Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Castles – Europe – Juvenile literature“

The Loštice goblets, goods primarily intended for a circle of high feudal lords originating from North Moravian workshops at the end of the Late Middle Ages, were used in the castles all over Central Europe. Their distribution in the area of medieval Slavonia has not been considered so far in specialist literature. However, archaeological excavations (and one historical record) confirm their presence at six Slavonian castles and one rural settlement. The local and foreign imitations of Loštice goblets have also been found on several Slavonian sites. These new data open up possibilities of further reflections on late medieval trade and fashion practised by the Central European medieval elites.

Of all the negative associations commonly made with medieval Europe, the subterranean world of the dungeon is one the darkest, and also one of the strongest. The dungeon serves as a physical locus for the metaphorical darkness of the (imagined) Middle Ages and yet, even though the dungeon should repulse us, we continue to be drawn towards it, both emotionally and physically. The dungeon inhabits our literature and our art as an established constant, an unambiguous resonance, but it also draws us in physically. We flock to see dimly lit chambers in castles and stately homes, or to pass through 'dark tourism' destinations like the London Dungeon. Every year millions of people voluntarily enter dungeons to be educated, shocked, appalled, and amused. This paper focuses on the phenomenon of the medieval dungeon as it exists in the popular imagination.

BackgroundIn 2012, a European initiative called Single Hub and Access point for pediatric Rheumatology in Europe (SHARE) was launched to optimise and disseminate diagnostic and management regimens in Europe for children and young adults with rheumatic diseases. Juvenile dermatomyositis (JDM) is a rare disease within the group of paediatric rheumatic diseases (PRDs) and can lead to significant morbidity. Evidence-based guidelines are sparse and management is mostly based on physicians' experience. Consequently, treatment regimens differ throughout Europe.ObjectivesTo provide recommendations for diagnosis and treatment of JDM.MethodsRecommendations were developed by an evidence-informed consensus process using the European League Against Rheumatism standard operating procedures. A committee was constituted, consisting of 19 experienced paediatric rheumatologists and 2 experts in paediatric exercise physiology and physical therapy, mainly from Europe. Recommendations derived from a validated systematic literature review were evaluated by an online survey and subsequently discussed at two consensus meetings using nominal group technique. Recommendations were accepted if >80% agreement was reached.ResultsIn total, 7 overarching principles, 33 recommendations on diagnosis and 19 recommendations on therapy were accepted with >80% agreement among experts. Topics covered include assessment of skin, muscle and major organ involvement and suggested treatment pathways.ConclusionsThe SHARE initiative aims to identify best practices for treatment of patients suffering from PRD. Within this remit, recommendations for the diagnosis and treatment of JDM have been formulated by an evidence-informed consensus process to produce a standard of care for patients with JDM throughout Europe.

In 2012, a European initiative called Single Hub and Access point for paediatric Rheumatology in Europe (SHARE) was launched to optimise and disseminate diagnostic and management regimens in Europe for children and young adults with rheumatic diseases. Juvenile localised scleroderma (JLS) is a rare disease within the group of paediatric rheumatic diseases (PRD) and can lead to significant morbidity. Evidence-based guidelines are sparse and management is mostly based on physicians’ experience. This study aims to provide recommendations for assessment and treatment of JLS. Recommendations were developed by an evidence-informed consensus process using the European League Against Rheumatism standard operating procedures. A committee was formed, mainly from Europe, and consisted of 15 experienced paediatric rheumatologists and two young fellows. Recommendations derived from a validated systematic literature review were evaluated by an online survey and subsequently discussed at two consensus meetings using a nominal group technique. Recommendations were accepted if ≥80% agreement was reached. In total, 1 overarching principle, 10 recommendations on assessment and 6 recommendations on therapy were accepted with ≥80% agreement among experts. Topics covered include assessment of skin and extracutaneous involvement and suggested treatment pathways. The SHARE initiative aims to identify best practices for treatment of patients suffering from PRDs. Within this remit, recommendations for the assessment and treatment of JLS have been formulated by an evidence-informed consensus process to produce a standard of care for patients with JLS throughout Europe.

Although evidence regarding the journey-to-crime in juvenile offenders is available for some areas of the world, little is known about their mobility patterns in Southern Europe. Variables such as prosocial facilities, transport stations, or socioeconomic backdrop have been proved to influence the traveled distance. Therefore, we aimed to confirm previous findings in the journey-to-crime literature using data provided by the Juvenile Justice Department of the Basque Country (Spain). Although some results are in line with those of previous studies, emphasizing the relevance of environmental factors for better understanding crime patterns in the juvenile population, other specific patterns also emerged that suggest the need to replicate research across countries and to consider specific behavior patterns and styles of spatial design in each study setting.

Abstract The criminal responsibility and the system of sanctioning juvenile offenders is one of fundamental criminal law issues. Individuals who start a criminal career early on are usually not easy to reintegrate into normal life. That is one reason why it is neces­sary to discuss the problem of juvenile justice in depth. The legal literature in the Czech Republic is devoted to this topic on a large scale, however Hungarian legislation has not yet been analysed fo purposes of comparation. The Czech Republic and Hungary fall under the United Nations categorization to Eastern Europe and therefore certain similar features can be assumed. On the other hand any identified differences may be the basis for future changes of the legislation.

Despite extensive engagement, children were invisible in the programs of the nineteenth-century Protestant missionary conferences. By the early 1900s this had noticeably changed as denominations and missionary organizations sought to maximize and enhance juvenile missionary interest. Childhood was the key stage in which to establish habits; the future depended upon “the education of the childhood of the race, in missionary matters as in all others.” Literature was pivotal and periodicals were deemed to be the most effective literary form. They provided the young with “impressions which will never be lost . . . nothing will appeal to the young more strongly than stories from beyond the seas, of strange people who know not of Christ, but who need His gospel.” Juvenile missionary periodicals were ubiquitous in Britain, Europe, and America, but they are still only partially understood. Adult and juvenile literature was qualitatively different so that “any adequate analysis . . . requires to be grounded in an understanding of the construction of childhood in the Victorian and Edwardian eras.” This task remains very much a work in progress. Most recent scholarship tends to discursively situate children's periodicals with respect to religion, culture, and politics. All agree on at least a broad two-fold function: the spiritual and the philanthropic. Periodicals per se were an integral part of a large and pervasive Victorian corpus of juvenile religious and moral literature. At the same time missionary periodicals were different. They emphasized child agency by encouraging a “participatory relationship” between readers and their subject. Children became active agents “in a diaologic relationship with [their] world.”

To quantify the impact of forest management practices and tree growth rate on the potential uses of Douglas-fir wood, nine physico-mechanical properties were studied on more than 1250 standardized clear specimens. These were collected from trees cut in 11 even-aged stands (six trees per stand) located in Wallonia (southern Belgium). Stands were 40 to 69 years old, and mean tree girth was ca. 150 cm. Mean ring width of the 66 trees ranged from 3 to more than 7 mm. Statistical analysis showed significant but weak effects of ring width on the studied properties. Considered jointly, mean ring width and cambial age of the test specimens only explained 28% to 40% of the variability of their properties. Also, when ring width increases, these properties display higher decreases in juvenile wood than in mature wood. From a technological standpoint, maintaining mean ring width under 4 mm in juvenile wood and 6 mm in mature wood should accommodate all potential uses of Douglas-fir wood. However, considering that density appeared to be the main driver of wood properties, our results and the literature corroborate the importance of genetic selection as a complement to silvicultural measures to improve or guarantee the technological properties of Douglas-fir wood.

The topotypes (adult and juvenile instars) of the arctic oribatid mite Hermannia scabra (L. Koch, 1879) (Oribatida, Hermanniidae) from Vaygach Island (easternmost arctic Europe) were investigated and compared with those of Hermannia gigantea Sitnikova, 1975 collected from southwest Taymyr Peninsula, northern Middle Siberia, resulting in the following new taxonomic proposal: Hermannia scabra (L. Koch, 1879) (= Hermannia gigantea Sitnikova, 1975, syn. nov.). The morphology of its all instars is described and illustrated in detail on the base of specimens collected from the northern West Siberia (Shokalsky Island). The main morphological traits are summarized. Two northern species of Hermannia with granulate notogaster, namely H. scabra and H. nodosa Michael, 1988, were regularly mixed up in the literature. Their differential diagnosis is provided after elaboration of spacious materials. The morphological differences of juvenile instars of five species of Hermannia (H. gibba (C.L. Koch, 1839), H. jesti Travé, 1977, H. nodosa, H. reticulata Thörell, 1871, and H. scabra) are given. The biotopic preferences of arctic members of Hermannia are briefly observed.

Juvenile instars of oribatid mites of the family Phenopelopidae are well known compared to most other families, however, information on the morphological ontogeny of the majority of species is still insufficient or unknown. Comparative characteristics of immatures of species of Phenopelopidae are given based on our own data and available literature sources. The major characteristics of immature instars of 11 species are presented, and the morphological ontogeny of Eupelops variatus (Mihelčič, 1957) is investigated based on material from southern Europe. From these studies, it can be generalized that the juvenile morphologies of phenopelopid genera are quite similar and uniform. The juveniles have plicate integument, marginally flattened opisthonotum, and short gastronotic setae c1, c3 and of the d-series. The juveniles of the phenopelopid species differ from one another in morphological characters such as body size, development of the prodorsal ridges, lamellar, interlamellar as well as gastronotic setae of c2, lp and h-series either in larva or nymphs, and all these characters have species-specific value.

The silk road path to the northern part from China to Europe and from southern paths to lateral paths of Iran- Mesopotamia to Antioch and Mediterranean, had been the place of construction the historical monuments and works such as castles, towers, mills, graves, and intercity Ribats. Sufi Ribats as the mystical orientation and educational centers had a special place in the Silk Road, these intermediate buildings are buildings that functioned militarily in the first centuries of Islam (8th, 9th, and 10th centuries AD), and over time have been used to mean monasteries. The architectural style of the Ribats was similar to that of a military castle, and most of them consisted of a rectangular building with four watchtowers. Examining the Ribats of the Silk Road, it will become clear that the architectural form and plan of the Ribats are very similar to those of religious schools and Caravanserais. The Sufi historians and researchers have recorded many reports over these Ribats, have investigated the introduction, application, and position of Ribats in detail and have left fairly invaluable information to the futures. In this regard, the historical books and Sufi educational books and mystical literature are endowed with reports over intra-city and intercity Ribats built mainly on the way of main paths, particularly the main path of the Silk Road and its lateral ways. In this article, these Ribats have been described in detail as well as their role on the Silk Road.

ABSTRACT During the nineteenth century the role of women was very much restricted. In the geosciences, women were not able to study and thus even less able to publish. Here the work of one female writer is presented who, due to her upbringing in an intellectual family with close connections to the most celebrated scientists in Prussia/Germany, such as Alexander von Humboldt, the mineralogist Christian Samuel Weiss, Ernst Haeckel and many others, was aware of scientific progress and the discussions of the times. Based on her unusual education by teachers and scientists and her intellectual abilities, and knowledge acquired through marriage to a well-established geoscientist, she wrote popular juvenile literature that included geological and palaeontological content. This scientific content was typically woven into fairy tales or novels for adolescent girls and served as a way to spread geoscientific knowledge to a large audience.

Russia's accession to the Council of Europe and the signing of relevant international agreements contributed to the development of regulations on the rights of a child and branching juvenile law in the Russian legal system. Meanwhile, it should be pointed out that processes of legal regulation in the field of the formation of the legislative basis of juvenile law are in some way incomplete, which is the result of the imperfection of the existing legal acts affecting the rights and interests of minors. The issue of the expediency of creating juvenile justice in Russia is being discussed for a long time in the legal papers and at the legislative level. The provision on the formation of juvenile justice was included in the 1991 Concept of Judicial Reform in the Russian Federation. Later, different authors worked out several draft Laws on Juvenile Justice. At parliamentary hearings in the State Duma, the prospects of creating juvenile courts in the system of courts of general jurisdiction were considered. Meanwhile, such close attention to the indicated problem does not have a significant impact on the increasing child and adolescent crime in the country. The plurality of the above-mentioned legal problems and their multifaceted nature necessitate improvement of justice in relation to minors. This raises a number of theoretical, legal, practical and ethical issues that require studying and adopting relevant decisions at the legislative level. Therefore, studies that allow analyzing the current Russian criminal procedure legislation from the point of view of the possibility of functioning of juvenile justice on its basis relying on international legal standards are really urgent. The criminal procedure legislation in the Russian Federation as a whole is focused on continuous improvement in the context of ensuring the maximum number of procedural guarantees of the legality of criminal proceedings, as well as observance of human rights with the application of their minimum restrictions, including in relation to such category of persons involved in criminal proceedings as minors. In this article, the authors consider the institution of juvenile justice as an additional guarantee of securing the rights of minors in criminal proceedings in Russia, propose the ways to address current and debatable aspects of this problem. The paper analyzes the current criminal procedural legislation, decisions of the Plenums of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation as well as the judgements of the courts in specific cases concerning the problems of the study. In the study of individual topics of the issue, scientific literature as well as statistical data have been used. The conclusions and proposals made in the work are aimed at improving the current legislation of the Russian Federation and law enforcement practice, and can also be used in the educational process.

Juvenile idiopathic arthritis (JIA) is the most common rheumatic disease in children and uveitis is its most important extra-articular manifestation. Evidence-based recommendations are available only to a limited extent and therefore JIA associated uveitis management is mostly based on physicians’ experience. Consequently, treatment practices differ widely, both nationally and internationally. Therefore, an effort to optimize and publish recommendations for the care of children and young adults with rheumatic diseases was launched in 2012 as part of the international project SHARE (Single Hub and Access Point for Pediatric Rheumatology in Europe) to facilitate clinical practice for paediatricians and (paediatric) rheumatologists. The aim of this work was to translate published international SHARE recommendations for the diagnosis and treatment of JIA associated uveitis and to adapt them for use in the Czech and Slovak Republics. International recommendations were developed according to the standard methodology of the European League against Rheumatism (EULAR) by a group of nine experienced paediatric rheumatologists and three experts in ophthalmology. It was based on a systematic literature review and evaluated in the form of an online survey and subsequently discussed using a nominal group technique. Recommendations were accepted if > 80% agreement was reached (including all three ophthalmologists). A total of 22 SHARE recommendations were accepted: 3 on diagnosis, 5 on disease activity assessment, 12 on treatment and 2 on future recommendations. Translation of the original text was updated and modified with data specific to the czech and slovak health care systems and supplemented with a proposal for a protocol of ophthalmological dispensarization of paediatric JIA patients and a treatment algorithm for JIA associated uveitis. Conclusion: The aim of the SHARE initiative is to improve and standardize care for paediatric patients with rheumatic diseases across Europe. Therefore, recommendations for the diagnosis and treatment of JIA-associated uveitis have been formulated based on the evidence and agreement of leading European experts in this field.

