Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)“

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Busilli, Virginia Soledad. „Belt and Road Initiative (BRI):“. CUPEA Cuadernos de Política Exterior Argentina, Nr. 131 (03.06.2020): 69–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/cc.vi131.81.

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Desde su llegada, a fines de 2012, Xi Jinping imprimió una faceta global a la política exterior china. La Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (Iniciativa de la Franja y de la Ruta en castellano), se ha convertido en la iniciativa estratégica más importante de la política exterior de Xi Jinping. Por sus características y alcance, uno de los principales debates académicos que ha generado, es establecer si se trata de una iniciativa o una estrategia china. La Iniciativa es una propuesta de cooperación económica internacional para ejecutar proyectos relacionados al comercio e infraestructura a lo largo de sus corredores económicos y rutas marítimas, con el foco en mejorar la conectividad entre Europa y Asia, y abierta a todos aquellos países del globo que deseen integrarla. Nuestro trabajo intenta comprender en qué consiste la Iniciativa, cuáles son los intereses estratégicos que persigue Beijing y cómo se articula la BRI con el “sueño chino”. Para ello, estudiaremos los factores que dieron origen a la Iniciativa, qué lugar ocupa en la política exterior de Xi Jinping, así como su diseño, alcance geográfico, implementación de los principales proyectos y sus mecanismos de financiación. Partiremos de la premisa que China, a través de la Iniciativa de la Franja y de la Ruta, utiliza la diplomacia económica para perseguir sus intereses estratégicos, incrementando el comercio, las inversiones y las finanzas a lo largo de los corredores económicos que la componen.
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Wächter, Lars. „Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)“. WiSt - Wirtschaftswissenschaftliches Studium 49, Nr. 1 (2020): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.15358/0340-1650-2020-1-46.

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Chinas Staatschef Xi Jinping will das „Reich der Mitte“ bis 2049 zur neuen Weltmacht führen. Dazu soll die alte Seidenstraße zu neuem Leben erweckt werden. Belt and Road Initiative heißt das Megaprojekt, das in den nächsten Jahren die Weltwirtschaft massiv verändern wird.
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Cao, Jiahan. „China’s Belt and Road Initiative 2.0“. China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, Nr. 02 (Januar 2019): 233–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500155.

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As China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) quickly evolves into an updated version for realizing high-quality development, its long-term success will increasingly depend on how well it can earn international legitimacy and credibility. Since sustainability is a critical source of credibility for the BRI, it is necessary to move the BRI forward by amplifying its role as a development agenda and tapping its potential to support global sustainable development and facilitate implementation of the United Nations’ 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (2030 Agenda) through delivering more public goods to other developing countries. The BRI projects designed to strengthen infrastructure inter-connectivity can greatly fit the developmental needs of countries along the routes and expedite their achievement of sustainable development goals (SDGs), both explicitly and implicitly. Besides, the growing alignment between the BRI and the 2030 Agenda will generate more strengths and opportunities for China to be recognized as an indispensable player in international development cooperation, enhance the capacity of the BRI to manage environmental, social and governance risks in host countries, promote social cohesion and inclusiveness along the routes, and ultimately transcend short-term economic and political interests for China to win the hearts and minds of other stakeholders involved in the BRI.
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Bhattarai, Dinesh. „Understanding the Belt and Road Initiative“. Journal of APF Command and Staff College 2, Nr. 1 (16.12.2019): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/japfcsc.v2i1.26750.

