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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Beth El Yeshivah (Jerusalem)"

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Mashiach, Amir. „Work in the Teachings of R. Ẓvi Yehudah Kook“. European Journal of Jewish Studies 14, Nr. 1 (04.09.2019): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1872471x-11411089.

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Abstract R. Ẓvi Yehudah ha-Kohen Kook (RẒiYah, 1891–1982), the head of the yeshivah at “Merkaz ha-Rav” in Jerusalem, was one of the most prominent religious Zionist leaders of the twentieth century. He was also the son of R. Abraham Isaac ha-Kohen Kook, a relationship that had a decisive impact on his thought and work throughout his life. The purpose of the present study is to shed light on RẒiYah’s attitude toward work. Did he see work as a basic human obligation spelled out by the physical need for survival? Did he associate an ideological value with work, as part of a worldview integrating religious values with extra-religious ones, similar to socialism? Or did he see work as a religious value, one that stemmed from his theology?
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Mashiach, Amir. „Changes in the Understanding of Work in Religious Zionist Thought: Rabbi T.I. Thau as a Case Study“. Religions 9, Nr. 10 (20.09.2018): 284. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100284.

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In Jewish religious texts, Torah study is placed at the top of the hierarchy of values. This suggests that work as such is of no religious significance; work is rather a prerequisite for the real essentials of life. The Mizrachi religious Zionist movement, founded in 1902 by R. Yitzhak Yaakov Reines (1839–1915), introduced a markedly different view. The movement upheld a concept of work as a religious value, not only an existential need. Later religious Zionist thinkers developed a dialectical notion of the mutual integration of the Torah and labor; this eventually became the motto of the Bnei Akiva youth movement that they inspired. With time, the theological approach of R. Kook the Elder (ReAYaH) and of R. Kook the Younger (RTziYaH) became dominant in religious Zionism. R. Kook the Elder founded the yeshivah at Merkaz ha-rav in Jerusalem, which he also headed; his son eventually succeeded him. To date, the yeshivah has produced a great number of students and rabbis, who made the teaching of the two Rabbis Kook the legacy of the religious Zionist community as a whole. The aim of the present article is to trace the changes taking place in the religious Zionist attitude toward work as this is articulated in the thought of a student of the two Rabbis, Kook whom many regard as the continuator of their teaching today. This is Rabbi Tzvi Israel Thau (b. 1937), one of the most influential rabbinic figures associated with religious Zionism, President of Yeshivat har ha-mor and the spiritual leader of the Torah academies referred to as “yeshivot of the line [ha-kav]”.
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Frenkel, Aleksandr. „Edited and Annotated Correspondence between Sholem Aleichem and Judah Leib Gordon“. Judaic-Slavic Journal, Nr. 1 (2018): 154–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2658-3364.2018.1.4.3.

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The exchange of letters between the Yiddish writer Sholem Aleichem (1859– 1916) and the Hebrew poet Judah Leib (Leon) Gordon (1830–1892) took place in 1888– 1890 and deals with the challenging problems facing Jewish literature at the end of the nineteenth century. This correspondence is published here for the first time in its entirety, bringing together the original letters from the National Library of Israel (Jerusalem), Beth Shalom Aleichem (Tel-Aviv) and the private collection of Isaak Kofman (Santa Clara, CA). Two letters, originally written in Yiddish and Hebrew, are presented here in Russian translation. The other seven letters are presented in the original Russian with numerous insertions in Yiddish, Hebrew and Aramaic.
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Stoll, Oliver. „Titus und sein ‚Versagen‘ als Kommandeur bei Josephus: die Zerstörung des Tempels von Jerusalem. Niederlagendeutungen im Bellum Iudaicum und ihr Publikum“. Frankfurter elektronische Rundschau zur Altertumskunde, Nr. 50 (11.09.2023): 65–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/fera.50.340.

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Im Bellum Iudaicum des Flavius Josephus geht es sehr häufig um Schuldzuweisungen und Niederlagenerklärungen bzw. Deutungen und Umdeutungen von Scheitern: Das eigene Versagen des Josephus als Feldherr der Juden in Galiläa, das Scheitern des syrischen Statthalters Cestius Gallus und dessen Niederlage bei Beth Horon, das ‚Versagen‘ (?) des Titus als Kommandeur beim Brand des Tempels. Josephus nimmt durchaus verschiedene Perspektiven ein, die es genauer zu betrachten gilt. Was war die Absicht hinter seinen Deutungen, Umdeutungen, bei eventuellem Verschweigen und Verdrängen? Wer war jeweils sein Publikum? Wie kann man insbesondere die Darstellung des Titus verstehen? Mit Bezug auf die Zerstörung des Tempels von Jerusalem, schließlich religiöses wie politisches Symbol jüdischer Integrität und Identität, ist die Darstellung des Feldherrn jedenfalls objektiv vernichtend – er verliert die Kontrolle über die Truppen. Josephus findet die Lösung zur Entlastung des Titus, aber auf Kosten seines Renommees als Feldherr!
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Школьник, Хаим Михайлович. „THE CIVIC BASILICA IN THE DECAPOLIS AND JUDAEA-PALAESTINA“. ВОПРОСЫ ВСЕОБЩЕЙ ИСТОРИИ АРХИТЕКТУРЫ, Nr. 2(13) (05.06.2020): 9–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25995/niitiag.2020.13.2.001.

