Spain to defend its republican government. This thesis addresses the question of how these volunteers came to develop an allegiance to their global political and social movement strong enough to motivate them to risk death in what they perceived to be its defense against fascism. Drawing on the theoretical formulations of political scientists Benedict Anderson and David Malet, this thesis will demonstrate that over the course of a century, radical proletarian internationalism developed into a community of working-class revolutionaries, mostly within or allied to communist parties, whose shared ideological formulations and sociopolitical aspirations bound them together, irrespective of nationality. American members of that global community - whose numbers and influence had recently expanded in the context of the Great Depression and the People's Front strategy of liberal-left conciliation - had their perceptions and priorities about the Spanish crisis shaped by the American communist press. Examination and analysis of its coverage of the political, social, and military dimensions of the conflict there will demonstrate it to have been copious and persistent, imparting unmistakably to its readership the centrality of the Spanish people's struggle against fascism in the defense of the global working class, whose political and social survival was at stake. The thesis will argue, in the context of the contentious historiography of American communism, that although the messages conveyed to American proletarian internationalists via the communist press reflected policies and priorities determined in Moscow and designed to serve the interests of the Soviet state, American anti-fascists were for the most part well informed ideologues whose decisions reflected both the concerted influences of their movement's leadership as well as their own deep commitments to a more equitable world.

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15

Hollingsworth, David E. „God's will and the southern cause the interpretation of the providence of God by southern clergy during the War between the States /“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1997. http://www.tren.com.

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16

George, Aaron Geoffrey Lewis. „When Cowboys Come Home: Re-Imagining Manhood in Post-World War II America“. The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1491953123424439.

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17

Pillot, Clémence. „“A cause for readjustment of values?”. English public schools and social inclusion (1914-1951)“. Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL111.

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Cette thèse porte sur les neuf principales public schools anglaises entre 1914 et 1951, de la Grande Guerre à la fin de l’expérience travailliste. Elle revient sur la période de l’entre-deux-guerres, dans laquelle sont progressivement remises en cause les valeurs de la masculinité chrétienne promues par les écoles, alors que la critique se fait aussi politique à l’égard d’un système privé perçu comme de plus en plus inégalitaire. Cette étude montre que pendant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, les public schools confrontées aux bombardements, à la mobilisation, à l’évacuation et à l’effort de guerre, apparaissent plus en phase avec la communauté nationale et que les écoles manifestent la volonté de maintenir, au-delà des années de guerre, un esprit de coopération nationale. Ce travail suggère enfin que les réformes éducatives des années 1940, dont le Fleming Report qui recommandait l’admission de 25% d’élèves issus de l’enseignement public, peinent cependant à rapprocher les systèmes privé et public dans la période de l’après-guerre
This thesis focuses on the nine leading English public schools from 1914 to 1951, i.e. from the Great War to the end of the first Labour majority governments. It looks back on the interwar years, when the Muscular Christian values championed by public schools were progressively challenged, and politicised criticism was levelled at the social exclusiveness of the private system. This study shows that during World War Two, public schools were confronted to bombings, the calling-up of masters, evacuation schemes and the war effort, and appeared more attuned to the national community. Lead players in the field of private education also expressed their wish to maintain a spirit of national cooperation beyond the war years. However, this work finally suggests that the educational reforms of the 1940s, including the Fleming Report, which recommended the admission of 25% of students from state schools, failed to bring public schools more in line with the state system in the post-war period

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18

Lyons, Renee. „Contribution as Method: A Book Talk for Foreign-Born American Patriots: Sixteen Volunteer Leaders in the Revolutionary War“. Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2014. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5348.