Abstract Objective This review examines time to access appropriate care for JIA patients and analyses the referral pathway before the first paediatric rheumatology (PR) visit. We also describe factors associated with a longer referral. Methods We performed a systematic literature review, screening electronic databases (PubMed, Web of Science, EMBASE, Cochrane library and Open Grey database) up to February 2020. Articles written before 1994 (i.e. before the introduction of the unifying term JIA) were excluded. Results From 595 nonduplicate citations found, 15 articles were finally included in the review. Most of the studies took place in Europe. The median time to first PR visit ranged from 3 to 10 months, with some disparities between referral pathway and patient characteristics. Patients with systemic-onset JIA had the shortest time to referral. Some clinical and biological factors such as swelling, fever, and elevated CRP and/or ESR were associated with a shorter time to first PR visit. Conversely, enthesitis, older age at symptom onset or pain were associated with a longer time. Whatever the country or world region, and despite disparities in healthcare system organization and healthcare practitioner availabilities, times to access PR were not wide-ranging. Conclusion This is the first systematic review to summarize research on access to PR for JIA patients. The pathway of care for JIA patients remains complex, and reasons for delayed referral depend on several factors. Standardized clinical guidelines and fast-track pathways to facilitate prompt referral to specialized teams have to allow for worldwide disparities in healthcare provision.

Objective.The current Juvenile Idiopathic Arthritis (JIA) Core Set was developed in 1997 to identify the outcome measures to be used in JIA clinical trials using statistical and consensus-based techniques, but without patient involvement. The importance of patient/parent input into the research process has increasingly been recognized over the years. An Outcome Measures in Rheumatology (OMERACT) JIA Core Set Working Group was formed to determine whether the outcome domains of the current core set are relevant to those involved or whether the core set domains should be revised.Methods.Twenty-four people from the United States, Canada, Australia, and Europe, including patient partners, formed the working group. Guided by the OMERACT Filter 2.0 process, we performed (1) a systematic literature review of outcome domains, (2) a Web-based survey (142 patients, 343 parents), (3) an idea-generation study (120 parents), (4) 4 online discussion boards (24 patients, 20 parents), and (5) a Special Interest Group (SIG) activity at the OMERACT 13 (2016) meeting.Results.A MEDLINE search of outcome domains used in studies of JIA yielded 5956 citations, of which 729 citations underwent full-text review, and identified additional domains to those included in the current JIA Core Set. Qualitative studies on the effect of JIA identified multiple additional domains, including pain and participation. Twenty-one participants in the SIG achieved consensus on the need to revise the entire JIA Core Set.Conclusion.The results of qualitative studies and literature review support the need to expand the JIA Core Set, considering, among other things, additional patient/parent-centered outcomes, clinical data, and imaging data.

BackgroundMany people with rheumatic and musculoskeletal diseases (RMDs) experience problems at work and some may even have to stop working due to ill health. In most countries, RMDs are a major cause of worker productivity loss. The peak age of onset of many adult onset RMDs is between ~30-50 years, meaning that the majority of patients are still in employment when diagnosed with their chronic disease. Uncertainty about employment prospects and job attainment is also a major concern for young adults with juvenile idiopathic arthritis (JIA) for whom their first job may influence their future employment prospects. From both a societal and patient perspective it is important to gain an understanding about the impact of juvenile and adult onset RMDs on work outcomes. Data comparing productivity loss with the general population are more relevant for care and healthcare planning. However, these data are more scarce and have not been summarized recently across RMDs.ObjectivesTo systematically summarize the literature on work outcomes in people with RMDs compared with the general population.MethodsA systematic literature review (SLR) was conducted to compare work outcomes in people with various RMDs (i.e. JIA, RA, PsA, AxSpA, SSc, SLE, gout, FM, and OA) with the general population or healthy controls as part of the EULAR Task Force on work. A search for eligible observational studies was performed in Medline, Embase and PsycInfo between 2000 and May 2021. Work outcomes were categorizedaccortding to employment status, work disability/stopped working due to ill health, absenteeism, presenteeism and other.Results541 abstracts were extracted and screened for eligibility. Results of 65 studies fulfilling the inclusion criteria were evaluated for this study, including 28 prospective/retrospective longitudinal cohort studies, 34 cross-sectional studies and 3 (nested) case-control studies. The majority of the studies were conducted in Europe (63.1%). The most common RMD evaluated was RA (26.2%) followed by OA (15.4%), SLE (15.4%), AxSpA (12.3%), FM (9.2%), mixed population (7.7%), JIA (7.7%), PsA (3.1%), SSc (1.5%), and gout (1.5%). In papers reporting disease duration (n=38), the majority of the study population had established disease (76.3%). Several work outcomes were evaluated with some papers reporting more than one work outcome: employment/work status (41.5%), unemployment (9.2%), work disability/pension or stopping work due to ill health (38.5%), absenteeism (52.3%), presenteeism (10.8%), and other (e.g. reduced working hours) (29.2%). Fifty-two papers applied statistical tests (e.g. indirect standardisation, logistic regression analysis, Cox regression analysis) to compare work outcomes in people with RMDs with a control/general population. The percentage of papers reporting the work outcomes to be worse, not significantly different or better in the RMD population compared to the control population (n papers included per work outcome; %) was, respectively: employment/work status (n=26; 73.1%, 23.0%, 3.8%), unemployment (n=6; 66.7%, 33.3%, 0%), work disability/stopping work (n=22; 90.9%, 9.4%, 0%), absenteeism (n=26; 92.3%, 7.7%, 0%), presenteeism (n=8; 87.5%, 12.2%, 0%), other (n=19; 84.2%, 15.8%, 0%).ConclusionDespite better disease management during the last two decades there is still a significant employment gap between people with RMDs and the general population. It is therefore essential that health professional organisations, policy makers, patient organisations and employers should collaborate to minimize the employment gap and optimize employment opportunities among people with juvenile and adult onset RMDs.Disclosure of InterestsSuzanne Verstappen Consultant of: EUOSHA, Grant/research support from: BMS, AbbVie, Pfizer, EULAR, Annelies Boonen Speakers bureau: Abbvie / Galapagos, Consultant of: Galapagos, Nicola Goodson Consultant of: UCB, Lilly, Abbvie, Novartis and Janssen, Grant/research support from: Novartis, Casper Webers: None declared, Maarten Butink: None declared, Neil Betteridge Consultant of: Amgen, Eli Lilly, EULAR, GAfPA, Grunenthal, Heart Valve Voice and Sanofi, Tanja Stamm Consultant of: AbbVie and Sanofi Genzyme, Grant/research support from: AbbVie and Roche, Dieter Wiek: None declared, Anthony Woolf: None declared, Hans Bijlsma: None declared, Gerd Rüdiger Burmester: None declared

In Europe, 82% of minors use a social network (SN). Although SNs offer opportunities for social interaction, they also involve some risks, such as online sexual victimization (OSV). As many as 39% of teenagers are estimated to be at risk of OSV. The literature suggests that risky online behaviors, such as sexting, indiscriminate expansion of SNs, and intimate and face-to-face relationships with strangers met online, can increase the risk of OSV among adolescents. The aim of the study was to investigate the prevalence of OSV and related risk factors in a sample of early adolescents. A cross-sectional study was conducted based on 310 Italian adolescents (12–14 years old) who completed the Juvenile Online Victimization Questionnaire (JOV-Q). Sixty percent of the sample reported at least one form of OSV, with males more at risk than females. Age, gender, and online risk behaviors are predictors of different kinds of OSV. In the whole sample, the most frequent kind of OSV was unwanted exposure to sexual content, followed by sexual pressure, online grooming, and sexual coercion. Sexting and indiscriminate expansion of one’s network increase the likelihood of having been the target of at least 1 OSV in the past year. Early adolescents can face a higher risk of OSV than adolescents, based on known percentages. The study of the prevalence and risk factors in this age group therefore deserves specific attention in order to design programs to prevent and combat OSV.

The North American terrapin, the red-eared slider, has globally recognized invasive status. We built a new extensive database using our own original and literature data on the ecology of this reptile, representing information on 1477 water bodies throughout Eurasia over the last 50 years. The analysis reveals regions of earliest introductions and long-term spatio-temporal dynamics of the expansion covering now 68 Eurasian countries, including eight countries reported here for the first time. We established also long-term trends in terms of numbers of terrapins per aquatic site, habitat occupation, and reproduction success. Our investigation has revealed differences in the ecology of the red-eared slider in different parts of Eurasia. The most prominent expression of diverse signs of invasion success (higher portion of inhabited natural water bodies, higher number of individuals per water body, successful overwintering, occurrence of juvenile individuals, successful reproduction, and establishment of populations) are typical for Europe, West Asia and East Asia and tend to be restricted to coastal regions and islands. Reproduction records coincide well with the predicted potential range based on climatic requirements but records of successful wintering have a wider distribution. This invader provides an excellent and possibly unique (among animals) example of wide alien distribution, without the establishment of reproducing populations, but through the recruitment of new individuals to rising pseudopopulations due to additional releases. Therefore, alongside the potential reproduction range, a cost-effective strategy for population control must take in account the geographical area of successful wintering.

The strong decline of freshwater fish species in Europe implies that further ex-situ conservation plans should be implemented in the near future. The present study reflects our experience with the Pyrenean sculpin (Cottus hispaniolensis Bacescu-Mester, 1964)—a small cottid endemic to the Hispano-French Garona River basin. In recent years, the Spanish Pyrenean sculpin population has reached a limit situation. Because of that, the non-profit association ADEFFA—with support from the public administration—started the first captive breeding program for this species in 2006. Fourteen years later, this study presents the results and evaluates the different steps of the program, with the aim of discussing and improving the ex-situ conservation plans for this and other cold freshwater species. There is a description and a comparison between six consecutive phases during the captive breeding process: nesting behaviour, courtship, egg fixation, parental care (incubation), hatching and survival during juvenile development. The purposes of this project are to: (1) identify the most determining phases for a successful captive breeding; (2) identify the factors that had a major influence to the success of the critical phases; and (3) increase the number of the offspring. This study is based on thirty-three wild individuals collected from Garona River (Val d’Aran, Spanish Pyrenees). During the program, twelve couples spawned in captive conditions, with around 2300 eggs laid. Eight couples bred successfully, with 751 hatched individuals and 608 juveniles reared. The analysis of each step of the captive breeding does not reveal significant differences between phases, so it can be concluded that they are all critical at the same level. In the literature, similar study-cases of captive breeding programs identify incubation and survival phases as the most critical. Consequently, the management made for this project has probably allowed to overcome in part the main impediments described in other similar programs.

BackgroundDermatomyositis (DM) and polymyositis (PM) are rare heterogenous systemic autoimmune disorders of the skin, muscles, and other organs with few effective treatment options available. They are described as devastating diseases but the full impact on patients’ lives in Europe is not well understood.ObjectivesTo systematically review and summarize evidence on humanistic burden of disease in patients with DM and PM in Europe to better understand patient-relevant aspects of disease and key domains of life impacted by DM and PM in the European setting.MethodsA systematic literature review (SLR) was conducted in MEDLINE and Embase databases to identify studies in children and adults with DM and PM, published in the English language between Jan 1, 2011, and Apr 28, 2021. Only primary studies enrolling 10 or more patients were included, irrespective of country or region. Each eligible article was independently reviewed by two reviewers. The title and study abstracts were reviewed to assess eligibility for full-text review. The topics of interest were clinical, humanistic, and economic burden of disease, as well as current management and unmet needs in DM and PM. Information on geographic scope was extracted from the papers of included studies. The current abstract summarizes SLR results on humanistic burden of DM and PM in European patients.ResultsA total of 2,967 non-duplicated publications were retrieved from medical databases and analyzed against pre-defined study selection criteria. There were 2,574 records excluded at title and abstract screening. Remaining 393 records were analyzed in the full text with 208 papers considered relevant. Additional 21 papers were identified from searching reference list of relevant studies and conference proceedings. In total, 222 studies described in 229 publications were included in data abstraction. Among 43 studies conducted across 14 European countries, 12 studies evaluated health-related quality of life (HRQoL) and work productivity in patients with DM and PM. In 6 studies, patients received standard of care therapy. Six studies enrolled adults with DM and PM and 6 were conducted in patients with juvenile onset of DM. There were 6 cross-sectional analyses, 4 longitudinal cohort studies, 2 case-control studies, with sample size ranging from 11 to 246 patients. Adults with DM and PM had significantly worse HRQoL across multiple domains of 36-Item Short Form Survey (SF-36) compared to controls from general population, with a strong negative impact of muscle weakness on physical functioning. Patients reported high difficulties in performing leisure time activities, moving around and work as indicated by median scores of 4-5 points in a 7-point Myositis Activity Profile (MAP). Reduced grip force in DM and PM adults was significantly associated with worse performance in domestic activities in the MAP assessment (p<0.05). In women with DM and PM, poor grip force additionally impacted vitality and mental health as measured by SF-36 (p<0.05). There were no associations between grip force and any SF-36 domain in men. Approximately 60% of adult patients rated their ability to work as “poor” or “less good” according to the Work Ability Index, 68% of patients had more than one week of sick leave in the past year, and 20.8% of them were permanently not able to work for at least 2 years. Children and adolescents with DM had impaired physical and psychosocial functioning compared to healthy norms with 40% of individuals showing increased emotional distress requiring in-depth psychological assessment.ConclusionEuropean patients with DM and PM experience a muscle weakness that has a detrimental impact on HRQoL, daily activities and ability to work. Similar disease impact on HRQoL was reported in patients in North America. These findings suggest a need for a novel therapy that will restore physical functioning in patients with DM and PM.Disclosure of InterestsJens Schmidt Speakers bureau: Euroimmun, CSL Behring, Consultant of: Alnylam, Argenx, Biotest, CSL Behring, Kezar Life Sciences, LFB, Novartis, Octapharma, UCB, Grant/research support from: CSL Behring, Novartis, Konrad Pisarczyk Consultant of: Kezar Life Sciences, Richard Leff Shareholder of: Kezar Life Sciences, Consultant of: Kezar Life Sciences, Kiruthi Palaniswamy Shareholder of: Kezar Life Sciences, Employee of: Kezar Life Sciences, Eunmi Park Shareholder of: Kezar Life Sciences, Employee of: Kezar Life Sciences, Li Long Shareholder of: Kezar Life Sciences, Employee of: Kezar Life Sciences

Introduction. The definition of criteria for separating closely related species of representatives of the genus Cythereis is currently incomplete. Ostracods of this genus have wide intraspecific variability and high adaptability to changing living conditions. These factors make it difficult to use these ostracod species for regional stratigraphic correlation. In addition to the selection of criteria for species separation, there is a problem of the imperfection of the terminological apparatus for describing ostracods, which complicates the description of species and omits potentially important information for the separation of related species. Analysis of previous publications. Numerous works are devoted to the issue of the development of the terminological apparatus for describing ostracods, however, qualitative methods of description are inherent only to certain large taxa, where a separate method of description has been developed for each taxon. Ostracods of the genus Cythereis are widespread in the Cretaceous Tethys. Their wide variability is considered by various authors often without taking into account intraspecific variability and adaptation, which leads to the selection of subspecies or ignoring variability. Materials and methods. Numerous ostracods of the species Cythereis hirsuta Damotte&Grosdidier from the Late Cenomanian and Cythereis ornatissima (Reuss) from the Turonian of Ukraine were used in the work. Ostracods were selected from different deposits according to the conditions of origin. Results and discussion. The paper describes in detail the morphology of ostracods of the genus Cythereis with qualitative characteristics of morphological elements. The ontogenetic changes of the two species and the change in morphology depending on the conditions of existence are also described. The change in the morphology of juvenile forms depending on the conditions of existence is described separately. Conclusions. Based on the study and description of numerous paleontological materials, a number of refinements were proposed to the descriptive characteristics of the morphological elements of ostracod valves of members of the family TRACHYLEBERIDINAE Sylvester-Bradley, 1948 and the genus Cythereis in particular. The proposed clarifications regarding the morphology of the mesosculpture made it possible to describe in detail the ontogenetic changes of the studied species and their differences in adult stages depending on the facial conditions of existence. It should be noted that a detailed scheme for describing the morphology of mesosculpture is proposed for the first time in the literature. The paleontological description of numerous materials from the Middle Cretaceous of Ukraine allowed to establish the morphological elements that are of primary importance for the separation of related species within the genus. The analysis of these elements suggests that some of the similar species from the outcrops of Europe and Asia are actually other species. The question of their phylogenetic ties can be solved under the condition of studying ontogenesis and expanding the geography of research. Based on this, the validity of the names of the studied species from the territory of Ukraine is also contradictory to the actual comparison with the holotype collection.