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China’s project of the century- Belt and Road Initiative - is a signature foreign policy project of President Xi Jinping. Launched in 2013, BRI contains two components- overland belt connecting China with Central Asia, Russia, South Asia and Europe, and Maritime Silk Road for enhancing connectivity, and maritime cooperation linking Chinese ports with Southeast Asia, South Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Europe. BRI wraps up these two initiatives in it and intends to cover the number of countries along the route that happens to be the biggest market in the world with enormous potentials for trade and investment cooperation. BRI has both economic and strategic messages behind a massive infrastructure plan covering a vast network of connectivity linking 60 countries. BRI has sparked a variety of responses, some welcoming and supporting it, some expressing reservations, some willing to participate “for shaping the outcome from within”, and some wanting it to firmly match the international standards of transparency, openness, and the fiscal soundness of the country. Nepal formally became a part of BRI by signing a Memorandum of Understanding on Framework Agreement in May 2017 for enhancing more connectivity and integration, though Nepal is not included in any of the six economic corridors unveiled by China. China recently suggesting Nepal to trim projects from 35 to 9 reflects the standard of the work done by the Nepali government and its lack of preparedness and seriousness. Infrastructure development is key to progress and prosperity. As China remains engaged in improving connectivity in the neighborhood, there is a great optimism about BRI in Nepal. Against this background, this article looks at the significance of BRI, examines past attempts made at connectivity, responses to BRI and Nepal's participation in it.
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Liow, Joseph Chinyong. „Strategic Imperatives Behind China’s Belt and Road Initiative“. China and the World 03, Nr. 03 (September 2020): 2050008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s259172932050008x.

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A signature initiative that bears the personal imprimatur of President Xi Jinping, the Belt and Road Initiative has been articulated by the Chinse leadership as a grand narrative. Yet, given the reality that it comprises a series of mostly bilateral developmental initiatives that China has entered into with various countries, can we identify broader strategic intent behind the BRI? This essay attempts to answer this question by exploring the geopolitical and geoeconomic dimensions of the BRI and how they may be interlinked with China’s domestic considerations. It also assess the potential, shortcomings, blind spots, and criticisms of the BRI.
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Yu, Linna. „Cooperation between China and Romania under Belt and Road Initiative“. HOLISTICA – Journal of Business and Public Administration 9, Nr. 3 (01.12.2018): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/hjbpa-2018-0021.

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Abstract China’s greatest international economic aspiration is the “Belt and Road” Initiative (BRI), to stimulate economic corporation in a wide region including sub regions in Asia, Africa and Europe. This paper does researches for the cooperation between China and Romania at the background of BRI. It shows a short introduction of BRI and analyses import and export trade data included China with Europe, Europe Union and Romania to make a prediction about future development. It makes a comparison to different countries in BRI by Belt and Road Index (BARI). We will analyze Romanian basic economic situation, main factors about BARI and potential risks.
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DZEKASHU, WILLIAM. „China Belt and Road Initiative:“. Archives of Business Research 9, Nr. 5 (20.05.2021): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.95.10180.

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Most of Sub-Sahara Africa gained independence from Europe in a wave from 1957 through the late 1980s with the notion that her former colonial masters would be development partners in the newfound era of political, social, and economic freedom. This perception of partnership is evidenced in the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, but regrettably, in other countries in the continent, there have been delays in infrastructure development. With Europe’s failure to meet the expectation, Africa has turned to China as a development partner. China has tackled some of the urgent infrastructure needs in return for agricultural products and natural resources. This recent partnership with China continues to expand in Africa, demonstrated by the launching of the Belt and Roads Initiative (BRI). East and Southern Africa represent the highest beneficiaries of the BRI engagements, receiving over half of the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from China whose foreign investment practices in Africa have come under great criticism from the West. This skepticism is due to the vague nature of the engagements and notes which are not publicly reported. This persistent suspicion by the West calls for close monitoring of the relations between the US and China that could easily escalate to a conflict between both nations. Though under attack, BRI has scored great instances of success through the execution of major infrastructure and commercial projects in partner nations. An issue of focus addressed here is whether the engagements with China represent sustainable relationships for development.
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Chang, Y. Y. „Understanding the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)“. European Journal of East Asian Studies 18, Nr. 1 (04.07.2019): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01801005.