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Constituting a proposal for a book talk associated with the scholarly title Foreign-Born American Patriots: Sixteen Volunteer Leaders of the Revolutionary War, the presenter of this session (and author of the book) will introduce the scholarly work to participants for the purpose of highlighting research based in contribution, rather than interpretation. The author will detail the means by which the investigation of human experience and work product, storylines/patterns, and social cause may provide the context for creative scholarly works. The author will also reveal the unique contribution of Foreign Born American Patriots to historical and Southern Studies discourse, the book serving, up through the date of this proposal, as the only collective work regarding those foreigners who helped the newly formed United States defeat the British Army (many battles fought in the Southern States).

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19

Beilein, Joseph M. „"The presence of these families is the cause of the presence there of the guerrillas" the influence of Little Dixie households on the Civil War in Missouri /“. Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/4512.

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Thesis (M.A.) University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (May 18, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

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20

Aggar, Samia. „La responsabilité de proteger : un nouveau concept ?“ Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0434/document.

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La responsabilité internationale est un ensemble de conséquences liées à laviolation des obligations internationales, soit le lien juridique par lequel un sujet de droitinternational est tenu, envers un ou plusieurs autres sujets, d’adopter un comportementdéterminé ou de s’en abstenir. S’il y a un comportement illicite, la Communautéinternationale peut intervenir, c’est ce que l’on dénomme souvent « droit d’ingérence ». Cedernier a évolué récemment vers une nouvelle terminologie introduite dans le rapport de laCIISE : « responsabilité de protéger ». C’est un concept selon lequel les Etats souverains ontl’obligation de protéger leurs propres populations contre des catastrophes de grande ampleur.Dans la dynamique du dépassement de l’antagonisme entre souveraineté et intervention, nousanalyserons le comportement de la Communauté internationale face à la « responsabilité deprotéger », le rôle qui lui incombe lorsque l’Etat faillit à ses obligations. Au-delà de cesauteurs, il reste encore à définir quels sont les bénéficiaires de cette protection, sa mise enœuvre et ses limites. Si la notion de « responsabilité de protéger » ne constitue pas seulementune nouvelle terminologie, garantit-t-elle un degré de protection plus élevé par rapport au« droit d’ingérence »
International responsibility is a set of consequences connected to the violation ofinternational obligations, this being the legal ties which bind a subject of international law toadopt a defined way of behaving towards another or others or to abstain. If there is illicitconduct the International Community can intervene, which is often named “right ofintervention”. The latter hasrecently developeda new terminology introduced in the (ICISS)report: “responsibility to protect”. It is a concept according to which the sovereign states havethe obligation to protect their own populations against large-scale catastrophes.From theperspective of going beyond the opposition between sovereignty and intervention we willanalyse the behaviour of the International Community faced with the “responsibility toprotect”, its incumbent role when the state fails in its obligations.Aside from its creators itremains to be seen who will benefit from this protection, its implementation and its limits. Ifthe notion of the “responsibility to protect” not only constitutes new terminology, does itchange an issue already raised by the “right of intervention”: military deployment with aimswhich are not purely military?

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21

Troy, Daniel Conor. „Ruining the King’s Cause in America: The Defeat of the Loyalists in the Revolutionary South, 1774-1781“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1436285532.

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22

Hasslöf, Victor. „CONSCRIPTION WITH CONSEQUENCES? Exploring the Effects of Military Personnel Supply Method Choice on Civil War Onset“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-431926.

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Positing that the characteristics of a state’s military has an effect on civil war outbreak likelihood, this thesis examines a hitherto unexplored relationship —that between military personnel supply method and civil war onset. Based on earlier research on the two phenomena separate from each other, a theory linking conscription to an increased probability of civil war onset compared to voluntary service was developed and an hypothesis derived. A test was then performed by means of several large-n multivariate logistic regression analyses on two sets of country-year level data from 1945 – 1999. Ultimately, the null hypothesis could not be rejected. Results instead indicate that voluntary service might result in a higher probability of civil war onset. This finding is however not statistically significant at the standard level. These findings are of importance for the shaping of military policy, especially in at-risk-of-civil-war countries, and it is strongly suggested that the examined relationship be further investigated in future research.