The historical research of the illustrated Nuremberg Chronicle [Schedelsche Weltchronik (English: Schedel’s World Chronicle)] of Hartmann Schedel com­prises the complex historical knowledge about numerous woodcuts which pre­sent views of various cities important in the world’s history, e.g. Jerusalem, Constantinople, or the European ones such as: Rome, some Italian, German or Polish cities e.g. Wrocław and Cracow; some Hungarian and some Czech Republic cities. Researchers have made a serious study to recognize certain constructions in the woodcuts; they indicated the conservative and contractual architecture, the existing places and the unrealistic (non-existent) places. The results show that there is a common detail in all the views – the defensive wall round each of the described cities. However, in reality, it may not have existed in some cities during the lifetime of the authors of the woodcuts. As for some further details: behind the walls we can see feudal castles on the hills shown as strongholds. Within the defensive walls there are numerous buildings with many towers typical for the Middle Ages and true-to-life in certain ways of building the cities. Schematically drawn buildings surrounded by the ring of defensive walls indicate that the author used certain patterns based on the previously created panoramic views. This article is an attempt of making analogical comparisons of the cities in medieval painting. The Author of the article presents Roman mosaics and the miniature painting e.g. the ones created in the scriptorium in Reichenau. Since the beginning of 14th century Italian painters such as: Duccio di Buoninsegna, Giotto di Bondone, Simone Martini and Ambrogio Lorenzetti painted parts of the cities or the entire monumental panoramas in various compositions and with various meanings. One defining rule in this painting concerned the definitions of the cities given by Saint Isidore of Seville, based on the rules which he knew from the antique tradition. These are: urbs – the cities full of architecture and buildings but uninhabited or civita – the city, the living space of the human life, build-up space, engaged according to the law, kind of work and social hierarchy. The tra­dition of both ways of describing the city is rooted in Italy. This article indicates the particular meaning of Italian painting in distributing the image of the city – as the votive offering. The research conducted by Chiara Frugoni and others indica­ted the meaning of the city images in the painting of various forms of panegyrics created in high praise of cities, known as laude (Lat.). We can find the examples of them rooted in the Roman tradition of mosaics, e.g. in San Apollinare Nuovo in Ravenna. They present both palatium and civitas. The medieval Italian painting, especially the panel painting, presents the city structure models which are uninha­bited and deprived of any signs of everyday life. The models of cities – urbs, are presented as votive offerings devoted to their patron saints, especially to Virgin Mary. The city shaped as oval or sinusoidal rings surrounded by the defensive walls resembled a container filled with buildings. Only few of them reflected the existing cities and could mainly be identified thanks to the inscriptions. The most characteristic examples were: the fresco of Taddeo di Bartolo in Palazzo Publico in Siena, which presented the Dominican Order friar Ambrogio Sansedoni holding the model of his city – Siena, with its most recognizable building - the Cathedral dedicated to the Assumption of Mary. The same painter, referred to as the master painter of the views of the cities as the votive offerings, painted the Saint Antilla with the model of Montepulciano in the painting from 1401 for the Cathedral devoted to the Assumption of Mary in Montepulciano. In the painting made by T. di Bartolo, the bishop of the city of Gimignano, Saint Gimignano, presents the city in the shape of a round lens surrounded by defence walls with numerous church towers and the feudal headquarters characteristic for the city. His dummer of the city is pyramidally-structured, the hills are mounted on the steep slopes reflecting the analogy to the topography of the city. We can also find the texts of songs, laude (Lat.) and panegyrics created in honour of the cities and their rulers, e.g. the texts in honour of Milan, Bonvesin for La Riva, known in Europe at that time. The city – Arcadia (utopia) in the modern style. Hartman Schedel, as a bibliophile and a scholar, knew the texts of medieval writers and Italian art but, as an ambitious humanist, he could not disregard the latest, contemporary trends of Renaissance which were coming from Nuremberg and from Italian ci­ties. The views of Arcadia – the utopian city, were rapidly developing, as they were of great importance for the rich recipient in the beginning of the modern era overwhelmed by the early capitalism. It was then when the two opposites were combined – the shepherd and the knight, the Greek Arcadia with the medie­val city. The reception of Virgil’s Arcadia in the medieval literature and art was being developed again in the elite circles at the end of 15th century. The cultural meaning of the historical loci, the Greek places of the ancient history and the memory of Christianity constituted the essence of historicism in the Renaissance at the courts of the Comnenos and of the Palaiologos dynasty, which inspired the Renaissance of the Latin culture circle. The pastoral idleness concept came from Venice where Virgil’s books were published in print in 1470, the books of Ovid: Fasti and Metamorphoses were published in 1497 and Sannazaro’s Arcadia was published in 1502, previously distributed in his handwriting since 1480. Literature topics presented the historical works as memoria, both ancient and Christian, composed into the images. The city maps drawn by Hartmann Schedel, the doctor and humanist from Nurnberg, refer to the medieval images of urbs, the woodcuts with the cities, known to the author from the Italian painting of the greatest masters of the Trecenta period. As a humanist he knew the literature of the Renaissance of Florence and Venice with the Arcadian themes of both the Greek and the Roman tradition. The view of Constantinople in the context of the contemporary political situation, is presented in a series of monuments of architecture, with columns and defensive walls, which reminded of the history of the city from its greatest time of Constantine the Great, Justinian I and the Comnenus dynasty. Schedel’s work of art is the sum of the knowledge written down or painted. It is also the result of the experiments of new technology. It is possible that Schedel was inspired by the hymns, laude, written by Psellos in honour of Constantinople in his elaborate ecphrases as the panegyrics for the rulers of the Greek dynasty – the Macedonians. Already in that time, the Greek ideal of beauty was reborn, both in literature and in fine arts. The illustrated History of the World presented in Schedel’s woodcuts is given to the recipients who are educated and to those who are anonymous, in the spirit of the new anthropology. It results from the nature of the woodcut reproduc­tion, that is from the way of copying the same images. The artist must have strived to gain the recipients for his works as the woodcuts were created both in Latin and in German. The collected views were supposed to transfer historical, biblical and mythological knowledge in the new way of communication.

Родовой комплекс Robinia L. представляет большой интерес для мобилизации генетических ресурсов в аридные регионы Европы, Азии и Северной Америки. Различные темпы расширения культигенных ареалов некоторых видов рода RobiniaL. несомненно связаны с особенностями их адаптации и жизненными стратегиями выживания в новых условиях существования. В связи с этим, целью данной работы являлся анализ механизмов адаптации и жизненных стратегий различных видов рода Робиния в условиях интродукции. Объектами исследований стали виды и формы родаRobinia L.: R. neomexicana Gray. (syn. Robinia luxurians (Dieck.) C. K. Shneid.); R. pseudoacacia L.; R. pseudoacacia f. pyramidalis (Pepin) Rehd.; R. pseudoacacia f. umbraculifera (DC) Rehd.; Robinia viscosa Vent. var. hartwegii (Koehne) Ashe, произрастающие в кластерных коллекционных участках ФНЦ агроэкологии РАН, кадастр №34:34:000000:122, 34:34:060061:10. Проведенные исследования позволили выявить у различных представителей родаRobinia L. целый ряд филогенетических адаптаций к воздействию неблагоприятных факторов среды, таких как сильно разветвленная корневая система, ксероморфное строение листьев, ажурность и ветропроницаемость крон, способность переносить продолжительные засухи, симбиотические связи с азотфиксирующими бактериями. Результаты исследований показали, что в процессе интродукции все виды рода Robinia L. используют ряд фенотипических онтогенетических приспособлений. Наиболее важные из них – это смена жизненной формы (дерево - кустарник, одноствольное - многоствольное дерево), а также снижение темпов роста и уменьшение общей высоты растений в зависимости от почвенного плодородия, влагообеспечения и повреждающего воздействия низких зимних температур. Так, на обыкновенных черноземах в условиях Украины в возрасте 20-и лет насаждения из Робинии псевдоакации достигают высоты 14-15 м, тогда как на светло-каштановых почвах в условиях Нижнего Поволжья в этом же возрасте они достигают всего 6 м. Кроме этого, на протяжении последних столетий представители рода Robinia L. выработали ряд генотипических адаптации к новым условиям существования. Данные приспособления являются одними из самых важных, т.к. приводят к появлению качественно новых адаптаций, расширяющих границы экологической пластичности вида. У всех видов сократились сезонные циклы фенологического развития и в настоящее время они укладываются в оптимальные сроки развития древесных интродуцентов в регионах с относительно суровым для них климатом. По показателю фенологической атипичности в условиях Нижнего Поволжья они находятся в нижней половине области нормы (от +1 до 0) по реализации фенологических фаз, что свидетельствует от том, что цикл их развития успешно адаптировался и соответствует вегетационному периоду места интродукции. Как показали наши исследования, все виды рода Robinia L. в процессе акклиматизации, перешагнула температурный порог в - 37°С. Генотипическую природу сформировавшихся адаптаций к низким зимним температурам доказывает сравнительный анализ литературных данных по морозостойкости различных видов рода Robinia L. полученных в начале XX века с данными визуальных и физиологических методов оценки проведенных на протяжении последних десятилетий. Вторым важным доказательством появления адаптаций, закрепленных на генетическом уровне является разница в зимостойкости между формами R. pseudoacacia f. pyramidalis (Pepin) Rehd., R. pseudoacacia f. umbraculifera (DC) Rehd. и типичными представителями R. pseudoacacia L. Отсутствие генетической неоднородности при вегетативном размножении указанных форм остановило процессы микроэволюции, не позволив им адаптироваться в новых условиях существования. Анализ жизненных (экологических) стратегий показал, что в растительных сообществах Робиния псевдоакация может с одинаковым успехом выступать в роли патиента или эксплерента. При этом виалентные свойства у нее выражены намного слабее. Анализ r/K стратегий выживания позволяет отнести ее к r-видам, с высоким генеративным потенциалом, коротким ювенильным и виргинильным этапом развития, способностью к натурализации. Однако, в оптимальных условиях существования в отсутствии конкуренции она, как и многие К-виды может достигать значительного возраста до 400 лет. Все виды рода Robinia L. способны к натурализации в тех или иных регионах вторичного ареала. Однако рекордсменом по этому показателю несомненно является Робиния псевдоакация. По нашему мнению, данный факт объясняется высоким генеративным потенциалом R. pseudoacacia L. по отношению к родственным видам и его высокой хозяйственной значимостью для целей лесозащитного разведения. Представители рода Robinia L. не имеют приспособлений для активного распространения семян на значительные расстояния. Натурализация (вхождение в естественные растительные сообщества) происходит, как правило, в непосредственной близости от искусственных лесозащитных насаждений. Розовоцветковые виды рода Robinia L., ввиду небольшого роста, не представляют особого интереса для целей агролесомелиорации. Данные виды используются обычно в озеленении населенных пунктов как декоративные растения. Искусственная территориальная изоляция от естественных растительных сообществ и относительно низкий генеративный потенциал не позволяют им активно проявлять инвазивные свойства. The Robinia L. genus is of great interest for mobilizing genetic resources in arid regions of Europe, Asia, and North America. The different rates of expansion of cultigen areasof some species of the Robinia L. genus are undoubtedly related to the peculiarities of their adaptation and life strategies for survival in new conditions of existence. In this regard, the purpose of this work was to analyze the mechanisms of adaptation and life strategies of various species of the Robinia genus under the conditions of introduction. The objects of research were species and forms of the Robinia L. genus: R. neomexicana Gray. (syn. Robinia luxurians (Dieck.) C.K. Shneid.); R. pseudoacacia L.; R. pseudoacacia f. pyramidalis (Pepin) Rehd.; R. pseudoacaciaf. umbraculifera (DC) Rehd.; Robinia viscosa Vent. var. hartwegii (Koehne) Ashe, growing in cluster collection sites of the Federal Centerfor Agroecology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, cadastre No. 34:34:000000:122, 34:34:060061:10. Studies have revealed a number of phylogenetic adaptations to adverse environmental factors in various members of the Robinia genus, such as a highly branched root system, xeromorphic structure of leaves, opennessand wind permeability of crowns, the ability to tolerate prolonged droughts, and symbiotic relationships with nitrogen-fixing bacteria. The research results have shown that all species of the Robinia L. genus use a number of phenotypic ontogenetic devices during introduction. Among them, the most important ones are the change of life form (tree – shrub, single-trunk tree – multi-trunk tree), as well as a decrease in growth rates and a decrease in the overall height of plants, depending on soil fertility, moisture supply, and the damaging effects of low winter temperatures. For example, on ordinary chernozems in Ukraine at the age of 20 years, plantings ofRobinia pseudoacacia reach a height of 14-15 m, while on light chestnut soils in the Lower Volga region at the same age, they reach only 6 meters. In addition, over the past centuries, representatives of the Robinia L. genus have developed a number of genotypic adaptations to new conditions of existence. These adaptations are among the most important ones, because they lead to the appearance of qualitatively new adaptations that expand the boundaries of ecological plasticity of the species. All species have reduced their seasonal cycles of phenological development and currently meetthe optimal time frame for the development of introduced trees in regions with a relatively harsh climate for them. According to the indicator of phenological atypicality, they are in the lower half of the normal range (from +1 to 0) in terms ofthe implementation of phenological phases, which indicates that the cycle of their development has successfully adapted and corresponds to the vegetation period of the place of introduction. As shown by the authors’research, all species of the Robinia L. genus in the process of acclimatization crossed the temperature threshold of –37°C. The genotypic nature of the formed adaptations to low winter temperatures is proved by a comparative analysis of the literature data on the frost resistance of various species of the Robinia L. genus obtained at the beginning of the 20thcentury with the data of visual and physiological assessment methods conducted over the past decades. The second important proof of the appearance of adaptations fixed at the genetic level is the difference in winter hardiness between the forms of R. pseudoacacia f. pyramidalis (Pepin) Rehd.; R. pseudoacacia f. umbraculifera (DC) Rehd. and typical representatives of R. pseudoacacia L. The absence of genetic heterogeneity in the vegetative reproduction of these forms of Robinia stopped the processes of microevolution, not allowing them to adapt to the new conditions of existence. Analysis of life (environmental) strategies has shown that in plant communities,Robiniacan equally well act as a patient or an explerent. At the same time, the violent properties of Robinia are much less pronounced. Analysis of r/K survival strategies allows classifying it as an r-species with high generative potential, short juvenile and virginal stages of development, and the ability to naturalize. However, in optimal conditions of existence in the absence of competition, Robinia, like many K-species, can reach a significant age of up to 400 years. All Robinia species are capable of naturalization in certain regions of the secondary range. However, the record holder for this indicator is undoubtedly Robiniapseudoacacia. In the authors’opinion, this fact is explained by the high generative potential of R. pseudoacacia L. in relation to related species and its high economic significance for the purposes of forest protection breeding. Representatives of the Robinia L. genus do not have adaptations for active seed propagation over long distances. Naturalization (entering natural plant communities) usually occurs in the immediate vicinity of artificial forest protection stands at a distance. Pink-flowered species of the RobiniaL.genus,due to their small growth, are not of particular interest for agroforestry purposes. These types are usually used in landscaping settlements as ornamental plants. Artificial territorial isolation from natural plant communities and relatively low generative potential do not allow them to actively exhibit invasive properties.