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AbstractThis article re-examines China’s proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) taking into account historical and philosophical narratives. It assumes that the BRI has crucial strategic implications; in particular, that it is not as altruistic as claimed but rather a self-interested proposal aiming to restore China’s grandeur and influence. The Chinese Dream (中國夢) and the concept of Tianxia (天下), ‘all under heaven’) are discussed to illustrate how the initiative is ‘marketed’. It ends with an interpretation of the impacts that the BRI might have on other parts of the world.
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Baltensperger, Michael, und Uri Dadush. „The Belt and Road turns five“. Russian Journal of Economics 5, Nr. 2 (31.07.2019): 136–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/j.ruje.5.38704.

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China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is an international trade and development strategy. Launched in 2013, it is one of the ways that China asserts its role in world affairs and captures the opportunities of globalization. The BRI has the potential to enhance development prospects across the world and in China, but that potential might not be realized because the BRI’s objectives are too broad and ill-defined, and its execution is too often non-transparent, lacking in due diligence and uncoordinated. This article documents the background and context of the BRI, recounts what is known about the extent of the initiative and specifies its various motivations. It highlights that the initiative meets very large infrastructure investments gaps, which is welcome and needed, and that China’s goal of forging stronger links with its trading partners around the world are legitimate, so long, of course, as the underlying intent remains peaceful. Though many observers welcome the BRI, many others oppose it for good reasons, while others misunderstand it and oppose it for bad reasons. The paper identifies and discusses concerns about the initiative that relate to its geopolitical objectives, its priorities, its geographic scope, the role of state-owned enterprises, the allocation of resources, issues of transparency and of due diligence. Particularly, it shows that this initiative deals with a vast number of countries that are in very different states of development and that an apparent lack of well-defined priorities is holding the initiative back. The paper also highlights the issue of debt overload which is distressing several BRI countries and discourages further projects. It points briefly to possible improvements that China and the other stakeholders in the BRI can make to get the most out of their investments. The BRI, to be effective, needs to meet the basic conditions of a trade and development strategy, which are clear objectives, adequate resources, selectivity, a workable implementation plan, due diligence and clear communication. Involvement of multilateral lenders could help with this. Finally, China has to improve the evaluation of project’s risks and costs and step up its due diligence approach to demonstrate that it respects the long-term interests of those countries that are at the receiving end of its BRI projects.
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Sharma, Buddhi Prasad. „Belt and Road“. China and the World 02, Nr. 03 (September 2019): 1950016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2591729319500160.

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Since the formal launch of the China-led Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), it has received both positive and negative feedbacks and responses. Comparatively, the studies show that it gained more positive responses and accumulative attraction. Notorious Western hegemony, in general, and conditionbased Western cooperation model, in particular, were ignored and felt useless by the developing world. Comparatively, they perceive BRI to be more appropriate for strengthening connectivity, attracting investment and enhancing other necessary cooperations. As a leading power, China needs to show more generosity, flexibility and respect to the interests of the developing world. BRI in itself is a global program. China cannot display comprehensive posture without the genuine support of the developing world. In some countries, BRI projects faced severe criticism due to the lack of proper management, lack of implementation and issues of financial transactional irregularities. This is not a right sign for a new global program like BRI. To resolve it, as an emerging power, China needs to be more serious and responsible to address the issues and uphold the true meanings of mutual trust and win–win situation. Developing countries like Nepal expect more comprehensive and constructive cooperation through BRI to help in their national development and increase the global connectivity and cooperation.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Åkesson, Malin, und Isak Prytz-Sund. „Järnvägstransporter från Asien : En utforskande studie om hur svenska företag kan använda Belt and Road Initiative“. Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Industriell ekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-36427.