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23

Quek, Ch-yuan Kaiy. „Rationalist causes of war : mechanisms, experiments, and East Asian wars“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/84849.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references.
This dissertation specifies and tests rationalist mechanisms of war. Why would rational states fight each other despite their incentives for peaceful bargains that would avoid the costs of war? In the rationalist theory of war, private information and the commitment problem are the key causes of war. I study the effects of these factors - and the mechanisms regulating their effects - through randomized experiments, historical analysis of the decision processes in three wars, and a comparative study of all international wars fought in East Asia in the last century. This is the first integrated study of rationalist causes of war that combines randomized experiments with historical cases. Despite a wide theoretical literature, there are few empirical tests of rationalist explanations for war. I use experimental and historical evidence to show that the commitment problem has strong positive effects on conflict. The effects of private information are less clear. Next, I specify six mechanisms that regulate the effects of the commitment problem and the private-information problem: three mechanisms (exogenous, endogenous, and inadvertent enforcement) for the first problem and three mechanisms (signaling with sunk cost, implementation cost, and salient contradiction) for the second. The experimental and historical evidence largely converge. Each of the three enforcement mechanisms calms the commitment problem and reduces the risk of conflict. Evidence for the three signaling mechanisms is mixed. Finally, I use the case universe of East Asian wars to assess the relevance of the mechanisms, suggest theoretical refinements, and infer alternative theories of war.
by Ch-yuan Kaiy Quek.
Ph.D.

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24

Lyons, Renee' C. „Contribution as Method: A Book Talk for Foreign-Born American Patriots: Sixteen Volunteer Leaders in the Revolutionary War“. Digital Commons@Georgia Southern, 2014. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/cssc/2014/2014/10.

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Constituting a proposal for a book talk associated with the scholarly title Foreign-Born American Patriots: Sixteen Volunteer Leaders of the Revolutionary War, the presenter of this session (and author of the book) will introduce the scholarly work to participants for the purpose of highlighting research based in contribution, rather than interpretation. The author will detail the means by which the investigation of human experience and work product, storylines/patterns, and social cause may provide the context for creative scholarly works. The author will also reveal the unique contribution of Foreign Born American Patriots to historical and Southern Studies discourse, the book serving, up through the date of this proposal, as the only collective work regarding those foreigners who helped the newly formed United States defeat the British Army (many battles fought in the Southern States).

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25

Bui, Alexandra. „Contribution à l'étude des facteurs de non-respect du droit international humanitaire“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM1064/document.

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Le droit international humanitaire fait partie de ses rares branches du droit international qui bénéficient d’une très large adhésion de la part de la Communauté Internationale et de la société civile. Les juridictions internationales, Cour Internationale de Justice et Tribunal Pénal International, ainsi que la doctrine se sont accordés pour voir dans les règles du droit des conflits armés des normes dotées d’une valeur supérieure aux normes ordinaires. Elles ont ainsi été qualifiées d’obligations erga omnes, de principes intransgressibles du droit international et enfin de jus cogens ou normes impératives. Il ne saurait y avoir de plus grande reconnaissance juridique au sein de l’ordre public international à ce jour. En sus, le droit international humanitaire apparaît comme un des éléments fondamentaux d’une morale internationale dans un monde globalisé. Aux côtés des États et du CICR, la société civile s’est emparée de la question de son respect et même de son développement et nombre d’organisations internationales travaillent en ce sens. On ne pourrait ainsi envisager une situation plus propice à son respect que cette unanime consécration juridique et sociale. Pourtant le droit international humanitaire est violé à chaque seconde qui passe. L’objet de cette thèse est de tenter de réfléchir aux facteurs qui expliquent la récurrence de ces violations, qu’ils soient juridiques, anthropologiques ou sociologiques
International humanitarian law is one of the rare domains of international law which receive almost the entire support of the International Community and the Civil Society. Moreover, almost all of the rules that form international humanitarian law are part of international customary law which is compulsory for all, except for persistent objector. International jurisdictions, International Court of Justice and International Criminal Court, as well as doctrine agree that the rules of the law of armed conflict should be considered of superior value compared to ordinary norms. They have been qualified as obligations erga omnes, intransgressible principles of international law and even as jus cogens or imperative law. One cannot think of a better legal acknowledgment. Furthermore, international humanitarian law, at least its essential principles, appears to be one of the fundamental elements of an international moral in a globalized world. With the States and the ICRC, civil society has seized the question of its respect and even its development and many NGO work for it. We couldn’t contemplate a more favorable situation to ensure its respect that this unanimous legal and social recognition. However, the international humanitarian law is infringed every passing second. The aim of this thesis is to try to study the factors which explain the recurrence of infringements, be them legal, anthropological or sociological