Myasthenia gravis (MG) appears to have a similar incidence among adult populations worldwide. However, epidemiological and phenotypic differences have been noted among children and juveniles with MG. We reviewed the literature on childhood- and juvenile-onset MG among different populations, with the focus on ocular involvement, antibody profiles, the genetic susceptibility to juvenile MG phenotypes, the use of immune treatments, and the reported responses of extraocular muscles to therapies. Although epidemiological studies used different methodologies, reports from Asia, compared to Europe, showed more than two-fold higher proportions of prepubertal onset (before 12 years) vs. postpubertal-onset juveniles with MG. Compared to European children, ocular MG was 4-fold more frequent among Asian children, and 2–3-fold more frequent among children with African ancestry both in prepubertal and postpubertal ages at onset. These results suggest genetic influences. In Asia, HLA-B*46 and DRB1*09 appeared overrepresented in children with ocular MG. In Europe, children with MG had a significantly higher rate of transforming from ocular to generalized disease and with an overrepresentation of HLADRB1*04. Although treatment regimens vary widely and the responses to immune therapies of the ocular muscles involved in MG were generally poorly described, there were indications that earlier use of steroid therapy may have better outcomes. Reports of treatment-resistant ophthalmoplegia may be more frequent in African and Asian juvenile MG cohorts compared to Europeans. Genetic and muscle gene expression studies point to dysregulated muscle atrophy signaling and mitochondrial metabolism pathways as pathogenetic mechanisms underpinning treatment-resistant ophthalmoplegia in susceptible individuals. In conclusion, phenotypic differences in juveniles with ocular manifestations of MG were evident in different populations suggesting pathogenetic influences. Treatment responses in MG-associated ocular disease should attract more careful descriptive reports. In MG, extraocular muscles may be vulnerable to critical periods of poor force generation and certain individuals may be particularly susceptible to developing treatment-resistant ophthalmoplegia. The development of prognostic biomarkers to identify these susceptible individuals is an unmet need.

IntroductionJuvenile-onset systemic lupus erythematous (JSLE) is a rare multisystem autoimmune disorder. In 2012, the Single Hub and Access point for pediatric Rheumatology in Europe (SHARE) initiative developed recommendations for the diagnosis/management of JSLE, lupus nephritis (LN) and childhood-onset anti-phospholipid syndrome (APS). These recommendations were based upon available evidence informing international expert consensus meetings.ObjectiveTo review new evidence published since 2012 relating to the management of JSLE, LN and APS in children, since the original literature searches informing the SHARE recommendations were performed.MethodMEDLINE, EMBASE and CINAHL were systematically searched for relevant literature (2012-2021) using the following criteria: (1) English language studies; (2) original research studies regarding management of JSLE, LN, APS in children; (3) adult studies with 3 or more patients &lt;18-years old, or where the lower limit of age range ≤16-years and the mean/median age is ≤30-years; (4) randomized controlled trials (RCTs), cohort studies, case control studies, observational studies, case-series with &gt;3 patients. Three reviewers independently screened all titles/abstracts against predefined inclusion/exclusion criteria. All relevant manuscripts were reviewed independently by at least two reviewers. Data extraction, assessment of the level of evidence/methodological quality of the manuscripts was undertaken in-line with the original SHARE processes. Specific PUBMED literature searches were also performed to identify new evidence relating to each existing SHARE treatment recommendation.ResultsSix publications met the inclusion/exclusion criteria for JSLE: three RCTs, one feasibility trial, one case series. For LN, 16 publications met the inclusion/exclusion criteria: eight randomized trials, three open label prospective clinical trials, five observational/cohort studies. For APS, no publications met the inclusion criteria. The study with the highest evidence was an RCT comparing belimumab vs. placebo, including 93 JSLE patients. Whilst the primary-endpoint was not met, a significantly higher proportion of belimumab-treated patients met the PRINTO/ACR cSLE response to therapy criteria. New evidence specifically addressing each SHARE recommendation remains limited.ConclusionSince the original SHARE literature searches, undertaken &gt;10-years ago, the main advance in JSLE treatment evidence relates to belimumab. Additional studies are urgently needed to test new/existing agents, and assess their long-term safety profile in JSLE, to facilitate evidence-based practice.

Background. Juvenile nasal angiofibroma (JNA) is a very rare benign lesion originating from the pterygopalatine fossa with distinctive epidemiologic features and growth patterns. The typical patient is an adolescent male with a clinical history of recurrent severe nasal bleedings and blockage the nose. Currently, even though surgery often caused severe operative bleeding, it is considered the ideal treatment for JNA. Refinement in preoperative embolization, which provides significant reduction of intraoperative bleeding. In spite of breakthrough of Endoscopic techniques which minimize the risk of residual disease, the search of new devises which can help to management of JNA is still continue in order to minimize the surgical complications. Laser methods as surgical treatment have been actively used in rhinology during the past decades. We purposed to summarize information about current lasers and their use in rhinology. Aim. The purpose of the study is the literature review and to describe our experience of using new blue laser during JNA removal. Evaluation of advantages and disadvantages, determination of indications and limits of its use in rhinosurgery Methods- A literature review from 2000 to 2022 using the PubMed database was employed. Keywords used included “laser surgery”, “blue light laser”, “photoangiolytic laser”, “laser in rhinosurgery”. The most up to date studies published for each rhinology condition that was treated with laser surgery was reviewed. Then endoscopic removal through the nose was performed. During the surgery TrueBlue laser was used to cut the tissues and coagulate injured vessels. Results. Rhinological conditions appropriate for laser applications are discussed. There are related papers to a number of applications including hereditary hemorrhagic telangiectasia, rhinitis, turbinate surgery, dacryocystorhinostomy, septoplasty, choanal atresia, and sphenopalatine artery ligation, paying attention to the outcomes of the studies. It is the first experience of using blue laser in rhinosurgery and particulary ib removing JNA. Conclusion. Intranasal laser surgery, despite the fact that interventions are performed almost bloodlessly, and often do not require nasal tamponade, indications for their performance are limited, due to deep burns of the nasal mucosa, and alteration of mucociliary clearance therefore lasers are not so often used in rhinology. The short-wave blue laser with a wavelength of 445 nm, used in Europe in oto- and laryngosurgery, may have some potential advantages in rhinosurgery, but the practical dataset are limited yet.

Abstract Wooden shingles have been known in Europe and other regions worldwide for several thousands of years. They are usually split, and according to handicraft rules, as well as historical literature, a split surface has many advantages. It is more flexible, more elastic, stronger, and less exposed to cupping than a sawn surface because no fibers have been cut. It also follows wood rays; it is more durable than a sawn surface because cut fibers absorb more moisture, creating good conditions for fungal growth. However, because sawing is the main procedure for dividing logs into timber, sawn boards are currently used for roofing. The short life span of such roofing has often been discussed by craftsmen. In this study, a 37-year-old roofing was evaluated to determine the important parameters of high-durability sawn boards. Results showed that the presence of juvenile wood, fiber deviations, and knots reduced the durability of these boards. Therefore, sawn boards of the same wood quality as split shingles may have the same durability.

AbstractThe anadromous European smelt (Osmerus eperlanus) plays a key role in food webs of many riverine ecosystems in Europe. However, population sizes in several German rivers (e.g. Elbe or Weser rivers) have diminished drastically over the past decade. Turbidity has been considered one of the stressors affecting the successful recruitment of European smelt, as their early life stages may be particularly sensitive to changes in the abiotic environment. In this study, we investigated whether prey consumption and survival of European smelt larvae would be negatively affected by an acute exposure to elevated turbidity. We reared the larvae in the laboratory and exposed them in four separate trials (18 to 26 days post hatch, 9.5 ± 0.8 mm standard length, mean ± SD) to six turbidity levels (0–500 NTU, nephelometric turbidity units). We found that prey uptake increased at low turbidity levels and decreased at high turbidity levels, with an optimum between 100 and 200 NTU. Survival started to decrease at turbidity levels above 300 NTU. In addition, we conducted a systematic literature analysis in which we found that prey consumption of larval and juvenile fishes had been tested across a wide range of turbidity levels, mostly using pelagic (e.g. planktonic) prey items, with more studies focusing on perciform fishes and juvenile rather than larval life stages. Our empirical findings contribute to establishing thresholds for optimal larval European smelt performance under increased turbidity and provide valuable information for developing mechanistic models that assess potential consequences for European smelt recruitment dynamics.

AbstractEmys orbicularis is receding from Europe, mainly due to anthropogenic habitat changes. Its parasite, Placobdella costata, is widely distributed within both the former and the present distribution range of the host. Though closely associated with the mud turtle, it may have other hosts (birds, amphibians, reptiles). Its reproductive period coincides with that of its host’s migration to the breeding grounds, thus facilitating dispersal of the parasite. Based on literature data we have analyzed the geographic spread of P. costata and mud turtle to observe the possible overlap of their habitats. Observations on the population of mud turtle and the associated leech species (P. costata) were carried out in eastern Poland — Podlasie Lowland. The studies were conducted in spring and summer in 1986–1993. The leeches were collected from the turtles caught in the water and on land. Observations showed that most leeches were found on turtles inhabiting the lake or moving to a breeding area. The greatest intensity of invasion was observed in June and July and that most leeches were observed in female E. orbicularis characterized by greater length of the carapace and weight, compared with males and juvenile individuals.

The Sakarya Zone of northern Turkey contains a well-preserved Early−Middle Jurassic and Late Cretaceous submarine magmatic arc constructed over pre-Jurassic bedrocks that are considered to be the eastward extension of the Armorican Terrane Assemblage in Europe. In this study, we present U-Pb-Hf isotopic data from the detrital zircons of middle Permian and Lower Jurassic sandstones to reveal episodes of Paleozoic−early Mesozoic magmatic flare-ups. Detrital zircon ages, together with data from the literature, define three major age groups at 400−380 Ma, 326−310 Ma, and 250−230 Ma, which indicates three distinct magmatic flare-ups. In addition, there are minor age clusters at 460−430 Ma and 215−195 Ma. Initial εHf values of the detrital zircons indicate significant juvenile input during the Triassic flare-up, the involvement of significantly reworked crustal material during the late Carboniferous magmatic flare-up, and both juvenile and reworked crustal material during the Middle Devonian magmatic flare-up. Within the pre-Jurassic continental basement rocks of the Sakarya Zone, the late Carboniferous igneous rocks are well documented and most voluminous, and the Middle Devonian rocks are known locally, while the Triassic igneous rocks—apart from those in Triassic accretionary complexes—are hardly known. Because the Sakarya Zone is a Gondwana-derived continental block that was later involved in the Variscan and Alpine orogenies, these magmatic flare-ups cannot be explained by subduction-related processes along a single subduction zone. We propose that the Sakarya Zone rifted from the northern margin of Gondwana during the Late Ordovician−Silurian, the Devonian magmatic flare-up (400−380 Ma) was related to the southward subduction of the Rheic Ocean beneath the Sakarya Zone during its northward drift, the late Carboniferous magmatic flare-up (326−310 Ma) occurred following the collision of the Sakarya Zone with Laurussia, and the Triassic flare-up (250−230 Ma) resulted from northward subduction of the Tethys Ocean beneath the Sakarya Zone. Comparison with data from the literature shows that the Triassic and late Carboniferous magmatic flare-ups are also characteristic features of neighboring Armorican domains, such as the Balkans and the Caucasus; however, the Middle Devonian flare-up appears to be restricted to the Sakarya Zone. Along with the late Carboniferous flare-up, the Late Ordovician−Silurian flare-up, which is locally recorded in the Sakarya Zone, is typical of the Armorican Terrane Assemblage as a whole.

Abstract Background/Aims Juvenile-onset systemic lupus erythematosus (JSLE) is a rare autoimmune disorder that causes multisystem damage. Paucity of data limits the evidence upon which to base recommendations for diagnosis, monitoring, and management of JSLE. JSLE patients often present more acutely, with more severe complications and greater need for corticosteroids and disease-modifying therapies earlier in life when compared to those with adult-onset SLE (aSLE). The SHARE initiative generated a set of guidelines to standardise JSLE care across Europe. This aim was to undertake a comprehensive comparison aimed at comparing the SHARE guidelines to those developed by the BSR (for aSLE) to identify similarities, differences, and areas in which more research was needed. Methods The SHARE evidence-based, consensus-derived recommendations were established by a European wide panel of paediatric rheumatologists according to EULAR standard operating procedures using a systematic literature search with strict inclusion criteria. Adult-derived evidence was included when lack of paediatric literature existed but reviewed to adapt adult guidelines to be more suitable for paediatric use. The BSR guidelines built upon existing EULAR guidelines, selecting specific recommendations by prioritisation. Both SHARE and BSR used the same method of validating guidelines using Level of Evidence, grade of recommendation and strength of agreement by the panel (SOA) to support their recommendations. A systematic comparison was performed by identifying specific subgroups of recommendations related to: diagnosis, background, neuropsychiatric and monitoring and management guidelines. These subgroups were then compared by assessing the number of guidelines related to each group and the average SOA for each. A detailed comparison into the specific guidelines was then performed to provide in depth analysis of the similarities and differences between the groups and identify areas missing and where more work was needed. Results There are many similarities between the two sets of recommendations. Although some of these are a result of the manifestations being the same in adults and children, a significant proportion of these similarities were due to the lack of background data to base recommendations on for JSLE. Therefore, adult-derived guidelines, particularly the EULAR guidelines have been used which were also used as background for BSR recommendations. A key difference was the lack of recommendations regarding neuropsychiatric manifestations (NP-aSLE) in adult-onset disease. A detailed comparison between individual guidelines has been generated and potential reasons for the discrepancies between the guidelines identified. Conclusion The results demonstrate the need for significantly more research to inform generation of more specific JSLE guidelines, particularly in management of the disease manifestations specific to children. Many similarities between these adult and paediatric guidelines underline the importance of generating common guidelines where possible for JSLE and aSLE. More work is needed in NP-aSLE to produce more balanced generalised results. Disclosure T.E. Kelly: None. M.W. Beresford: None.