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Att företag använder sig av global sourcing och har leverantörer i lågkostnadsländer har blivit allt vanligare. Detta för att arbetskraftskostnaden i dessa länder är låg. Men en kostnad som i stället ökar i och med detta är transportkostnaden. Godset behöver transporteras längre sträckor vilket även gör att transportledtiden ökar. Samtidigt ställer kunder allt högre krav på snabba leveranser och de företag som valt global sourcing måste därför många gånger ha stora lager för att kunna möta kundernas krav. De företag som har leverantörer i Asien väljer oftast att transportera godset med sjötransporter då det är det billigaste transportsättet. Dock är det också det transportsätt som har längst transportledtid. Kinas nya infrastrukturprojekt Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) bidrar till att järnvägstransporter kan användas i större utsträckning, men många svenska företag vet inte vilka möjligheter det finns med BRI och järnvägen. Syftet med denna studie är därför att ge svenska företag en ökad förståelse om vad BRI kan bidra med för de företag som använder global sourcing. Studien har uppfyllt sitt syfte genom att göra en fallstudie hos ett svenskt företag som har leverantörer i Asien och visade ett intresse för BRI och järnvägstransporter. Syftet uppfylldes även genom att göra en litteraturstudie där relevant information om studiens ämne inhämtades som grund för studiens teori. Det resultat som framkommer av studien visar vilka motiv och riskfaktorer svenska företag kan ta i beaktning vid användandet av BRI och järnvägstransporter. Utifrån dessa har en modell med riktlinjer utformats för att hjälpa företag att göra valet om de bör använda järnvägen som transportsätt eller inte. Fallföretaget skulle dra nytta av järnvägstransporter på grund av den minskade transportledtiden, den ökade flexibiliteten samt att leverantörer inte behöver vara lokaliserade nära en hamn. Genom denna studie ska fallföretaget och andra svenska företag förstå vad BRI är för något och vilka motiv det kan finnas med att byta transportsätt och fyller därför det kunskaps- och informationsgap som finns gällande detta.
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Grönström, Alfons. „"Thank you, brother Xi" : En studie i hur Kinas Belt and Road Initiative påverkar EU:s möjlighet att tillämpa sin utvidgningsstrategi“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-418161.

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Turesson, Christina. „Kinas nya sidenväg : En teorikonsumerande fallstudie utifrån realism och liberalism“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100078.

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This essay consists of a case study which examines China’s Belt and Road Initiative from two theoretical perspectives: realism and liberalism. The essay aims to enhance the comprehension of the Belt and Road Initiative by providing a realistic as well as a liberal interpretation of the project, and then comparing them to point out similarities and differences between these views. The essay concludes that the theoretical perspectives here work complementary rather than contradictory, and that what is hard to explain with one theory, often can be explained by the other. A liberal perspective sees more opportunities with the project, whereas a realistic one sees more risks but also necessities. The important aspects of the project from a liberal perspective concludes to be increased trade, international cooperation and interdependence, which are considered as risks from a realistic perspective. The main advantage is to increase power and security and legitimize the rule of the Chinese communist party, realistically speaking. Realism and liberalism interpret the goal with the project differently as well. Whereas realism sees BRI as a bold foreign policy project which aims to help China gain power to become a superpower and defeat poverty in China, liberalism view BRI as a foreign policy infrastructure project, built on trade, international cooperation and linking the world together.
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Angestav, Oscar. „Belt and Road Initiative - Den Nutida Marshallplanen?“ Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385642.

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Zhang, Yizhi Jing Jing. „One Belt One Road| China's Nation-Building Initiative“. Thesis, The George Washington University, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10244494.

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Millennia ago, a vital trade route connected the thriving civilizations of ancient Greece, Persia, and China. Through the ancient Silk Road, China was able to influence societies far beyond its national borders. And now, in the twenty-first century, it seeks to do the same. This paper will attempt to develop a new paradigm that more fully explains the rationale and objectives of the One Belt One Road initiative. It argues that nation-building is the most comprehensive way to understand the Chinese government's intentions with OBOR. The following chapters will also demonstrate how OBOR fits into the CCP's larger ethno-nationalist "China Dream" campaign, which crafts a narrative of a unified and rejuvenated China predicated on a single identity.

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‘Mokose, ‘Manapo. „The Belt and Road Initiative: Implications for Economic Development in Africa“. Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32869.

