Dissertationen zum Thema „Canadian Committee“

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1

Alexander, Lawrence. „Regulatory reform: A case study of the Regulatory Advisory Committee (RAC) and the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10096.

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This paper examines a consensus-based approach to regulation making known as "regulation negotiation" or "regneg," and pursues the question, can regneg improve the performance of the federal regulatory process? Successfully implemented by the United States Environmental Protection Agency, regneg allows parties likely to be affected by a regulation to negotiate the substance of it. Although its use is rare in Canada, a similar process was used to help develop key regulations under the Canadian Environmental Assessment Act. The paper argues that the performance of any regulatory process can be measured by its ability to accommodate the views of a more diverse range of interests, improve the quality of regulations, and hold regulation makers to a higher standard of accountability. Based on the U.S. and Canadian experience, the paper suggests that in certain circumstances, and with some refinements, regneg is capable of improving the regulatory process in all of these areas.
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2

Daley, Tanya Dawn. „The Politics of “Choice”: Canadian Feminism and the Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/20264.

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The Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies developed rapidly in Canada after the birth of world’s first “test tube baby,” Louise Brown, in 1978. Canadian feminists, propelled by the women’s health movement, perceived these technologies as a threat to women’s control over their bodies, the gains made to redefine the identity “woman” against the biological tradition of “mother,” and against the safety and freedom of women based on race, disability and class. In response to the lobby efforts of the women’s movement under the Canadian Coalition for a Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies, the Mulroney government established a commission in 1989 to study the medical, legal, and social implications these technologies would have on Canadian society. Through a qualitative analysis of manuscript and printed sources, this thesis explores the debate surrounding new reproductive technologies (NRTs) before and after the mandate of the Royal Commission (1989 to 1993). It discusses the views and positions of some of the key stakeholders such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, the Canadian Medical Association, the DisAbled Women’s Network, as well as adds the voice of infertile women through the Infertility Awareness Association of Canada. This thesis also examines the controversy and discontent created by the Commission’s dismissal of several members, by the management’s style of its Chair, and by the final report’s narrow scope. In the end, the reaction to the report was one of considerable disappointment amongst all major stakeholders, starting with NAC, which claimed that its voice had not been heard. At the same time, the debate over NRTs illustrates NAC’s ongoing internal problems as it faced the challenge of “identity politics.”
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3

Kellogg, Kevin Allen. „The development of a curriculum for the nominating committee of Canadian Valley Baptist Church, Yukon, OK, to assess members' spiritual giftedness and place them in service“. Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN) Access this title online, 2005. http://www.tren.com.

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4

Roerick, Kyle. „Much Ado About Free Trade? Examining the Role of Discourse and Civil Society in Framing the Anti-Free Trade Debate, 1985-1988“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/22757.

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The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.
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5

Wolfman, Charlene. „An interdepartmental/governmental Working Committee to address the needs of Canadian Forces members and their families in transition, a practicum concerning horizontal management and citizen-centred service delivery in practice“. Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ62870.pdf.

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6

Gillis, Janice Elizabeth. „A study on a community policing initiative: Police-community consultative committees“. Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/9515.

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Police-community consultative committees illustrate the enhanced community responsibility and participation in policing efforts. The primary objectives of these groups are to increase communication between the police and the community, to improve police/community relations, and serve as a forum where the community and police can share information and mutually identify concerns. In this study, the emergence of police-community consultative committees in Ottawa-Carleton is examined within the context of police partnerships. This thesis focuses on five police community consultative committees in the Ottawa-Carleton region. The findings suggest that police representatives on the committees have made commendable efforts to establish partnerships between the police and the community, but obstacles appear to hinder the process. These obstacles include a perception among many of the police representatives that there is a lack of organizational support for community policing, that committee members may not be clear as to their roles and responsibilities on consultative committees, and that committees may not be representative of the community they represent. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
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7

Solari, Pauline. „Searching for ways to voice women's truths : a feminist interpretation of the Badgley report“. Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61146.