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В данной статье предпринимается попытка собрать воедино информацию об ограниченном корпусе римских (вторая половина I в. до н. э. - IV век н. э.) базилик, обнаруженных в городах Декаполиса и Иудеи-Палестины, и их сравнительного описания; по возможности приводятся сведения об их расположении относительно сети улиц и других городских построек. В деталях рассмотрены постройки в Канате, Гиппос-Суссите, Нисе-Скифополе (2 здания), Бейт Шеариме, Севасте и Аскалоне. Выявлено явное предпочтение продольноориентированной базилики с внутренним амбулаторием. Перестройки с монументализацией пространств, условно называемых трибуналами, во II-III в., вероятно, были связаны с посещениями региона императорами и возросшей важностью культа императора. Базилика в еврейском Бейт Шеариме отличается от остальных трехнефной планировкой - возможно, из желания уподобить ее Царской стое Иерусалимского храма. Отмечен отказ от попыток реконструкции разрушенных землетрясениeм 363 г. базилик и от данной архитектурной формы в целом при переходе в Византийский период. In the current paper, an attempt is made to gather the data on the limited corpus of Roman (second half of the 1st century BC - 4th century AD) basilicas, known in the cities of Decapolis and Judaea-Palaestina. The comparative description is given; wherever available - together with information on relationship with the urban context. The basilicas of Kanata, Hippos-Susita, Nysa-Scythopolis (2 structures), Beth She'arim, Sebaste and Ascalon are described in detail; the preference of the “ambulatory” type is apparent. The 2nd-3rd centuries reconstructions with monumentalization of features, conventionally called “tribunals”, were likely related to the imperial visits to the region and to the growing importance of the imperial cult. The basilica of the Jewish town of Beth She'arim differs from the rest with its nave and double-aisled plan and was possibly influenced by the Royal portico of the Jerusalem temple. The tendency not to reconstruct basilicas damaged by the 363 earthquake and the general tendency of obsolescence of this architectural form towards the Byzantine period is noted.
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Joffe, Alexander H. „Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989–1996, Volume 4: The 4th and 3rd Millennia BCE, edited by Amihai Mazar. Beth-Shean Valley Archaeological Project, Publication No. 4. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2012. XV + 437 pages, 87 figures, 49 plates, 79 tables. Cloth. $92.00. [Distributed in North America by Eisenbrauns]“. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 372 (November 2014): 220–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.372.0220.

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Seger, Joe D. „Excavations at Tel Beth-Shean 1989–1996, Volume 3: The 13th–11th Century BCE Strata in Areas N and S, edited by Nava Panitz-Cohen and Amihai Mazar. The Beth-Shean Valley Archaeological Project, Publication No. 3. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2009. XXIII + 790 pp., 197 figures, 74 plates, 92 tables, 461 black-and-white photos, 7 color photos. Cloth. $92.00. [Distributed in North America by Eisenbrauns]“. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 362 (Mai 2011): 89–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5615/bullamerschoorie.362.0089.

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Namdar, Linoy, Yuval Gadot und Lidar Sapir-Hen. „Between cities and villages: the livestock economy in historical Palestine“. Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 16, Nr. 7 (21.06.2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12520-024-02012-6.

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AbstractThis study aims at establishing a historically based model of animal husbandry in urban and rural settlements, in the Southern Levant. This type of model is required in the field of zooarchaeology, to better analyze and study ancient faunal remains. It also applies a non-traditional method to study and differentiate between urban and rural economies. For this aim, we used British Mandate tax files and village statistics. These are the best available historical documents for this period, that recorded herds management statistics in all settlements of Palestine. We selected only settlements inhabited by the indigenous population and divided the data into four environmental regions. We analyzed the livestock abundance and herd demography in each region. Each urban center was considered independently, while the rural villages were classified into three groups, based on the most common livestock (cattle, sheep, or goats). Results show economic variations between urban and rural settlements as well as regional trends, such as in pastoralism and agricultural management. In addition, meat industries were common in most urban centers, being the primary difference from rural economies. We applied this model to two large zooarchaeological case studies, dating from the Early Islamic to the Ottoman period; Mount Zion, located in the urban city of Jerusalem, and Tel Beth Shemesh (East), whose size and nature were not historically recorded. We found that the economic variations reflected in the model were also present in the faunal assemblages.
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Bücher zum Thema "Beth El Yeshivah (Jerusalem)"

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Sharʻabi, Mordekhai, 1911 or 12-1983., Hrsg. Ḥoveret Ṿe-zaraḥ ha-shemesh: Yotse le-or le-yoma de-hilula shel rabenu Śar Shalom Mizraḥi. Yerushalayim: Yeshivat "Nehar Shalom", 2002.