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Lauck-Dunlop, Penny L. Crystal Jill. „Marketing war a case study comparison of wars between the United States and Iraq /“. Auburn, Ala, 2008. http://repo.lib.auburn.edu/EtdRoot/2008/SPRING/Political_Science/Dissertation/PENNY_LAUCK_002.pdf.

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27

Huraysi, Mohammed. „Press Freedom in Saudi Arabia War Reporting: A Case Study of the Gulf and Yemen Wars“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609168/.

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This study examined press freedom in Saudi Arabia coverage in two study periods, which are the Gulf and Yemen wars. Six Saudi newspapers, which represent Saudi regions, have been content analyzed. They are: Al Riyadh, Al Yaum, Al Nadwah, Mecca, Okaz, and Al Jazirah. The major questions are: What are the most salient issues Saudi newspapers dealt with in their editorials during the study period? What are the differences between the two periods of study? And what are the differences between the editorial features of the Gulf and Yemen wars? The normative theory-press freedom theory was conducted for this study. The results support the lack of press freedom during the Gulf War. In contrast, some newspapers have significantly improved their performance during the Yemen War, using a higher level of press freedom.

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Malmgren, Victor. „The Reconceptualized War : A critical analysis of the new war theory through a case study of the Yemen War“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-177680.

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The much-debated new war theory suggest that a new type of organized violence has developed during the last decades of the twentieth century. These new wars occur during an era of globalization and differ from old wars concerning four factors: the goals, the actors, the finance, and the methods. One of these new wars is the war in Yemen (2015-), a country divided and war torn, suffering the world's largest humanitarian crisis. The study aims to critically analyse the application of the new war theory through a qualitative singular case study of Yemen. The analysis shows that an understanding can be made about both Yemen and the theory. The Yemen War revolves around reinvented and/or rekindled particularistic identities, formerly kept under control, but now unleashed after years of exclusion, increasing economic gaps, the Arab Spring, and the dismantling of the central state during an era of globalization. The war took on decentralized characteristics, the Yemeni government lost its monopoly on violence leading to several state and non-state actors involved in the war. They are sometimes financed by external actors or through looting, racketeering, kidnapping, etc., all akin to the methods of new war warfare which sees civilians as the main victims. The study argues that an even greater understanding can be made by reformulating the theory as a process rather than as separate factors only showing the differences between new and old. The new war process shows the interconnectedness between the four factors, while simultaneously including other impactful new war terms and concepts such as globalization, the motives of war, and the reoccurring and persisting violence. Globalization then becomes part of the new war process rather than being a separate element.

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Prudnyk, Iuliia. „“Injection of war” : disentangling the Donbas war. A case study informed by Actor-Network Theory“. Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-8425.

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The following thesis presents an empirical investigation of hybrid war in eastern Ukraine, drawing on the insights from Actor- Network Theory and New Type Wars theory. Taking a different route in studying a complex phenomenon of hybrid war, this study focuses on the social-material networks which constitute the hybrid war. This thesis aims to identify the actors and analyse their interactions at different stages of war. Actor-Network Theory will be used in this research to ask the questions, what role do the non-human actors play in hybrid warfare in eastern Ukraine, and how do they affect the dynamics of war. Highlighting the significance of non-human actors, this thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on hybrid warfare in eastern Ukraine and thus shed light on the peculiarities of this phenomenon.