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This study records an attempt to apply feminist epistemology to the conduct and communication of social science research, specifically of the Badgley Report. When I began, I wanted to understand why and how mainstream social science research persists in evading feminist analysis of the problem of child sexual abuse, despite agreement on incidence and perpetrators. I also wanted to find ways of producing knowledge that did not either evade nor postpone voicing the truths of women's and children's experiences of child sexual abuse. I have learned that commitment to a feminist framework requires critical consciousness of all aspects of the processes by which knowledge is constructed, including the relationship and interaction between the writer and reader of research. Thus, what I have attempted to do in this thesis is to communicate feminist research processes through both the form and the content of my report.
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8

McColl, Heidi. „Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada“. Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.

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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.

In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.

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9

Kinuthia, Wanyee. „“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of Canada“. Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/30170.

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This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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10

Masschaele, Brian. „Memos and minutes : Arnold Heeney, the Cabinet War Committee and the establishment of the Canadian Cabinet Secretariat during the Second World War“. 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/19198.

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11

Minnes, Jonathan David. „Law and justice: Scott v. Canada and the history of the social covenant with Canadian veterans“. Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/10910.

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This paper explores the issues underlying the Scott v. Canada veteran class action lawsuit. In particular it seeks to provide context to these issues by examining the cultural and legal structure of the Canadian military, the historic developments of veteran benefits in Canada, and the difficulties veterans face navigating the institutions that disseminate these benefits. The Scott v. Canada veteran class action lawsuit was launched against the Federal Government in 2012, in response to the Canadian Forces Members and Veterans Re-establishment and Compensation Act (the “New Veterans Charter”), which replaced the disability pension regime for many Canadian Forces Members and veterans under the Pension Act.
Graduate
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12

Targa, RYAN. „From Governors to Grocers: How Profiteering Changed English-Canadian Perspectives of Liberalism in the Great War of 1914-1918“. Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/8299.

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The war against Germany was perceived by the majority of English Canadians as a necessity to defend the British Empire, democracy and justice. However, it became increasingly evident to the public that some individuals were being permitted to prosper, while others — particularly those of the working class — endured immense hardship. These individuals who prospered at a level judged excessive became known as "profiteers." Initial criticisms of profiteering were connected to graft, jobbery and patronage apparent in government military purchases. However, as public sacrifices intensified, the morally acceptable extent to which individuals and businesses could profit came to be more narrowly defined. Criticisms of profiteering expanded to challenge the mainstream liberal notions of private wealth and laissez-faire policies as being inequitable and undemocratic. The federal government's unwillingness to seriously implement measures against profiteering led to rising discontent. Consequently, working-class English Canadians aspired to form a 'new democracy' that was worth the sacrifices of the war.
Thesis (Master, History) -- Queen's University, 2013-09-19 19:02:13.077
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13

Gaudry, William. „La Commission administrative et la modernisation des structures politiques et administratives de Montréal, 1918-1921“. Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11492.

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Ce mémoire revient sur la première tutelle de la Ville de Montréal, imposée par le gouvernement provincial de 1918 à 1921. Pour l’occasion, le Lieutenant-gouverneur du Québec nomme cinq administrateurs afin de gérer les affaires courantes de la municipalité. Peu connu des historiens et du public, cet événement suscite des changements profonds dans les structures politiques et administratives de la Ville qui laissent des empreintes dans la vie quotidienne actuelle des Montréalais. Puisqu’ils ne sont pas redevables devant la population, les commissaires mettent en œuvre plusieurs réformes souvent impopulaires qui permettent de rétablir l’équilibre budgétaire de la Ville. Au passage, ils tentent de moderniser l’administration municipale dont le fonctionnement est jusque-là incompatible avec les réalités d’une population grandissante et d’un espace urbain accru par les nombreuses annexions. Notre étude souligne les réformes implantées par la Commission administrative au niveau de la fiscalité, de l’organisation des services municipaux et des politiques d'urbanisme. Elles s’inspirent de réformes mises en œuvre dans plusieurs villes nord-américaines de grande taille. Durant leur mandat, les nouveaux administrateurs cherchent à imposer un modèle d’administration s’inspirant de grandes entreprises privées et réussissent à réduire de manière substantielle le déficit de la Ville. Enfin, une attention particulière est accordée à la fin du mandat de la Commission administrative et au régime administratif qui lui fait suite.
This thesis is related to the first supervision of the City of Montreal enforced by the Provincial government from 1918 to 1921. The City was put under the strict control of five overseers appointed by the Quebec Lieutenant Governor. Few historians analyzed the Administrative Commission and it is largely unknown by the public even if it brought up profound changes in the political and administrative structures of the City. Since the overseers were not accountable to the people, they implemented unpopular reforms in order to balance city budget. At the same time, they took advantage of their power to modernize the administration since it was becoming incompatible with the needs of a growing population that requires all kinds of public services. Four chapters highlight the improvements raised by the Administrative Commission from three perspectives: taxation, organization of municipal services and public by-laws. The City of Montreal is stimulated by administrative reforms carried out in American cities at the same time. In order to reduce the deficit they tried to dictate a management model based on large private companies. Particular attention is given to the transition between the Administrative Commission and the new regime of the Executive Committee that followed.
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14