Introduction: Suicide is a serious world public health problem and still an interesting, controversial and difficult subject for theoretical and empirical considerations. Aim: The aim of this paper is to present the prevalence of suicide in Poland in context of suicidal situation worldwide. Material and methods: This article is based on the available literature, National Polish Headquarters reports and World Health Organization data. Results and discussion: Many publications on suicide to date focus on showing the correlation between the suicide act and age, gender, social background, education, place of residence, marital status, season, climate, day of the week, and even a daily cycle. Profiles of a potential suicide are created. Suicide is the most serious cause of death among patients with mental disorders. However, scientific reports among people who commit suicide and attempt suicide also mention people, who are not mentally ill. There is no medical suicide reporting and analysis system in Poland. The National Police Headquarters publish annual report containing the number of suicides committed in Poland. Conclusions: Based on these statistics, from 1999 to 2018, we observe a variable level of suicide rates. In the discussed years 1999–2018 over 95,000 people have successfully committed suicide in our country. Poland is currently in second place in Europe in terms of juvenile suicides and one of the European countries where the gender disparity (advantage of men over women) in terms of suicides is the highest.

AbstractNaturally occurring stable isotope ratios in animal tissues allow estimation of species trophic position and ecological niche. Measuring multiple isotopes of migratory species along flyway bottlenecks offers the opportunity to sample multiple populations and species whose tissues carry information at continental scales. We measured δ2H, δ18O, δ13C, δ15N in juvenile feathers of 21 bird species captured at a migratory bottleneck in the Italian Alps. We examined if trends in individual isotopes reflected known migratory strategies and whether dietary (δ13C–δ15N) and spatially-explicit breeding origin (δ2H–δ18O) niche breadth (NB) differed among long-distance trans-Saharan (TS), short-distance (IP) and irruptive (IR) intra-Palearctic migrants, and whether they correlated with reported populations long-term trends. In both TS and IP groups, species δ2H declined with capture date, indicating that northern populations reached the stopover site later in the season, following a Type-I migration strategy. Values of δ2H indicated that breeding range of TS migrants extended farther north than IP and IR migrants. The breeding season was longer for IP migrants whose δ13C and δ15N values declined and increased, respectively, with time of capture. Average species dietary NB did not differ among migratory groups, but TS migrants displayed wider breeding origin niches, suggesting that long-distant migration is linked to broader ecological niches. Isotope origin NB well reflected species geographic range extent, while dietary NB did not correlate with literature accounts of species’ diet. We found no relationship between species breeding NB and population trends in Europe, suggesting that conditions in the breeding grounds, as inferred by stable isotopes, are not the only determinant of species’ long-term persistence. We demonstrate that ringing activities and isotopic measurements of passerines migrating through a bottleneck represents a unique opportunity to investigate large-scale life-history phenomena relevant to conservation.

Like any genre or mode, the Gothic is malleable, changing according to time and place. This is particularly apparent when what is considered Gothic in one era is compared with that of another. The giant helmet that falls from the sky in Horace Walpole’s Castle of Otranto (1764) is a very different threat to the ravenous vampires that stalk the novels of Anne Rice, just as Ann Radcliffe’s animated portraits may not inspire anxiety for a contemporary reader of Stephen King. The mutability of Gothic is also apparent across various versions of national Gothic that have emerged, with the specificities of place lending Gothic narratives from countries such as Ireland, Scotland and Australia a distinctive flavour. In New Zealand, the Gothic is most commonly associated with Pakeha artists exploring extreme psychological states, isolation and violence. Instead of the haunted castles, ruined abbeys and supernatural occurrences of classic Gothics of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, such as those produced by writers as diverse as Charles Brockden Brown, Matthew Lewis, Edgar Allen Poe, Radcliffe, Bram Stoker and Walpole, New Zealand Gothic fiction tends to focus on psychological horror, taking its cue, according to Jenny Lawn, from Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein (1818), which ushered in a tendency in the Gothic novel to explore the idea of a divided consciousness. Lawn observes that in New Zealand “Our monsters tend to be interior: they are experiences of intense psychological states, often with sexual undertones within isolated nuclear families” (“Kiwi Gothic”). Kirsty Gunn’s novella Rain (1994), which focuses on a dysfunctional family holidaying in an isolated lakeside community, exemplifies the tendency of New Zealand Gothic to omit the supernatural in favour of the psychological, with its spectres being sexual predation, parental neglect and the death of an innocent. Bronwyn Bannister’s Haunt (2000) is set primarily in a psychiatric hospital, detailing various forms of psychiatric disorder, as well as the acts that spring from them, such as one protagonist’s concealment for several years of her baby in a shed, while Noel Virtue’s The Redemption of Elsdon Bird (1987) is another example, with a young character’s decision to shoot his two younger siblings in the head as they sleep in an attempt to protect them from the religious beliefs of his fundamentalist parents amply illustrating the intense psychological states that characterise New Zealand Gothic. Although there is no reason why Gothic literature ought to include the supernatural, its omission in New Zealand Gothic does point to a confusion that Timothy Jones foregrounds in his suggestion that “In the absence of the trappings of established Gothic traditions – castles populated by fiendish aristocrats, swamps draped with Spanish moss and possessed by terrible spirits” New Zealand is “uncertain how and where it ought to perform its own Gothic” (203). The anxiety that Jones notes is perhaps less to do with where the New Zealand Gothic should occur, since there is an established tradition of Gothic events occurring in the bush and on the beach, while David Ballantyne’s Sydney Bridge Upside Down (1968) uses a derelict slaughterhouse as a version of a haunted castle and Maurice Gee successfully uses a decrepit farmhouse as a Gothic edifice in The Fire-Raiser (1986), but more to do with available ghosts. New Zealand Gothic literature produced in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries certainly tends to focus on the psychological rather than the supernatural, but earlier writing that utilises the Gothic mode is far more focused on spooky events and ghostly presences. There is a tradition of supernatural Gothic in New Zealand, but its representations of Maori ghosts complicates the processes through which contemporary writers might build on that tradition. The stories in D. W. O. Fagen’s collection Tapu and Other Tales of Old New Zealand (1952) illustrate the tendency in colonial New Zealand literature to represent Maori in supernatural terms expressive both of anxieties surrounding Maori agency and indigeneity, as well as Western assumptions regarding Maori culture. In much colonial Gothic, Maori ghosts, burial grounds and the notion of tapu express settler anxieties while also working to contain those anxieties by suggesting the superstitious and hence backward nature of indigenous culture. In Fagan’s story “Tapu”, which first appeared in the Bulletin in 1912, the narrator stumbles into a Maori burial ground where he is confronted by the terrible sight of “two fleshless skeletons” that grin and appear “ghastly in the dim light” (37). The narrator’s desecration of land deemed tapu fills him with “a sort of nameless terror at nothing, a horror of some unknown impending fate against which it was useless to struggle and from which there was no escape” (39). This expresses a sense of the authenticity of Maori culture, but the narrator’s thought “Was there any truth in heathen devilry after all?” is quickly superseded by the relegation of Maori culture as “ancient superstitions” (40). When the narrator is approached by a tohunga following his breach of tapu, his reaction is outrage: "Here was I – a fairly decent Englishman, reared in the Anglican faith and living in the nineteenth century – hindered from going about my business, outcast, excommunicated, shunned as a leper, my servant dying, all on account of some fiendish diablerie of heathen fetish. The affair was preposterous, incredible, ludicrous" (40). Fagan’s story establishes a clear opposition between Western rationalism and “decency”, and the “heathen fetishes” associated with Maori culture, which it uses to infuse the story with the thrills appropriate to Gothic fiction and which it ultimately casts as superstitious and uncivilised. F. E. Maning’s Old New Zealand (1863) includes an episode of Maori women grieving that is represented in terms that would not be out of place in horror. A group of women are described as screaming, wailing, and quivering their hands about in a most extraordinary manner, and cutting themselves dreadfully with sharp flints and shells. One old woman, in the centre of the group, was one clot of blood from head to feet, and large clots of coagulated blood lay on the ground where she stood. The sight was absolutely horrible, I thought at the time. She was singing or howling a dirge-like wail. In her right hand she held a piece of tuhua, or volcanic glass, as sharp as a razor: this she placed deliberately to her left wrist, drawing it slowly upwards to her left shoulder, the spouting blood following as it went; then from the left shoulder downwards, across the breast to the short ribs on the right side; then the rude but keen knife was shifted from the right hand to the left, placed to the right wrist, drawn upwards to the right shoulder, and so down across the breast to the left side, thus making a bloody cross on the breast; and so the operation went on all the time I was there, the old creature all the time howling in time and measure, and keeping time also with the knife, which at every cut was shifted from one hand to the other, as I have described. She had scored her forehead and cheeks before I came; her face and body was a mere clot of blood, and a little stream was dropping from every finger – a more hideous object could scarcely be conceived. (Maning 120–21) The gory quality of this episode positions Maori as barbaric, but Patrick Evans notes that there is an incident in Old New Zealand that grants authenticity to indigenous culture. After being discovered handling human remains, the narrator of Maning’s text is made tapu and rendered untouchable. Although Maning represents the narrator’s adherence to his abjection from Maori society as merely a way to placate a local population, when a tohunga appears to perform cleansing rituals, the narrator’s indulgence of perceived superstition is accompanied by “a curious sensation […] like what I fancied a man must feel who has just sold himself, body and bones, to the devil. For a moment I asked myself the question whether I was not actually being then and there handed over to the powers of darkness” (qtd. in Evans 85). Evans points out that Maning may represent the ritual as solely performative, “but the result is portrayed as real” (85). Maning’s narrator may assert his lack of belief in the tohunga’s power, but he nevertheless experiences that power. Such moments of unease occur throughout colonial writing when assertions of European dominance and rational understanding are undercut or threatened. Evans cites the examples of the painter G. F. Angus whose travels through the native forest of Waikato in the 1840s saw him haunted by the “peculiar odour” of rotting vegetation and Edward Shortland whose efforts to remain skeptical during a sacred Maori ceremony were disturbed by the manifestation of atua rustling in the thatch of the hut in which it was occurring (Evans 85). Even though the mysterious power attributed to Maori in colonial Gothic is frequently represented as threatening, there is also an element of desire at play, which Lydia Wevers highlights in her observation that colonial ghost stories involve a desire to assimilate or be assimilated by what is “other.” Wevers singles out for discussion the story “The Disappearance of Letham Crouch”, which appeared in the New Zealand Illustrated Magazine in 1901. The narrative recounts the experiences of an overzealous missionary who is received by Maori as a new tohunga. In order to learn more about Maori religion (so as to successfully replace it with Christianity), Crouch inhabits a hut that is tapu, resulting in madness and fanaticism. He eventually disappears, only to reappear in the guise of a Maori “stripped for dancing” (qtd. in Wevers 206). Crouch is effectively “turned heathen” (qtd. in Wevers 206), a transformation that is clearly threatening for a Christian European, but there is also an element of desirability in such a transformation for a settler seeking an authentic New Zealand identity. Colonial Gothic frequently figures mysterious experiences with indigenous culture as a way for the European settler to essentially become indigenous by experiencing something perceived as authentically New Zealand. Colonial Gothic frequently includes the supernatural in ways that are complicit in the processes of colonisation that problematizes them as models for contemporary writers. For New Zealanders attempting to produce a Gothic narrative, the most immediately available tropes for a haunting past are Maori, but to use those tropes brings texts uncomfortably close to nineteenth-century obsessions with Maori skeletal remains and a Gothicised New Zealand landscape, which Edmund G. C. King notes is a way of expressing “the sense of