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Giller, Pinchas. Shalom Shar'abi and the kabbalists of Beit El. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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(Jerusalem), Yeshivah li-tseʻirim "Ner Yiśraʼel". Ḳovets Kitvu lakhem: Be-ʻinyene S.T. Yerushalayim: Mekhon "Yad arbaʻ", 2001.

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ʻAfag'in, Avner. ha- Rashash ha-ḳadosh ṿe-Yeshivat Bet-El: Toldot ḥayaṿ ṿe-nifleʼotaṿ. [Israel]: A. ʻAfag'in, 1988.

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1917-, Chamiel Haim, Hrsg. Mi-Monṭroh li-Yerushalyim: Me-"ʻEts Ḥayim" le-"Hekhal Eliyahu". Yerushalayim: ʻOlam ha-sefer ha-Torani, 1986.

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Tsiyon, Ḳlugman Ben, und Yeshivah li-tseʻirim "Ner Yiśraʼel" (Jerusalem), Hrsg. Ḥagigat ḥanukat ha-bayit u-ḳeriʼat shem ha-yeshivah Ner Yiśraʼel. [Yerushalayim]: ha-Yeshivah, 1992.

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ha-Rav, Agudat yedide Yeshivat Merkaz. Yeshivat Merkaz ha-Rav 70: Seʻudat yovel ha-70 le-yisud Yeshivat Merkaz ha-Rav ʻa. y. Maran Avraham Yitsḥaḳ ha-Kohen Ḳuḳ, zatsal, Yerushalayim, ḥo. ha-m. Sukot 754. Yerushalayim: Agudat yedide Yeshivat Merkaz ha-Rav, 1993.

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Hakohen, Naḥman ben Eliyahu. Sefer Minhage Bet-el: Otsar minhagim she-nahagu ha-Rashash ... be-ve. ha-mid. "Bet-El" ... Yerushalayim: N. Hakohen, 1998.

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Yeshivah, Merkaz-ha-Rav (Jerusalem). Alfon ḥaverim: Yeshivat Merkaz ha-rav. Yerushalayim: Yeshivat Merkaz ha-rav, 1999.

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Büchler, Adolf. Das Synedrion in Jerusalem und das grosse Beth-din in der Quaderkammer des jerusalemischen Tempels. Wien: Alfred Hölder, 1985.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Beth El Yeshivah (Jerusalem)"

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„Beth Saḥur el-Atiqa“. In Jerusalem: 1-704, 475–78. De Gruyter, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110222203.475.

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Gilmour, Rachelle. „Reading the Ark in Beth-shemesh and Perez-uzzah Politically“. In Divine Violence in the Book of Samuel, 186–90. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190938079.003.0016.

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A monarchic date for the ark narratives suggests a political context where the temple in Jerusalem is endowed with an ark volatile with divine presence to rival the northern golden calves. The promise of a temple in 2 Sam 7, juxtaposed with the ark’s violence in 2 Sam 6:19, suggests that the volatile ark is safely ensconced in the temple in the city of the Davidic kings, endorsing the cultic centre. Reading the ark narratives in a later period of exile, Jer 3:14–18 suggests an interesting continuation of this logic, where there is no longer misalignment of God’s holy presence in a box, and all Jerusalem will become God’s throne.
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Katz, Steven T. „Yeqezkel Sama“. In Wrestling with God, 133–45. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195300147.003.0012.

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Abstract Yeqezkel Sama (1889-1969), born in Gorodok (Belarus), studied in the Keneset Yisrael yeshiva in Slobodka under the Musar leaders Natan Tsevi Finkel and Mosheh Mordekhai Epstein. When the yeshiva was transferred to Kremenchuj, Ukraine, upon the outbreak of Wodd War I, Sarna had the opportunity to study with the J::Iofets J::Iayim. He returned to Slobodka with the yeshiva after the war, taught there, and then moved with it to Hebron (1924). He became head of the yeshiva in 1927 and continued in this position after it moved to Jerusalem in 1929. Sarna responded to the Holocaust in a eulogy address at the yeshivah in Jerusalem on 4 December 1944. He assured his listeners that God was not hidden, but present among the anguished remnant at the yeshiva as He was always present amid catastrophe. God’s weeping enabled Jews to cry and begin to console themselves. Moreover, the metaphysical realities of redemption (geulah), penitent return (teshuvah), and disaster (!Jurban) were displayed across Israel’s metahistorical line of development such that redemption was imminent. Redemption’s onset, however, was conditioned by Israel’s existential teshuvah. The tragedy was so severe that it paralyzed even the individual effort for teshuvah, but God entered into history to make that teshuvah possible.
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Davis, Paul K. „Masada“. In Besieged, 39–41. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195219302.003.0012.