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Amankwah, Nana Akwasi Carleton University Dissertation Geography. „Resurgent tuberculosis? The case of post - war Ontario“. Ottawa, 1996.

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Bohman, Viking. „Syria: a state of imbalance and war : A case study of the civil war in Syria“. Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5938.

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This paper attempts to answer the question of why the war in Syria has been particularly long and violent. To do this, it draws upon the explanatory value of Benjamin Miller’s theory of regional war and peace (2007). The main claim here is that state weakness, a mismatch be- tween state boundaries and national identities, and great power competition in the area can explain why the war has been particularly long and violent. The study concludes that the fol- lowing major factors and their interacting effects have had a major role in protracting and ex- acerbating the war: weak Syrian nationalism; extreme Islamism; weakness of the Syrian state; competition between the West and Russia; and to a lesser extent, Kurdish presence and acts of relative disengagement by the United States.

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Forsberg, Sanna. „Violence Against Civilians in Civil War : A Comparative Case Study of the Sierra Leone Civil War“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314790.

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McGregor, C. D. „The 1979 Sino-Vietnamese War : causes, course and consequences“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317747.

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Öberg, Mattias. „Why Peace Where War Prevails? : Comparing Puntland and Somaliland“. Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-175172.

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For long the discipline of peace studies have investigated causes of war, rather than causes of peace, in an African context. In the northern peripheries of Somalia, a nation ravaged by civil war and conflict, two apparent peace zones have emerged following the complete state collapse of 1991: Somaliland and Puntland. The study explores whether or not these two realities of peace can be defined and characterised as Zones of Peace, or sanctuaries, amidst a civil war. Utilising the analytical tools of Zones of Peace – hitherto applied on conflictual contexts elsewhere but the Horn of Africa – this study suggests that both Somaliland and Puntland are, despite the territorial conflict between them, peace zones granting shelter from the civil war. Suggestively, peace has prevailed in both Puntland and Somaliland due to Somalia’s deteriorated situation, not in spite of it. The study concludes that in order to optimise research concerning Somaliland’s and Puntland’s peace(s), the framework of Zones of Peace can offer in-depth insights on local everyday milieus. The framework partially explains why these local peace(s) has lasted despite lacking external attention and allow for thorough comparison between two homogenous cases. Lastly, both Puntland’s and Somaliland’s inviolability and durability remain unchallenged and rigorous, possibly because of the civil war’s status quo, and since the international community’s foci on south- and central Somalia persists.

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Khan, K. „Psychiatric morbidity amongst ex Far East prisoners of war more than thirty years after repatriation“. Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381265.

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Sumner, Dianne Leigh. „Success of terrorism in war : the case of Chechnya /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA354487.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1999.
"September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-85). Also Available online.

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Heleta, Savo. „Post-war reconstruction and development: a collective case study“. Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1008049.

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Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries.

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Gberie, Lansana. „War and state collapse, the case of Sierra Leone“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq24378.pdf.

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Lemmons, Taylor. „Justice in Migration: A Case Study for War Refugees“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1562.

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More now than ever, the status of war refugees and the standard of how certain global actors are obligated to treat them is of the utmost importance. Often, within a conventional sense of justice it is difficult to determine blame for the suffering of refugees because multiple actors play significant roles in the events leading up to displacement. This paper is an analysis of five prominent arguments regarding justice in migration for war refugees. I also present my own formulation of a principle that dictates how we should treat refugees. In conceiving this principle, I concentrated specifically on people displaced from Iraq and Syria. This focus came directly in response to the recent Executive Order 13769, titled “Protecting the Nation from Foreign Terrorist Entry into the United States.” I examine the philosophical conceptions of moral repair, moral blame, and humanitarian obligation within the context of the executive order and the sociological factors and implications in its institution.