Austin, David. „Liberation from Below : the Caribbean Conference Committee of Montreal and the global new left“. Thèse, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7663.

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15

Richardson, Kristyn. „A gendered perspective of learning and representation in forest management advisory committees in Canada“. 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/29776.

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16

Mullaly, Timothy C. „An empirical investigation into the political economy of the North American Free Trade Agreement“. 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50248848.html.

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17

Baldwin, Mariah. „Domestic homicide policy responses in Canada: exploring the diversity of models and their potential for tertiary prevention“. 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1993/32116.

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Despite significant gains in research and programming, domestic violence persists, with domestic homicides remaining a particular concern. Yet, very little has been written about the administrative and policy responses that exist to combat domestic homicide. In Canada, inquiries, inquests, Domestic Violence Death Review Committees, and other models are increasingly being recognized as important policy responses following an intimate partner death. To assess their potential for tertiary prevention, this thesis examines models of inquiry adopted in Ontario, Manitoba, New Brunswick, and British Columbia, using secondary data analysis of relevant literature and reports as well as qualitative interviews with 11 respondents with expertise in one or more of the models. After considering the strengths and limitations of each model of inquiry, the main conclusion drawn is that the models work in complementary fashion such that, in combination, they offer a path forward in combatting the serious problem of domestic homicide.
February 2017
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18

Danjoux, Olivier. „What does Canada want? : reactions to the Allaire Report in and out of Quebec as expressed in the written press“. Thesis, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/2948.

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The theoretical framework of this thesis bases itself essentially upon the respective works of Arendt Lijphart and Karl Deutsch, who have studied how societal cleavages and social communication interact with each other. The present thesis's main focus is the Quebec/English Canadian duality. It uses quantitative analysis to study and compare pan-Canadian reactions to the Allaire Report that was issued by the Quebec Liberal Party in early 1991. The purpose is to try and find out whether the Allaire Report and the proposals it contains have had a divisive effect on Canadian society, and if so, to what extent. The data consists of all issues of the following newspapers over a period of time of exactly one month, from the 22nd of January and the 22nd of February, 1991 : the Calgary Herald, the Chronicle Herald, the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir, the Montreal Gazette, the Vancouver Sun and the Winnipeg Free Press. The analysis bases itself upon (1) the space that each newspaper devotes to the issue (2) the tone and content of the headlines and (3) the frequencies of appearance of certain selected words. Quantitative analysis shows that the gap between Quebec and English Canada is becoming wider. Quebec clearly overestimates English Canada's fragile degree of homogeneity, while English Canada, by increasingly identifying itself to the so-called "rest of Canada", paradoxically acts as if Quebec were the glue that holds the whole country together.
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19

Yuen, Elaine. „The experiences of Chinese women and school councils in Toronto“. 2005. http://link.library.utoronto.ca/eir/EIRdetail.cfm?Resources__ID=362486&T=F.

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20

Depelteau-Paquette, Marie. „Le pouvoir du premier ministre dans la nomination du haut personnel de l’État au Canada : vers un processus plus transparent et moins discrétionnaire, comme en Grande-Bretagne ?“ Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7119.