bodily and mental displacement that often accompanied the colonial experience” (36). R. H. Chapman’s Mihawhenua (1888) provides an example of tropes particularly Gothic that remain a part of colonial discourse not easily transferable into a bicultural context. Chapman’s band of explorers discover a cave strewn with bones which they interpret to be the remains of gory cannibalistic feasts: Here, we might well imagine, the clear waters of the little stream at our feet had sometime run red with the blood of victims of some horrid carnival, and the pale walls of the cavern had grown more pale in sympathy with the shrieks of the doomed ere a period was put to their tortures. Perchance the owners of some of the bones that lay scattered in careless profusion on the floor, had, when strong with life and being, struggled long and bravely in many a bloody battle, and, being at last overcome, their bodies were brought here to whet the appetites and appease the awful hunger of their victors. (qtd. in King) The assumptions regarding the primitive nature of indigenous culture expressed by reference to the “horrid carnival” of cannibalism complicate the processes through which contemporary writers could meaningfully draw on a tradition of New Zealand Gothic utilising the supernatural. One answer to this dilemma is to use supernatural elements not specifically associated with New Zealand. In Stephen Cain’s anthology Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side (1996) there are several instances of this, such as in the story “Never Go Tramping Alone” by Alyson Cresswell-Moorcock, which features a creature called a Gravett. As Timothy Jones’s discussion of this anthology demonstrates, there are two problems arising from this unprecedented monster: firstly, the story does not seem to be a “New Zealand Gothic”, which a review in The Evening Post highlights by observing that “there is a distinct ‘Kiwi’ feel to only a few of the stories” (Rendle 5); while secondly, the Gravatt’s appearance in the New Zealand landscape is unconvincing. Jones argues that "When we encounter the wendigo, a not dissimilar spirit to the Gravatt, in Ann Tracy’s Winter Hunger or Stephen King’s Pet Sematary, we have a vague sense that such beings ‘exist’ and belong in the American or Canadian landscapes in which they are located. A Gravatt, however, has no such precedent, no such sense of belonging, and thus loses its authority" (251). Something of this problem is registered in Elizabeth Knox’s vampire novel Daylight (2003), which avoids the problem of making a vampire “fit” with a New Zealand landscape devoid of ancient architecture by setting all the action in Europe. One of the more successful stories in Cain’s collection demonstrates a way of engaging with a specifically New Zealand tradition of supernatural Gothic, while also illustrating some of the potential pitfalls in utilising colonial Gothic tropes of menacing bush, Maori burial caves and skeletal remains. Oliver Nicks’s “The House” focuses on a writer who takes up residence in an isolated “little old colonial cottage in the bush” (8). The strange “odd-angled walls”, floors that seem to slope downwards and the “subterranean silence” of the cottage provokes anxiety in the first-person narrator who admits his thoughts “grew increasingly dark and chaotic” (8). The strangeness of the house is only intensified by the isolation of its surroundings, which are fertile but nevertheless completely uninhabited. Alone and unnerved by the oddness of the house, the narrator listens to the same “inexplicable night screeches and rustlings of the bush” (9) that furnish so much New Zealand Gothic. Yet it is not fear inspired by the menacing bush that troubles the narrator as much as the sense that there was more in this darkness, something from which I felt a greater need to be insulated than the mild horror of mingling with a few wetas, spiders, bats, and other assorted creepy-crawlies. Something was subtlely wrong here – it was not just the oddness of the dimensions and angles. Everything seemed slightly off, not to add up somehow. I could not quite put my finger on whatever it was. (10) When the narrator escapes the claustrophobic house for a walk in the bush, the natural environment is rendered in spectral terms. The narrator is engulfed by the “bare bones of long-dead forest giants” (11) and “crowding tree-corpses”, but the path he follows in order to escape the “Tree-ghosts” is no more comforting since it winds through “a strange grey world with its shrouds of hanging moss, and mist” (12). In the midst of this Gothicised environment the narrator is “transfixed by the intersection of two overpowering irrational forces” when something looms up out of the mist and experiences “irresistible curiosity, balanced by an equal and opposite urge to turn and run like hell” (12). The narrator’s experience of being deep in the threatening bush continues a tradition of colonial writing that renders the natural environment in Gothic terms, such as H. B. Marriot Watson’s The Web of the Spider: A Tale of Adventure (1891), which includes an episode that sees the protagonist Palliser become lost in the forest of Te Tauru and suffer a similar demoralization as Nicks’s narrator: “the horror of the place had gnawed into his soul, and lurked there, mordant. He now saw how it had come to be regarded as the home of the Taniwha, the place of death” (77). Philip Steer points out that it is the Maoriness of Palliser’s surroundings that inspire his existential dread, suggesting a certain amount of settler alienation, but “Palliser’s survival and eventual triumph overwrites this uncertainty with the relegation of Maori to the past” (128). Nicks’s story, although utilising similar tropes to colonial fiction, attempts to puts them to different ends. What strikes such fear in Nicks’s narrator is a mysterious object that inspires the particular dread known as the uncanny: I gave myself a stern talking to and advanced on the shadow. It was about my height, angular, bony and black. It stood as it now stands, as it has stood for centuries, on the edge of a swamp deep in the heart of an ancient forest high in this remote range of hills forming a part of the Southern Alps. As I think of it I cannot help but shudder; it fills me even now with inexplicable awe. It snaked up out of the ground like some malign fern-frond, curving back on itself and curling into a circle at about head height. Extending upwards from the circle were three odd-angled and bent protuberances of unequal length. A strange force flowed from it. It looked alien somehow, but it was man-made. Its power lay, not in its strangeness, but in its unaccountable familiarity; why did I know – have I always known? – how to fear this… thing? (12) This terrible “thing” represents a return of the repressed associated with the crimes of colonisation. After almost being devoured by the malevolent tree-like object the narrator discovers a track leading to a cave decorated with ancient rock paintings that contains a hideous wooden creature that is, in fact, a burial chest. Realising that he has discovered a burial cave, the narrator is shocked to find more chests that have been broken open and bones scattered over the floor. With the discovery of the desecrated burial cave, the hidden crimes of colonisation are brought to light. Unlike colonial Gothic that tends to represent Maori culture as threatening, Nicks’s story represents the forces contained in the cave as a catalyst for a beneficial transformative experience: I do remember the cyclone of malign energy from the abyss gibbering and leering; a flame of terror burning in every cell of my body; a deluge of shrieking unreason threatening to wash away the bare shred that was left of my mind. Yet even as each hellish new dimension yawned before me, defying the limits even of imagination, the fragments of my shattered sanity were being drawn together somehow, and reassembled in novel configurations. To each proposition of demonic impossibility there was a surging, answering wave of kaleidoscopic truth. (19) Although the story replicates colonial writing’s tendency to represent indigenous culture in terms of the irrational and demonic, the authenticity and power of the narrator’s experience is stressed. When he comes to consciousness following an enlightenment that sees him acknowledging that the truth of existence is a limitless space “filled with deep coruscations of beauty and joy” (20) he knows what he must do. Returning to the cottage, the narrator takes several days to search the house and finally finds what he is looking for: a steel box that contains “stolen skulls” (20). The narrator concludes that the “Trophies” (20) buried in the collapsed outhouse are the cause for the “Dark, inexplicable moods, nightmares, hallucinations – spirits, ghosts, demons” that “would have plagued anyone who attempted to remain in this strange, cursed region” (20). Once the narrator returns the remains to the burial cave, the inexplicable events cease and the once-strange house becomes an ideal home for a writer seeking peace in which to work. The colonial Gothic mode in New Zealand utilises the Gothic’s concern with a haunting past in order to associate that past with the primitive and barbaric. By rendering Maori culture in Gothic terms, such as in Maning’s blood-splattered scene of grieving or through the spooky discoveries of bone-strewn caves, colonial writing compares an “uncivilised” indigenous culture with the “civilised” culture of European settlement. For a contemporary writer wishing to produce a New Zealand supernatural horror, the colonial Gothic is a problematic tradition to work from, but Nicks’s story succeeds in utilising tropes associated with colonial writing in order to reverse its ideologies. “The House” represents European settlement in terms of barbarity by representing a brutal desecration of sacred ground, while indigenous culture is represented in positive, if frightening, terms of truth and power. Colonial Gothic’s tendency to associate indigenous culture with violence, barbarism and superstition is certainly replicated in Nicks’s story through the frightening object that attempts to devour the narrator and the macabre burial chests shaped like monsters, but ultimately it is colonial violence that is most overtly condemned, with the power inhabiting the burial cave being represented as ultimately benign, at least towards an intruder who means no harm. More significantly, there is no attempt in the story to explain events that seem outside the understanding of Western rationality. The story accepts as true what the narrator experiences. Nevertheless, in spite of the explicit engagement with the return of repressed crimes associated with colonisation, Nicks’s engagement with the mode of colonial Gothic means there is a replication of some of its underlying notions relating to settlement and belonging. The narrator of Nicks’s story is a contemporary New Zealander who is placed in the position of rectifying colonial crimes in order to take up residence in a site effectively cleansed of the sins of the past. Nicks’s narrator cannot happily inhabit the colonial cottage until the stolen remains are returned to their rightful place and it seems not to occur to him that a greater theft might underlie the smaller one. Returning the stolen skulls is represented as a reasonable action in “The House”, and it is a way for the narrator to establish what Linda Hardy refers to as “natural occupancy,” but the notion of returning a house and land that might also be termed stolen is never entertained, although the story’s final sentence does imply the need for the continuing placation of the powerful indigenous forces that inhabit the land: “To make sure that things stay [peaceful] I think I may just keep this story to myself” (20). The fact that the narrator has not kept the story to himself suggests that his untroubled occupation of the colonial cottage is far more tenuous than he might have hoped. References Ballantyne, David. Sydney Bridge Upside Down. Melbourne: Text, 2010. Bannister, Bronwyn. Haunt. Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 2000. Calder, Alex. “F. E. Maning 1811–1883.” Kotare 7. 2 (2008): 5–18. Chapman, R. H. Mihawhenua: The Adventures of a Party of Tourists Amongst a Tribe of Maoris Discovered in Western Otago. Dunedin: J. Wilkie, 1888. Cresswell-Moorcock, Alyson. “Never Go Tramping Along.” Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side. Ed. Stephen Cain. Wellington: IPL Books, 1996: 63-71. Evans, Patrick. The Long Forgetting: Postcolonial Literary Culture in New Zealand. Christchurch: Canterbury University Press, 2007. Fagan, D. W. O. Tapu and Other Tales of Old New Zealand. Wellington: A. H. & A. W. Reed, 1952. Gee, Maurice. The Fire-Raiser. Auckland: Penguin, 1986. Gunn, Kirsty. Rain. New York: Grove Press, 1994. Hardy, Linda. “Natural Occupancy.” Meridian 14.2 (October 1995): 213-25. Jones, Timothy. The Gothic as a Practice: Gothic Studies, Genre and the Twentieth Century Gothic. PhD thesis. Wellington: Victoria University, 2010. King, Edmund G. C. “Towards a Prehistory of the Gothic Mode in Nineteenth-Century Zealand Writing,” Journal of New Zealand Literature 28.2 (2010): 35-57. “Kiwi Gothic.” Massey (Nov. 2001). 8 Mar. 2014 ‹http://www.massey.ac.nz/~wwpubafs/magazine/2001_Nov/stories/gothic.html›. Maning, F. E. Old New Zealand and Other Writings. Ed. Alex Calder. London: Leicester University Press, 2001. Marriott Watson, H. B. The Web of the Spider: A Tale of Adventure. London: Hutchinson, 1891. Nicks, Oliver. “The House.” Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side. Ed. Stephen Cain. Wellington: IPL Books, 1996: 8-20. Rendle, Steve. “Entertaining Trip to the Dark Side.” Rev. of Antipodean Tales: Stories from the Dark Side, ed. Stephen Cain. The Evening Post. 17 Jan. 1997: 5. Shelley, Mary. Frankenstein. Ed. Patrick Nobes. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. Steer, Philip. “History (Never) Repeats: Pakeha Identity, Novels and the New Zealand Wars.” Journal of New Zealand Literature 25 (2007): 114-37. Virtue, Noel. The Redemption of Elsdon Bird. New York: Grove Press, 1987. Walpole, Horace. The Castle of Otranto. London: Penguin, 2010. Wevers, Lydia. “The Short Story.” The Oxford History of New Zealand Literature in English. Ed. Terry Sturm. Auckland: Oxford University Press, 1991: 203–70.