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Nemeth, William J. „Future war and Chechnya : a case for hybrid warfare“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FNemeth.pdf.

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Genet, Terry Nathar. „Resolution or Recess? An Empirical Analysis of the Causes of Recurring Civil War“. Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/990.

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One of the most concerning trends associated with the ongoing problem of civil wars is that conflicts often flare-up a short period after they appeared to have ended. While significant progress has been made in the study of post-civil war peace building and the causes of civil wars, the tendency for civil wars to recur is one factor which has been largely overlooked. This thesis addresses this shortcoming by analysing the causes of recurring civil war using statistical methods. Relevant civil war research was consulted and hypotheses pertaining to the variables which might influence civil war recurrence were formulated. These factors are organised in a contingency framework which suggests that conflict recurrence is dependent on both pre- and post-conflict environments as well as factors associated with how the original conflict was fought. The Uppsala Conflict Data Program/Centre for the Study of Civil War Armed Conflict Dataset was used to produce a dataset of 238 civil wars which were fought between 1946 and 2004. Additional data pertaining to specific hypotheses was collected from a range of other sources. Statistical analysis was conducted to determine the strength and direction of relationships between different variables and civil war recurrence. Several factors were found to have a significant relationship with civil war recurrence: ethnic diversity, conflicts which were fought over territorial issues and conflicts which were not ended by military victory, particularly those which ended as a result of low or no fatalities. These findings are discussed with reference to improving civil war management and policy recommendations are presented.

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Hannah, Jennifer Reiss Stone Sara J. „A portrait of war case studies of the Operation Iraqi Freedom media embed program /“. Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5057.

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Gourley, Bernard. „Playing a poor hand well : weak actors face the Russian war machine“. Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/30659.

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Winnett, Richard G. „The housing circumstances and preferences of elderly Australian veterans and war-widow(er)s“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1998. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/27564.

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This study set out to re—examine some of the assumptions behind Australia’s current housing policies. It is the first empirical Australian study which specifically addresses the housing circumstances and preferences of veterans and war-widow(er)s. Around 23% of Australian males and 7% of Australian females aged 65 or over are veterans or war-widows.

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Fleming, Colin Murray. „Testing the Clausewitzian 'trinity' : a theory of war for the modern world? :a case Study of the wars of former Yugoslavia (1991-1995)“. Thesis, University of London, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529487.

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Major, Mary Elizabeth. „War's Visual Discourse| A Content Analysis of Iraq War Imagery“. Thesis, Portland State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1535957.

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This study reports the findings of a systematic visual content analysis of 356 randomly sampled images published about the Iraq War in Time, Newsweek, and U.S. News and World Report from 2003-2009. In comparison to a 1995 Gulf War study, published images in all three newsmagazines continued to be U.S.-centric, with the highest content frequencies reflected in the categories U.S. troops on combat patrol, Iraqi civilians, and U.S. political leaders respectively. These content categories do not resemble the results of the Gulf War study in which armaments garnered the largest share of the images with 23%.

This study concludes that embedding photojournalists, in addition to media economics, governance, and the media-organizational culture, restricted an accurate representation of the Iraq War and its consequences. Embedding allowed more access to both troops and civilians than the journalistic pool system of the Gulf War, which stationed the majority of journalists in Saudi Arabia and allowed only a few journalists into Iraq with the understanding they would share information. However, the perceived opportunity by journalists to more thoroughly cover the war through the policy of embedding was not realized to the extent they had hoped for. The embed protocols acted more as an indirect form of censorship.

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Dolan, Christopher Gerald. „Understanding war and its continuation : the case of Northern Uganda“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/832/.