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Ce mémoire vise à évaluer les réformes consistant à encadrer le pouvoir de nomination que confère la prérogative royale au premier ministre. Notre étude s’inspire largement de l’institutionnalisme historique en science politique et des analyses en termes de « path dependency ». Selon cette approche, lorsque les décideurs amorcent une trajectoire de politique publique, leurs décisions subséquentes auront tendance à suivre la même direction. À partir des documents gouvernementaux et des transcriptions de comités parlementaires, ainsi que de l’exemple de la Grande-Bretagne, ce travail cherche à évaluer si les réformes visant à contraindre le pouvoir de nomination du premier ministre canadien ont suivi une trajectoire « path dependent ». Nos conclusions nous amènent plutôt à constater qu’en ce qui concerne les nominations, le Canada est plus monarchique que la Grande-Bretagne. Pour le Canada, l’impression générale qui se dégage à la fin de ce mémoire n’en est pas une de « path dependence » mais plutôt d’incrémentalisme disjoint.
This paper aims to assess the reforms that regulate the appointment power conferred by the Royal Prerogative to the Prime minister. Our study is largely based on historical institutionalism in political science and analysis in terms of “path dependency”. This theory argues that once policymakers begin a course of public policy, their subsequent decisions will follow the same direction. Based on governmental documents, transcripts of parliamentary committees and the example of Great Britain, this work seeks to assess whether the reforms to constrain the appointment power of the Prime Minister of Canada validates the “path dependence” approach. Our findings leads us rather to see that with regard to appointments, Canada is more monarchical than Great Britain. Our general conclusion is that the Canadian approach is not “path dependent” but can be better described as “disjointed incrementalism”.
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21

Paradis, Emily Katherine. „A Little Room of Hope: Feminist Participatory Action Research with "Homeless" Women“. Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/19158.

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In April 2005, a group of women gathered for a human rights workshop at a Toronto drop-in centre for women experiencing homelessness, poverty, and isolation. One year later, the group sent a representative to address the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. This dissertation describes and analyzes the feminist participatory action research-intervention project that began with the workshop and led to the United Nations. Over the course of 15 months, more than 50 participants attended weekly meetings at the drop-in. They learned about social and economic rights, testified about their experiences of human rights violations, and planned and undertook actions to respond to and resist homelessness. This thesis draws upon observations of meetings, documents produced by the group, and interviews with thirteen of the participants, in order to examine the project from a number of angles. First, the project suggests a new understanding of women’s homelessness: testimonies and interviews reveal that homelessness is not only a material state, but more importantly a social process of disenfranchisement enacted through relations of harm, threat, control, surveillance, precarity and dehumanization. Understanding homelessness as a social process enables an analysis of its operations within and for a dominant social and economic order structured by colonization and neoliberal globalization. Secondly, the thesis takes up participants’ assessments of the project’s political effectiveness and its impacts on their well-being and empowerment, and reads these against the researcher’s experiences with the project, in order to explore how feminist participatory methodologies can contribute to resistance. Finally, the thesis concludes with recommendations for theory, research, service provision, and human rights advocacy on women’s homelessness.
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22

Bonis, Christopher Richard. „The (un)successful pastor : an investigation of pastoral leadership selection within churches in Ontario“. Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19818.

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This thesis contends that the pastoral role is significant to the effective functioning and well-being of the church. Therefore, the initial selection of a pastor is a vital component and contributes to those desirable outcomes. The question being considered within this thesis is: What are the factors within a church hiring process which may play a role in successful or unsuccessful pastoral ministry? As there are many variables even within this process, the scope of this thesis is limited to the identification and selection of pastoral leadership from the perspective of the pastoral participants. This perspective is drawn from one denominational association in Ontario —the Fellowship of Evangelical Baptists (FEB hereafter) within the Central region of Canada. In examining this question, an empirical, mixed-methodology is used. The triangulation of a literature review, surveys, personal interviews and a biblical, theological treatment allowed for the most comprehensive perspective and treatment of the research question (Leedy, 2010, p. 99). There is a significant amount of inductive reasoning included, based upon personal interactions within cultural contexts and experiences. This is due to the inadequacy or lack of current theories and available literature relative to the question being studied. This motivates me towards the inclusion of a grounded theory methodology as a component of this study (Leedy, 2010, p. 142). Hiring the right pastor is a challenge at the best of times. As the church struggles to respond to a rapidly changing and diverse culture it presents greater challenges. Rates of pastoral turnover are high and the general duration of pastoral ministry is low. This, in turn, impacts ministry effectiveness. This study of hiring practices and pastoral experiences begins to identify elements as to why some pastors are successful and others are not. It allows for the reflection and consideration of whether the church is, what I have termed, “Equipping the Called, or Calling the Equipped”. There is cause for hope, as there always is within God’s church. This thesis identifies concerns, as well as some positive practices and experiences that can be helpful to inform practice and potential change. As Osmer acknowledges, “observing good practice in other congregations is a powerful source of normative guidance” (Osmer, 2008, p. 152).
Practical Theology
M. Th. (Practical Theology)
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23