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Abstract Conflict between imperial Rome and Palestine was probably inevitable, given the Jewish belief in a single God versus the polytheism of Rome. though Roman practice was to allow fairly wide autonomy in conquered provinces, the rise of the emperor cults flew in the face of Jewish beliefs. Disbelieving in Juno, Hera, Apollo, and the rest could be allowed, but not rejection of the divinity of the emperors such as Caligula and Vespasian. The placing of idols in sacred areas of Jerusalem, along with the appointment of less-than-tolerant procurators, provoked a rebellion among the Jewish population of Palestine. This grew stronger when an ambush of Roman legions in the Beth Horan Pass northwest of Jerusalem gave the Jews an overly optimistic view of their chances against Rome’s might. Just as Jews around the world for centuries dreamed of “next year in Jerusalem,” so did Masada take on special meaning once the State of lsrael was created in 1948. It came to represent to Israelis not a symbol of suicide and futility, but of resistance at all costs to anyone who would again occupy their land. In impressive ceremonies on the mountain stronghold, members of the Israeli Defense Forces today swear to defend their homeland, to experience death before dishonor.
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„The Pool at Bethesda“. In Divine Inspiration The Life of Jesus in World Poetry, herausgegeben von Robert Atwan, George Dardess und Peggy Rosenthal, 114–16. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195093513.003.0024.

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Abstract Now in Jerusalem by the Sheep Gate there is a pool, called in Hebrew Beth-zatha, which has five porticoes. In these lay many invalids - blind, lame, and paralyzed. One man was there who had been ill for thirty-eight years. When Jesus saw him lying there and knew that he had been there a long time, he said to him, "Do you want to be made well?" The sick man answered him, "Sir, I have no one to put me into the pool when the water is stirred up; and while I am making my way, someone else steps down ahead of me." Jesus said to him, "Stand up, take your mat and walk." At once the man was made well, and he took up his mat and began to walk.
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„Shlomoh Zalman Unsdorfer“. In Wrestling with God, herausgegeben von Steven T. Katz, Shlomo Biderman und Gershon Greenberg, 51–60. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195300147.003.0005.

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Abstract Shlomoh Zalman Unsdorfer (1888-1944) of Bratislava (Slovakia) began his study at the nearby Galantar yeshivah under YosefTsevi Dushinsky, who later headed the separatist Orthodox community in Jerusalem. He continued at the Bratislava yeshiva under the Da’at Sofer (Akiva Schreiber), the great-grandson of the yeshiva’s eminent founder, the I:Iatam Sofer (Mosheh Schreiber), an outspoken opponent of Reform. He served as rabbi of Bratislava’s Weidritz Alley congregation, helped to establish the Ifevrah Mevakshei Derekh, a study group for working youth, and headed the burial society (Ifevrah Kadishah Digemilut Ifasadim). During the war, Unsdorfer made his way regularly to the nearby displaced persons camps in Patronka and Ratenbriken to offer consolation to the interned Jews. In mid-September 1944 he fled to Marienthal Internirungslager, a refuge for Jews with American papers eligible for prisoner exchange. In early October, the Nazis discovered his false papers, and he was taken to Auschwitz, where he was killed upon arrival. However, his son Sitn4ah Bunem survived Auschwitz, returned to Bratislava, and found the manuscripts of his father’s sermons and diary notes in the ruins of their house. After conferring with the Da’at Sofer (by then in Jerusalem), Sim4ah Bunem’s brother Shmuel Aleksander in Montreal translated the sermons from Yiddish to Hebrew and published them with the title Siftei Shlomoh (The Lips ef Shlomoh). Unsdorfer presumed the presence of latent hatred against Israel through the line of Esau’s successors. The hatred was activated by God when Jews surrendered Torah and emulated the nations. But Unsdorfer could not understand why pious Jews were being caught in a fire which was set for assimilationists. He drew a categorical distinction between God’s knowledge and man’s and then fell into silence. But he also envisioned a metaphysical process under way from catastrophe to redemption. Unsdorfer urged Jews to trust in that higher drama and, remaining silent about God’s ways, act with the piety and trust of Abraham at the Akedah (binding of Isaac).
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