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This thesis addresses the question of why, when almost everyone says they wish it would end, suffering such as that in northern Uganda continues. I argue that, contrary to popular presentations, the situation is not primarily one of war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and the Government of Uganda, but instead a form of mass torture, which I call Social Torture. The principal victims are the population within the ‘war zone’, particularly in ‘protected villages’ for the internally displaced, where tactics and symptoms typical of torture, including violation, dread, disorientation, dependency, debilitation and humiliation, are widespread. The most visible perpetrators are the Government and LRA, but a range of less visible actors are also involved, not least donor governments, multi-lateral organisations, academics, churches and NGOs. In many instances these can be regarded as complicit bystanders; like doctors in a torture situation, they appear to be there to ease the suffering of victims, but in reality they enable the process to be prolonged by keeping the victim alive for further abuse. This serves a number of interlinked economic, political and psychological functions for perpetrators and bystanders alike, and is underpinned by psychological and discursive processes of justification, most importantly the idea that this situation is first and foremost a ‘war’ between the LRA and the Government. In short, in a situation such as northern Uganda, means and ends are inverted: rather than torture being a tactic with which to prosecute war, here war is the guise under which Social Torture is perpetrated. War continues because Social Torture is not addressed. Given that those who in principle have the most power to do so are implicated in Social Torture themselves, the focus has to shift from the intentions of visible perpetrators to the responsibilities of a far wider range of actors.

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Gassner, Patricia. „Icons of war photography : how war photographs are reinforced in collective memory : a study of three historical reference images of war and conflict“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2461.

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Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009.
There are certain images of war that are horrific, frightening and at the same time, due to an outstanding compositional structure, they are fascinating and do not allow its observers to keep their distance. This thesis examines three images of war that have often been described as icons of war photography. The images “children fleeing a napalm strike” by Nick Ut, “the falling soldier” by Robert Capa and Sam Nzima’s photograph of Hector Pieterson are historical reference images that came to represent the wars and conflicts in which they were taken. It has been examined that a number of different factors have an impact on a war photograph’s awareness level and its potential to commit itself to what is referred to as collective consciousness. Such factors are the aesthetical composition and outstanding formal elements in connection with the exact moment the photograph was taken, ethical implications or the forcefulness of the event itself. As it has been examined in this thesis, the three photographs have achieved iconic status due to different circumstances and criteria and they can be described as historical reference images representing the specific wars or conflicts. In this thesis an empirical study was conducted, questioning 660 students from Spain, South Africa and Vietnam about their awareness level regarding the three selected photographs. While the awareness level of the Spanish and the South African image was rather high in the countries of origin, they did not achieve such a high international awareness level as the Vietnamese photograph by Nick Ut, which turned out to be exceptionally well-known by all students questioned. Overall, findings suggest that the three selected icons of war photography have been anchored in collective memory. Ut, Robert Capa, Sam Nzima, semiotics, Spanish Civil War, the falling soldier, Vietnam War

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Pavils, J. G. „ANZAC culture : a South Australian case study of Australian identity and commemoration of war dead /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php3382.pdf.

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Turner, Duilia Mora. „Violent crime in post-civil war Guatemala: causes and policy implications“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45266.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Guatemala is one of the most violent countries in Latin America, and thus the world. The primary purpose of this thesis is to answer the following question: what factors explain the rise of violent crime in post-civil war Guatemala? The secondary focus of this thesis is to identify the transnational implications of Guatemala’s violence for U.S. policy. Guatemala’s critical security environment requires the identification of causal relationships and potential corrective actions. This thesis hypothesizes that the causes of violent crime in post-conflict Guatemala are the combination of weak institutional performance and social factors. Determining that Guatemala is not a consolidated democracy, this thesis concludes that a flawed judicial system, inadequate police reform, and weak civil control over the armed forces have a direct causal effect on violent crime in Guatemala. Furthermore, an analysis of social factors demonstrates that these are not causal in nature but rather influential elements in the occurrence of violence.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Cause of war“

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