Introduction Cookbooks are an exceptional written record of what is largely an oral tradition. They have been described as “magician’s hats” due to their ability to reveal much more than they seem to contain (Wheaton, “Finding”). The first book printed in Germany was the Guttenberg Bible in 1456 but, by 1490, printing was introduced into almost every European country (Tierney). The spread of literacy between 1500 and 1800, and the rise in silent reading, helped to create a new private sphere into which the individual could retreat, seeking refuge from the community (Chartier). This new technology had its effects in the world of cookery as in so many spheres of culture (Mennell, All Manners). Trubek notes that cookbooks are the texts most often used by culinary historians, since they usually contain all the requisite materials for analysing a cuisine: ingredients, method, technique, and presentation. Printed cookbooks, beginning in the early modern period, provide culinary historians with sources of evidence of the culinary past. Historians have argued that social differences can be expressed by the way and type of food we consume. Cookbooks are now widely accepted as valid socio-cultural and historic documents (Folch, Sherman), and indeed the link between literacy levels and the protestant tradition has been expressed through the study of Danish cookbooks (Gold). From Apicius, Taillevent, La Varenne, and Menon to Bradley, Smith, Raffald, Acton, and Beeton, how can both manuscript and printed cookbooks be analysed as historic documents? What is the difference between a manuscript and a printed cookbook? Barbara Ketchum Wheaton, who has been studying cookbooks for over half a century and is honorary curator of the culinary collection in Harvard’s Schlesinger Library, has developed a methodology to read historic cookbooks using a structured approach. For a number of years she has been giving seminars to scholars from multidisciplinary fields on how to read historic cookbooks. This paper draws on the author’s experiences attending Wheaton’s seminar in Harvard, and on supervising the use of this methodology at both Masters and Doctoral level (Cashman; Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Manuscripts versus Printed Cookbooks A fundamental difference exists between manuscript and printed cookbooks in their relationship with the public and private domain. Manuscript cookbooks are by their very essence intimate, relatively unedited and written with an eye to private circulation. Culinary manuscripts follow the diurnal and annual tasks of the household. They contain recipes for cures and restoratives, recipes for cleansing products for the house and the body, as well as the expected recipes for cooking and preserving all manners of food. Whether manuscript or printed cookbook, the recipes contained within often act as a reminder of how laborious the production of food could be in the pre-industrialised world (White). Printed cookbooks draw oxygen from the very fact of being public. They assume a “literate population with sufficient discretionary income to invest in texts that commodify knowledge” (Folch). This process of commoditisation brings knowledge from the private to the public sphere. There exists a subset of cookbooks that straddle this divide, for example, Mrs. Rundell’s A New System of Domestic Cookery (1806), which brought to the public domain her distillation of a lifetime of domestic experience. Originally intended for her daughters alone, Rundell’s book was reprinted regularly during the nineteenth century with the last edition printed in 1893, when Mrs. Beeton had been enormously popular for over thirty years (Mac Con Iomaire, and Cashman). Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s Structured Approach Cookbooks can be rewarding, surprising and illuminating when read carefully with due effort in understanding them as cultural artefacts. However, Wheaton notes that: “One may read a single old cookbook and find it immensely entertaining. One may read two and begin to find intriguing similarities and differences. When the third cookbook is read, one’s mind begins to blur, and one begins to sense the need for some sort of method in approaching these documents” (“Finding”). Following decades of studying cookbooks from both sides of the Atlantic and writing a seminal text on the French at table from 1300-1789 (Wheaton, Savouring the Past), this combined experience negotiating cookbooks as historical documents was codified, and a structured approach gradually articulated and shared within a week long seminar format. In studying any cookbook, regardless of era or country of origin, the text is broken down into five different groupings, to wit: ingredients; equipment or facilities; the meal; the book as a whole; and, finally, the worldview. A particular strength of Wheaton’s seminars is the multidisciplinary nature of the approaches of students who attend, which throws the study of cookbooks open to wide ranging techniques. Students with a purely scientific training unearth interesting patterns by developing databases of the frequency of ingredients or techniques, and cross referencing them with other books from similar or different timelines or geographical regions. Patterns are displayed in graphs or charts. Linguists offer their own unique lens to study cookbooks, whereas anthropologists and historians ask what these objects can tell us about how our ancestors lived and drew meaning from life. This process is continuously refined, and each grouping is discussed below. Ingredients The geographic origins of the ingredients are of interest, as is the seasonality and the cost of the foodstuffs within the scope of each cookbook, as well as the sensory quality both separately and combined within different recipes. In the medieval period, the use of spices and large joints of butchers meat and game were symbols of wealth and status. However, when the discovery of sea routes to the New World and to the Far East made spices more available and affordable to the middle classes, the upper classes spurned them. Evidence from culinary manuscripts in Georgian Ireland, for example, suggests that galangal was more easily available in Dublin during the eighteenth century than in the mid-twentieth century. A new aesthetic, articulated by La Varenne in his Le Cuisinier Francois (1651), heralded that food should taste of itself, and so exotic ingredients such as cinnamon, nutmeg, and ginger were replaced by the local bouquet garni, and stocks and sauces became the foundations of French haute cuisine (Mac Con Iomaire). Some combinations of flavours and ingredients were based on humoral physiology, a long held belief system based on the writings of Hippocrates and Galen, now discredited by modern scientific understanding. The four humors are blood, yellow bile, black bile, and phlegm. It was believed that each of these humors would wax and wane in the body, depending on diet and activity. Galen (131-201 AD) believed that warm food produced yellow bile and that cold food produced phlegm. It is difficult to fathom some combinations of ingredients or the manner of service without comprehending the contemporary context within they were consumeSome ingredients found in Roman cookbooks, such as “garum” or “silphium” are no longer available. It is suggested that the nearest substitute for garum also known as “liquamen”—a fermented fish sauce—would be Naam Plaa, or Thai fish sauce (Grainger). Ingredients such as tea and white bread, moved from the prerogative of the wealthy over time to become the staple of the urban poor. These ingredients, therefore, symbolise radically differing contexts during the seventeenth century than in the early twentieth century. Indeed, there are other ingredients such as hominy (dried maize kernel treated with alkali) or grahams (crackers made from graham flour) found in American cookbooks that require translation to the unacquainted non-American reader. There has been a growing number of food encyclopaedias published in recent years that assist scholars in identifying such commodities (Smith, Katz, Davidson). The Cook’s Workplace, Techniques, and Equipment It is important to be aware of the type of kitchen equipment used, the management of heat and cold within the kitchen, and also the gradual spread of the industrial revolution into the domestic sphere. Visits to historic castles such as Hampton Court Palace where nowadays archaeologists re-enact life below stairs in Tudor times give a glimpse as to how difficult and labour intensive food production was. Meat was spit-roasted in front of huge fires by spit boys. Forcemeats and purees were manually pulped using mortar and pestles. Various technological developments including spit-dogs, and mechanised pulleys, replaced the spit boys, the most up to date being the mechanised rotisserie. The technological advancements of two hundred years can be seen in the Royal Pavilion in Brighton where Marie-Antoinin Carême worked for the Prince Regent in 1816 (Brighton Pavilion), but despite the gleaming copper pans and high ceilings for ventilation, the work was still back breaking. Carême died aged forty-nine, “burnt out by the flame of his genius and the fumes of his ovens” (Ackerman 90). Mennell points out that his fame outlived him, resting on his books: Le Pâtissier Royal Parisien (1815); Le Pâtissier Pittoresque (1815); Le Maître d’Hôtel Français (1822); Le Cuisinier Parisien (1828); and, finally, L’Art de la Cuisine Française au Dix-Neuvième Siècle (1833–5), which was finished posthumously by his student Pluméry (All Manners). Mennell suggests that these books embody the first paradigm of professional French cuisine (in Kuhn’s terminology), pointing out that “no previous work had so comprehensively codified the field nor established its dominance as a point of reference for the whole profession in the way that Carême did” (All Manners 149). The most dramatic technological changes came after the industrial revolution. Although there were built up ovens available in bakeries and in large Norman households, the period of general acceptance of new cooking equipment that enclosed fire (such as the Aga stove) is from c.1860 to 1910, with gas ovens following in c.1910 to the 1920s) and Electricity from c.1930. New food processing techniques dates are as follows: canning (1860s), cooling and freezing (1880s), freeze drying (1950s), and motorised delivery vans with cooking (1920s–1950s) (den Hartog). It must also be noted that the supply of fresh food, and fish particularly, radically improved following the birth, and expansion of, the railways. To understand the context of the cookbook, one needs to be aware of the limits of the technology available to the users of those cookbooks. For many lower to middle class families during the twentieth century, the first cookbook they would possess came with their gas or electrical oven. Meals One can follow cooked dishes from the kitchen to the eating place, observing food presentation, carving, sequencing, and serving of the meal and table etiquette. Meal times and structure changed over time. During the Middle Ages, people usually ate two meals a day: a substantial dinner around noon and a light supper in the evening (Adamson). Some of the most important factors to consider are the manner in which meals were served: either à la française or à la russe. One of the main changes that occurred during the nineteenth century was the slow but gradual transfer from service à la française to service à la russe. From medieval times to the middle of the nineteenth century the structure of a formal meal was not by “courses”—as the term is now understood—but by “services”. Each service could comprise of a choice of dishes—both sweet and savoury—from which each guest could select what appealed to him or her most (Davidson). The philosophy behind this form of service was the forementioned humoral physiology— where each diner chose food based on the four humours of blood, yellow bile, black bile, or phlegm. Also known as le grand couvert, the à la française method made it impossible for the diners to eat anything that was beyond arm’s length (Blake, and Crewe). Smooth service, however, was the key to an effective à la russe dinner since servants controlled the flow of food (Eatwell). The taste and temperature of food took centre stage with the à la russe dinner as each course came in sequence. Many historic cookbooks offer table plans illustrating the suggested arrangement of dishes on a table for the à la française style of service. Many of these dishes might be re-used in later meals, and some dishes such as hashes and rissoles often utilised left over components of previous meals. There is a whole genre of cookbooks informing the middle class cooks how to be frugal and also how to emulate haute cuisine using cheaper or ersatz ingredients. The number dining and the manner in which they dined also changed dramatically over time. From medieval to Tudor times, there might be hundreds dining in large banqueting halls. By the Elizabethan age, a small intimate room where master and family dined alone replaced the old dining hall where master, servants, guests, and travellers had previously dined together (Spencer). Dining tables remained portable until the 1780s when tables with removable leaves were devised. By this time, the bread trencher had been replaced by one made of wood, or plate of pewter or precious metal in wealthier houses. Hosts began providing knives and spoons for their guests by the seventeenth century, with forks also appearing but not fully accepted until the eighteenth century (Mason). These silver utensils were usually marked with the owner’s initials to prevent their theft (Flandrin). Cookbooks as Objects and the World of Publishing A thorough examination of the manuscript or printed cookbook can reveal their physical qualities, including indications of post-publication history, the recipes and other matter in them, as well as the language, organization, and other individual qualities. What can the quality of the paper tell us about the book? Is there a frontispiece? Is the book dedicated to an employer or a patron? Does the author note previous employment history in the introduction? In his Court Cookery, Robert Smith, for example, not only mentions a number of his previous employers, but also outlines that he was eight years working with Patrick Lamb in the Court of King William, before revealing that several dishes published in Lamb’s Royal Cookery (1710) “were never made or practis’d (sic) by him and others are extreme defective and imperfect and made up of dishes unknown to him; and several of them more calculated at the purses than the Gôut of the guests”. Both Lamb and Smith worked for the English monarchy, nobility, and gentry, but produced French cuisine. Not all Britons were enamoured with France, however, with, for example Hannah Glasse asserting “if gentlemen will have French cooks, they must pay for French tricks” (4), and “So much is the blind folly of this age, that they would rather be imposed on by a French Booby, than give encouragement to an good English cook” (ctd. in Trubek 60). Spencer contextualises Glasse’s culinary Francophobia, explaining that whilst she was writing the book, the Jacobite army were only a few days march from London, threatening to cut short the Hanoverian lineage. However, Lehmann points out that whilst Glasse was overtly hostile to French cuisine, she simultaneously plagiarised its receipts. Based on this trickling down of French influences, Mennell argues that “there is really no such thing as a pure-bred English cookery book” (All Manners 98), but that within the assimilation and simplification, a recognisable English style was discernable. Mennell also asserts that Glasse and her fellow women writers had an enormous role in the social history of cooking despite their lack of technical originality (“Plagiarism”). It is also important to consider the place of cookbooks within the history of publishing. Albala provides an overview of the immense outpouring of dietary literature from the printing presses from the 1470s. He divides the Renaissance into three periods: Period I Courtly Dietaries (1470–1530)—targeted at the courtiers with advice to those attending banquets with many courses and lots of wine; Period II The Galenic Revival (1530–1570)—with a deeper appreciation, and sometimes adulation, of Galen, and when scholarship took centre stage over practical use. Finally Period III The Breakdown of Orthodoxy (1570–1650)—when, due to the ambiguities and disagreements within and between authoritative texts, authors were freer to pick the ideas that best suited their own. Nutrition guides were consistent bestsellers, and ranged from small handbooks written in the vernacular for lay audiences, to massive Latin tomes intended for practicing physicians. Albala adds that “anyone with an interest in food appears to have felt qualified to pen his own nutritional guide” (1). Would we have heard about Mrs. Beeton if her husband had not been a publisher? How could a twenty-five year old amass such a wealth of experience in household management? What role has plagiarism played in the history of cookbooks? It is interesting to note that a well worn copy of her book (Beeton) was found in the studio of Francis Bacon and it is suggested that he drew inspiration for a number of his paintings from the colour plates of animal carcasses and butcher’s meat (Dawson). Analysing the post-publication usage of cookbooks is valuable to see the most popular recipes, the annotations left by the owner(s) or user(s), and also if any letters, handwritten recipes, or newspaper clippings are stored within the leaves of the cookbook. The Reader, the Cook, the Eater The physical and inner lives and needs and skills of the individuals who used cookbooks and who ate their meals merit consideration. Books by their nature imply literacy. Who is the book’s audience? Is it the cook or is it the lady of the house who will dictate instructions to the cook? Numeracy and measurement is also important. Where clocks or pocket watches were not widely available, authors such as seventeenth century recipe writer Sir Kenelm Digby would time his cooking by the recitation of the Lord’s Prayer. Literacy amongst protestant women to enable them to read the Bible, also enabled them to read cookbooks (Gold). How did the reader or eater’s religion affect the food practices? Were there fast days? Were there substitute foods for fast days? What about special occasions? Do historic cookbooks only tell us about the food of the middle and upper classes? It is widely accepted today that certain cookbook authors appeal to confident cooks, while others appeal to competent cooks, and others still to more cautious cooks (Bilton). This has always been the case, as has the differentiation between the cookbook aimed at the professional cook rather than the amateur. Historically, male cookbook authors such as Patrick Lamb (1650–1709) and Robert Smith targeted the professional cook market and the nobility and gentry, whereas female authors such as Eliza Acton (1799–1859) and Isabella Beeton (1836–1865) often targeted the middle class market that aspired to emulate their superiors’ fashions in food and dining. How about Tavern or Restaurant cooks? When did they start to put pen to paper, and did what they wrote reflect the food they produced in public eateries? Conclusions This paper has offered an overview of Barbara Ketchum Wheaton’s methodology for reading historic cookbooks using a structured approach. It has highlighted some of the questions scholars and researchers might ask when faced with an old cookbook, regardless of era or geographical location. By systematically examining the book under the headings of ingredients; the cook’s workplace, techniques and equipment; the meals; cookbooks as objects and the world of publishing; and reader, cook and eater, the scholar can perform magic and extract much more from the cookbook than seems to be there on first appearance. References Ackerman, Roy. The Chef's Apprentice. London: Headline, 1988. Adamson, Melitta Weiss. Food in Medieval Times. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood P, 2004. Albala, Ken. Eating Right in the Renaissance. Ed. Darra Goldstein. Berkeley: U of California P, 2002. Beeton, Isabella. Beeton's Book of Household Management. London: S. Beeton, 1861. Bilton, Samantha. “The Influence of Cookbooks on Domestic Cooks, 1900-2010.” Petit Propos Culinaires 94 (2011): 30–7. Blake, Anthony, and Quentin Crewe. Great Chefs of France. London: Mitchell Beazley/ Artists House, 1978. Brighton Pavilion. 12 Jun. 2013 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/artanddesign/interactive/2011/sep/09/brighton-pavilion-360-interactive-panoramic›. Cashman, Dorothy. “An Exploratory Study of Irish Cookbooks.” Unpublished Master's Thesis. M.Sc. Dublin: Dublin Institute of Technology, 2009. Chartier, Roger. “The Practical Impact of Writing.” Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. A History of Private Lives: Volume III: Passions of the Renaissance. Ed. Roger Chartier. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap P of Harvard U, 1989. 111-59. Davidson, Alan. The Oxford Companion to Food. New York: Oxford U P, 1999. Dawson, Barbara. “Francis Bacon and the Art of Food.” The Irish Times 6 April 2013. den Hartog, Adel P. “Technological Innovations and Eating out as a Mass Phenomenon in Europe: A Preamble.” Eating out in Europe: Picnics, Gourmet Dining and Snacks since the Late Eighteenth Century. Eds. Mark Jacobs and Peter Scholliers. Oxford: Berg, 2003. 263–80. Eatwell, Ann. “Á La Française to À La Russe, 1680-1930.” Elegant Eating: Four Hundred Years of Dining in Style. Eds. Philippa Glanville and Hilary Young. London: V&A, 2002. 48–52. Flandrin, Jean-Louis. “Distinction through Taste.” Trans. Arthur Goldhammer. A History of Private Lives: Volume III : Passions of the Renaissance. Ed. Roger Chartier. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap P of Harvard U, 1989. 265–307. Folch, Christine. “Fine Dining: Race in Pre-revolution Cuban Cookbooks.” Latin American Research Review 43.2 (2008): 205–23. Glasse, Hannah. The Art of Cookery Made Plain and Easy; Which Far Exceeds Anything of the Kind Ever Published. 4th Ed. London: The Author, 1745. Gold, Carol. Danish Cookbooks: Domesticity and National Identity, 1616-1901. Seattle: U of Washington P, 2007. Grainger, Sally. Cooking Apicius: Roman Recipes for Today. Totnes, Devon: Prospect, 2006. Hampton Court Palace. “The Tudor Kitchens.” 12 Jun 2013 ‹http://www.hrp.org.uk/HamptonCourtPalace/stories/thetudorkitchens› Katz, Solomon H. Ed. Encyclopedia of Food and Culture (3 Vols). New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 2003. Kuhn, T. S. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1962. Lamb, Patrick. Royal Cookery:Or. The Complete Court-Cook. London: Abel Roper, 1710. Lehmann, Gilly. “English Cookery Books in the 18th Century.” The Oxford Companion to Food. Ed. Alan Davidson. Oxford: Oxford U P, 1999. 277–9. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín. “The Changing Geography and Fortunes of Dublin’s Haute Cuisine Restaurants 1958–2008.” Food, Culture & Society 14.4 (2011): 525–45. Mac Con Iomaire, Máirtín, and Dorothy Cashman. “Irish Culinary Manuscripts and Printed Cookbooks: A Discussion.” Petit Propos Culinaires 94 (2011): 81–101. Mason, Laura. Food Culture in Great Britain. Ed. Ken Albala. Westport CT.: Greenwood P, 2004. Mennell, Stephen. All Manners of Food. 2nd ed. Chicago: U of Illinois P, 1996. ---. “Plagiarism and Originality: Diffusionism in the Study of the History of Cookery.” Petits Propos Culinaires 68 (2001): 29–38. Sherman, Sandra. “‘The Whole Art and Mystery of Cooking’: What Cookbooks Taught Readers in the Eighteenth Century.” Eighteenth Century Life 28.1 (2004): 115–35. Smith, Andrew F. Ed. The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink. New York: Oxford U P, 2007. Spencer, Colin. British Food: An Extraordinary Thousand Years of History. London: Grub Street, 2004. Tierney, Mark. Europe and the World 1300-1763. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1970. Trubek, Amy B. Haute Cuisine: How the French Invented the Culinary Profession. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania P, 2000. Wheaton, Barbara. “Finding Real Life in Cookbooks: The Adventures of a Culinary Historian”. 2006. Humanities Research Group Working Paper. 9 Sep. 2009 ‹http://www.phaenex.uwindsor.ca/ojs/leddy/index.php/HRG/article/view/22/27›. Wheaton, Barbara Ketcham. Savouring the Past: The French Kitchen and Table from 1300-1789. London: Chatto & Windus, 1983. White, Eileen, ed. The English Cookery Book: Historical Essays. Proceedings of the 16th Leeds Symposium on Food History 2001. Devon: Prospect, 2001.