Gooley, Nathan John. „Evergreen, bank funding & liquidity management“. Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1310643.

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Research Doctorate - Doctorate of Business Administration (DBA)
Government mandated institutions in Australia and Canada have continuously progressed banking regulation throughout time by making gradual alterations to prudential frameworks and supervisory practices. This has included the prompt domestic adaptation of the three Basel accords. A main objective is to ensure banking organisations become more resilient to stresses that impact their capital and liquidity adequacy. Banking organisations are faced with the task of transforming their balance sheets and funding profiles to not only strengthen their balance sheets but to curb heighted liquidity costs that have been brought on by regulatory reform. A review of existing literature on the components of bank funding, liquidity and procyclicality recognises their significance in ensuring individual bank stability and the prevarication of broader systemic implications in the wider economy. This dissertation has examined the historical evolution of the regulatory environments in both Australia and Canada and compared the components of bank balance sheets that offer insights into their funding preference and liquidity holdings, and provide early indicators for procyclicality within the banking sector. It has also had the goal of developing existing research and knowledge of liquidity stresses within bank balance sheets. This research has endeavoured to further balance sheet innovation, through action research that has been carried out over a five year period, to provide banking organisations with options to alter their balance sheets in order to meet the Basel III package of reforms and better deal with liquidity pressures, such as those that were evident in many countries throughout the most recent financial crisis. A new methodology for balance sheet transformation under Basel III, “evergreen” is articulated, with a suite of evergreen asset and liability products and balance sheet exposures being assessed for impact and acceptance within the banking industry. Verification of the evergreen method is demonstrated by the banking industry including it within their strategy for future balance sheet innovation; banks designing and constructing evergreen capability; the regulator encompassing it within prudential standards; and widespread acceptance of evergreen by investors and other financial market participants. Whilst components of evergreen are increasingly becoming a greater part of the banking industry within Australia, it is recognised that the concepts and models of evergreen, are at a primary juncture in their development and require substantial additional focus and research. The usefulness of this dissertation will be established through the particulars of future research settings and must be appraised to the degree that it appears correct, original and apt. Regarding deposits, this dissertation finds that: the existence of voluntary deposit insurance schemes would allow the competitive landscape for retail deposits to become about more than just price; operational deposits are not immune from procyclical competition; Australian banks have a much greater appetite and tolerance for at-call deposit raising; liquidity regulation has permanently shifted the ‘market rate’ for deposit funding above its ‘natural rate’; and foreign currency deposit raising may lead to banks running unhedged positions or developing a larger reliance towards United States Dollars. For wholesale funding, it is observed that: liquidity regulation has increased the reliance of banks on domestic financial markets to fulfil their financing needs; the volume of short-dated prime bank paper being issued in Australia has declined where there are consequences for the Bank Bill Swap Rates; and large differentials in the semi/quarterly spread can substantially impact the profitability of banking book products. The domestic implementation of the Basel III package of reforms on liquidity in both Australia and Canada has, in many ways, imitated the historical approach taken towards bank capital regulation. This dissertation deducts that, as there is for capital, the concept of ‘regulatory’ and ’economic’ liquidity now exists. Furthermore, regulation has introduced a predisposition to government bonds, which may have unintended consequences for both government sponsored issuers and bank investors. Finally, procyclicality must be monitored and managed by the government sponsored institution tasked with the role of implementing monetary policy, rather than institutions that implement and enforce prudential regulation.
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