IntroductionThe European will to modify the natural world emerged through English landscape design during the eighteenth century. Released from the neo-classical aesthetic dichotomy of the beautiful and the ugly, new categories of the picturesque and the sublime gestured towards an affective relationship to nature. Europeans began to see the world as a picture, the elements of which were composed as though part of a theatrical scene. Quite literally, as I shall discuss below, gardens were “composed with ‘pantomimic’ elements – ruins of castles and towers, rough hewn bridges, Chinese pagodas and their like” (McGillivray 134–35) transforming natural vistas into theatrical scenes. Such a transformation was made possible by a habit of spectating that was informed by the theatrical metaphor or theatrum mundi, one version of which emphasised the relationship between spectator and the thing seen. The idea of the natural world as an aesthetic object first developed in poetry and painting and then through English landscape garden style was wrought in three dimensions on the land itself. From representations of place a theatrical transformation occurred so that gardens became a places of representation.“The Genius of the Place in All”The eighteenth century inherited theatrum mundi from the Renaissance, although the genealogy of its key features date back to ancient times. Broadly speaking, theatrum mundi was a metaphorical expression of the world and humanity in two ways: dramaturgically and formally. During the Renaissance the dramaturgical metaphor was a moral emblem concerned with the contingency of human life; as Shakespeare famously wrote, “men and women [were] merely players” whose lives consisted of “seven ages” or “acts” (2.7.139–65). In contrast to the dramaturgical metaphor with its emphasis on role-playing humanity, the formalist version highlighted a relationship between spectator, theatre-space and spectacle. Rooted in Renaissance neo-Platonism, the formalist metaphor configured the world as a spectacle and “Man” its spectator. If the dramaturgical metaphor was inflected with medieval moral pessimism, the formalist metaphor was more optimistic.The neo-Platonist spectator searched in the world for a divine plan or grand design and spectatorship became an epistemological challenge. As a seer and a knower on the world stage, the human being became the one who thought about the world not just as a theatre but also through theatre. This is apparent in the etymology of “theatre” from the Greek theatron, or “seeing place,” but the word also shares a stem with “theory”: theaomai or “to look at.” In a graceful compression of both roots, Martin Heidegger suggests a “theatre” might be any “seeing place” in which any thing being beheld offers itself to careful scrutiny by the beholder (163–65). By the eighteenth century, the ancient idea of a seeing-knowing place coalesced with the new empirical method and aesthetic sensibility: the world was out there, so to speak, to provide pleasure and instruction.Joseph Addison, among others, in the first half of the century reconsidered the utilitarian appeal of the natural world and proposed it as the model for artistic inspiration and appreciation. In “Pleasures of the Imagination,” a series of essays in The Spectator published in 1712, Addison claimed that “there is something more bold and masterly in the rough careless strokes of nature, than in the nice touches and embellishments of art,” and compared to the beauty of an ordered garden, “the sight wanders up and down without confinement” the “wide fields of nature” and is “fed with an infinite variety of images, without any certain stint or number” (67).Yet art still had a role because, Addison argues, although “wild scenes [. . .] are more delightful than any artificial shows” the pleasure of nature increases the more it begins to resemble art; the mind experiences the “double” pleasure of comparing nature’s original beauty with its copy (68). This is why “we take delight in a prospect which is well laid out, and diversified, with fields and meadows, woods and rivers” (68); a carefully designed estate can be both profitable and beautiful and “a man might make a pretty landskip of his own possessions” (69). Although nature should always be one’s guide, nonetheless, with some small “improvements” it was possible to transform an estate into a landscape picture. Nearly twenty years later in response to the neo-Palladian architectural ambitions of Richard Boyle, the third Earl of Burlington, and with a similarly pictorial eye to nature, Alexander Pope advised:To build, to plant, whatever you intend,To rear the Column, or the Arch to bend,To swell the Terras, or to sink the Grot;In all, let Nature never be forgot.But treat the Goddess like a modest fair,Nor over-dress, nor leave her wholly bare;Let not each beauty ev’ry where be spy’d,Where half the skill is decently to hide.He gains all points, who pleasingly confounds,Surprizes, varies, and conceals the Bounds.Consult the Genius of the Place in all;That tells the Waters or to rise, or fall,Or helps th’ ambitious Hill the heav’ns to scale,Or scoops in circling theatres the Vale,Calls in the Country, catches opening glades, Joins willing woods, and varies shades from shades,Now breaks or now directs, th’ intending Lines;Paints as you plant, and, as you work, designs. (Epistle IV, ll 47–64) Whereas Addison still gestured towards estate management, Pope explicitly advocated a painterly approach to garden design. His epistle articulated some key principles that he enacted in his own garden at Twickenham and which would inform later garden design. No matter what one added to a landscape, one needed to be guided by nature; one should be moderate in one’s designs and neither plant too much nor too little; one must be aware of the spectator’s journey through the garden and take care to provide variety by creating “surprises” that would be revealed at different points. Finally, one had to find the “spirit” of the place that gave it its distinct character and use this to create the cohesion in diversity that was aspired to in a garden. Nature’s aestheticisation had begun with poetry, developed into painting, and was now enacted on actual natural environments with the emergence of English landscape style. This painterly approach to gardening demanded an imaginative, emotional, and intellectual engagement with place and it stylistically rejected the neo-classical geometry and regularity of the baroque garden (exemplified by Le Nôtre’s gardens at Versailles). Experiencing landscape now took on a third dimension as wealthy landowners and their friends put themselves within the picture frame and into the scene. Although landscape style changed during the century, a number of principles remained more or less consistent: the garden should be modelled on nature but “improved,” any improvements should not be obvious, pictorial composition should be observed, the garden should be concerned with the spectator’s experience and should aim to provoke an imaginative or emotional engagement with it. During the seventeenth century, developments in theatrical technology, particularly the emergence of the proscenium arch theatre with moveable scenery, showed that poetry and painting could be spectacularly combined on the stage. Later in the eighteenth century the artist and stage designer Philippe Jacques de Loutherbourg combined picturesque painting aesthetics with theatrical design in works such as The Wonders of Derbyshire in 1779 (McGillivray 136). It was a short step to shift the onstage scene outside. Theatricality was invoked when pictorial principles were applied three dimensionally; gardens became sites for pastoral genre scenes that ambiguously positioned their visitors both as spectators and actors. Theatrical SceneryGardens and theatres were explicitly connected. Like “theatre,” the word “garden” was sometimes used to describe a collection, in book form, which promised “a whole world of items” which was not always “redeemable” in “straightforward ways” (Hunt, Gardens 54–55). Theatrum mundi could be emblematically expressed in a garden through statues and architectural fabriques which drew spectators into complex chains of associations involving literature, art, and society, as they progressed through it.In the previous century, writes John Dixon Hunt, “the expectation of a fine garden [. . .] was that it work upon its visitor, involving him [sic] often insidiously as a participant in its dramas, which were presented to him as he explored its spaces by a variety of statues, inscriptions and [. . .] hydraulically controlled automata” (Gardens 54). Such devices, which featured heavily in the Italian baroque garden, were by the mid eighteenth century seen by English and French garden theorists to be overly contrived. Nonetheless, as David Marshall argues, “eighteenth-century garden design is famous for its excesses [. . .] the picturesque garden may have aimed to be less theatrical, but it aimed no less to be theater” (38). Such gardens still required their visitors’ participation and were designed to deliver an experience that stimulated the spectators’ imaginations and emotions as they moved through them. Theatrum mundi is implicit in eighteenth-century gardens through a common idea of the world reimagined into four geographical quadrants emblematically represented by fabriques in the garden. The model here is Alexander Pope’s influential poem, “The Temple of Fame” (1715), which depicted the eponymous temple with four different geographic faces: its western face was represented by western classical architecture, its east face by Chinese, Persian, and Assyrian, its north was Gothic and Celtic, and its south, Egyptian. These tropes make their appearance in eighteenth-century landscape gardens. In Désert de Retz, a garden created between 1774 and 1789 by François Racine de Monville, about twenty kilometres west of Paris, one can still see amongst its remaining fabriques: a ruined “gothic” church, a “Tartar” tent (it used to have a Chinese maison, now lost), a pyramid, and the classically inspired Temple of Pan. Similar principles underpin the design of Jardin (now Parc) Monceau that I discuss below. Retz: Figure 1. Tartar tent.Figure 2. Temple of PanStowe Gardens in Buckinghamshire has a similar array of structures (although the classical predominates) including its original Chinese pavillion. It, too, once featured a pyramid designed by the architect and playwright John Vanbrugh, and erected as a memorial to him after his death in 1726. On it was carved a quote from Horace that explicitly referenced the dramaturgical version of theatrum mundi: You have played, eaten enough and drunk enough,Now is time to leave the stage for younger men. (Garnett 19) Stowe’s Elysian Fields, designed by William Kent in the 1730s according to picturesque principles, offered its visitor two narrative choices, to take the Path of Virtue or the Path of Vice, just like a re-imagined morality play. As visitors progressed along their chosen paths they would encounter various fabriques and statues, some carved with inscriptions in either Latin or English, like the Vanbrugh pyramid, that would encourage associations between the ancient world and the contemporary world of the garden’s owner Richard Temple, Lord Cobham, and his circle. Stowe: Figure 3. Chinese Pavillion.Figure 4. Temple of VirtueKent’s background was as a painter and scene designer and he brought a theatrical sensibility to his designs; as Hunt writes, Kent particularly enjoyed designing “recessions into woodland space where ‘wings’ [were] created” (Picturesque 29). Importantly, Kent’s garden drawings reveal his awareness of gardens as “theatrical scenes for human action and interaction, where the premium is upon more personal experiences” and it this spatial dimension that was opened up at Stowe (Picturesque 30).Picturesque garden design emphasised pictorial composition that was similar to stage design and because a garden, like a stage, was a three-dimensional place for human action, it could also function as a set for that action. Unlike a painting, a garden was experiential and time-based and a visitor to it had an experience not unlike, to cautiously use an anachronism, a contemporary promenade performance. The habit of imaginatively wandering through a theatre in book-form, moving associatively from one item to the next, trying to discern the author’s pattern or structure, was one educated Europeans were used to, and a garden provided an embodied dimension to this activity. We can see how this might have been by visiting Parc Monceau in Paris which still contains remnants of the garden designed by Louis Carrogis (known as Carmontelle) for the Duc de Chartres in the 1770s. Carmontelle, like Kent, had a theatrical background and his primary role was as head of entertainments for the Orléans family; as such he was responsible for designing and writing plays for the family’s private theatricals (Hays 449). According to Hunt, Carmontelle intended visitors to Jardin de Monceau to take a specific itinerary through its “quantity of curious things”:Visitors entered by a Chinese gateway, next door to a gothic building that served as a chemical laboratory, and passed through greenhouses and coloured pavilions. Upon pressing a button, a mirrored wall opened into a winter garden painted with trompe-l’œil trees, floored with red sand, filled with exotic plants, and containing at its far end a grotto in which supper parties were held while music was played in the chamber above. Outside was a farm. Then there followed a series of exotic “locations”: a Temple of Mars, a winding river with an island of rocks and a Dutch mill, a dairy, two flower gardens, a Turkish tent poised, minaret-like, above an icehouse, a grove of tombs [. . .], and an Italian vineyard with a classical Bacchus at its center, regularly laid out to contrast with an irregular wood that succeeded it. The final stretches of the itinerary included a Naumachia or Roman water-theatre [. . .], more Turkish and Chinese effects, a ruined castle, yet another water-mill, and an island on which sheep grazed. (Picturesque 121) Monceau: Figure 5. Naumachia.Figure 6. PyramidIn its presentation of a multitude of different times and different places one can trace a line of descent from Jardin de Monceau to the great nineteenth-century World Expos and on to Disneyland. This lineage is not as trite as it seems once we realise that Carmontelle himself intended the garden to represent “all times and all places” and Pope’s four quadrants of the world were represented by fabriques at Monceau (Picturesque 121). As Jardin de Monceau reveals, gardens were also sites for smaller performative interventions such as the popular fêtes champêtres, garden parties in which the participants ate, drank, danced, played music, and acted in comedies. Role playing and masquerade were an important part of the fêtes as we see, for example, in Jean-Antoine Watteau’s Fêtes Vénitiennes (1718–19) where a “Moorishly” attired man addresses (or is dancing with) a young woman before an audience of young men and women, lolling around a fabrique (Watteau). Scenic design in the theatre inspired garden designs and gardens “featured prominently as dramatic locations in intermezzi, operas, and plays”, an exchange that encouraged visitors to gardens to see themselves as performers as much as spectators (Hunt, Gardens 64). A garden, particularly within the liminal aegis of a fête was a site for deceptions, tricks, ruses and revelations, assignations and seductions, all activities which were inherently theatrical; in such a garden visitors could find themselves acting in or watching a comedy or drama of their own devising. Marie-Antoinette built English gardens and a rural “hamlet” at Versailles. She and her intimate circle would retire to rustic cottages, which belied the opulence of their interiors, and dressed in white muslin dresses and straw hats, would play at being dairy maids, milking cows (pre-cleaned by the servants) into fine porcelain buckets (Martin 3). Just as the queen acted in pastoral operas in her theatre in the grounds of the Petit Trianon, her hamlet provided an opportunity for her to “live” a pastoral fantasy. Similarly, François Racine de Monville, who commissioned Désert de Retz, was a talented harpist and flautist and his Temple of Pan was, appropriately, a music room.Versailles: Figure 7. Hamlet ConclusionRichard Steele, Addison’s friend and co-founder of The Spectator, casually invoked theatrum mundi when he wrote in 1720: “the World and the Stage [. . .] have been ten thousand times observed to be the Pictures of one another” (51). Steele’s reiteration of a Renaissance commonplace revealed a different emphasis, an emphasis on the metaphor’s spatial and spectacular elements. Although Steele reasserts the idea that the world and stage resemble each other, he does so through a third level of abstraction: it is as pictures that they have an affinity. World and stage are both positioned for the observer within complementary picture frames and it is as pictures that he or she is invited to make sense of them. The formalist version of theatrum mundi invokes a spectator beholding the world for his (usually!) pleasure and in the process nature itself is transformed. No longer were natural landscapes wildernesses to be tamed and economically exploited, but could become gardens rendered into scenes for their aristocratic owners’ pleasure. Désert de Retz, as its name suggests, was an artfully composed wilderness, a version of the natural world sculpted into scenery. Theatrum mundi, through the aesthetic category of the picturesque, emerged in English landscape style and effected a theatricalised transformation of nature that was enacted in the aristocratic gardens of Europe.ReferencesAddison, Joseph. The Spectator. No. 414 (25 June 1712): 67–70. Eighteenth Century Collections Online.Garnett, Oliver. Stowe. Buckinghamshire. 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