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This study examines the possible impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on economic development in Africa. Launched in October of 2013, the initiative was established to alleviate trade and investment bottlenecks between the more than 65 countries that are signed on to it as member states. In 2017, it became the centrepiece of China's foreign economic policy and the filter through which all of its commercial ties with external actors would be pursued, framed, or determined. It is expected that when fully operationalized, the initiative will restructure China's ties with other countries. The study analyses the possible repercussions of that restructuring, focusing on its relationship with Africa. Since consolidating their commercial relationship in the early 1990s, China has played a vital role in developing Africa's economy. With the operationalisation of the BRI, its capacity or interest to maintain that role will be modified. Depending on the changes that emerge, and given its deep economic reliance on Beijing, Africa must prepare for both positive and negative implications for its economies. The study examines these implications. It notes, among others, the upgrades Africa stands to gain to its industrial structure and business environment. It also highlights potential losses, including the hit that Africa's revenue earnings might take and the heightened competition that local industries will be exposed to because of the liberalisation that the BRI pursues. Ultimately, the study advises that what outcomes arise – be they positive or negative – will depend on how well or sufficiently the continent positions itself to moderate the negative impact of the BRI on its economies. In the concluding chapter, the study makes recommendations on how Africa might facilitate or magnify projected benefits stemming from the BRI.
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Kässlin, Tony. „Kinas väg till dominans? : En fallstudie om Belt and Road Initiative som utrikespolitisk strategi“. Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-104329.

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The purpose of this essay is to explore China's foreign policy through Joseph S. Nye's theory of power applied on the Belt and Road Initiative. It aims to answer whether or not China's foreign policy has changed during Xi Jinping's presidency and in what way Belt and Road Initiative can be explained in terms of power behaviour and power resources. The method used in this essay is that of a case study. The empirical evidence shows that China's foreign policy has changed in a direction that is meant to strengthen Xi Jinping's influence and that Belt and Road Initiative is a project with the intention to accumulate economic resources. It also shows that China's government and domestic policies weakens its "soft power" resources due to restraints in its civil society.  The essayc concludes that the Belt and Road Initiative is China and Xi Jinping's expansion strategy whose main objective is to create incentives for Chinese domestic, economic growth. It also concludes that Chinese "soft power" would increase if the domestic policies would aim for a more democratic course.
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Gaspar, Rui Manuel Leal. „Portugal e o Porto de Sines na grande estratégia geoeconómica chinesa:a Belt and Road Initiative“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16481.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Estratégia
Em 1978, com as reformas implementadas por Deng Xiaoping, a República Popular da China iniciou uma Grande Estratégia Geoeconómica que fez com que se encontre, em menos de quatro décadas, a disputar a liderança mundial com os EUA. A sua reemergência, num mundo pautado pela globalização, depende cada vez mais das relações comerciais internacionais. A Belt and Road Initiative é, assim, um meio desta projectar globalmente o seu poder económico, de modo a conseguir exportar o excesso da sua capacidade produtiva, ao mesmo tempo que garante o fornecimento dos recursos que necessita para a sustentabilidade da sua economia e consequentemente da manutenção do seu sistema político. Neste contexto, a presente dissertação visa compreender o potencial que a integração de Portugal terá na interconectividade desta Iniciativa chinesa a nível mundial. Em particular, pretende averiguar como a localização do Porto de Sines no ponto mais ocidental da Eurásia, a par com a excepcionalidade das suas características técnicas aumentam a possibilidade de Portugal vir ser incluído nos documentos oficiais chineses como parte da Belt and Road Initiative.
In 1978, with the reforms implemented by Deng Xiaoping, the People's Republic of China began a new cycle focused on economic development that made it compete for world leadership with the United States of America in less than four decades. Its reemergence, in a world dominated by globalization, depends more and more on international trade relations. The Belt and Road Initiative is, in a way, a means of projecting its economic power globally, so as to be able to export the excess of its productive capacity, while guaranteeing the supply of resources that it needs for the sustainability of its economy and consequently the maintenance of its political system. In this context, the present dissertation aims to understand the potential that the integration of Portugal will have in the interconnectivity of this Chinese initiative worldwide. In particular, it seeks to ascertain how the location of the Port of Sines at the westernmost point of Eurasia, along with the exceptional technical characteristics of the port increases the possibility of Portugal being included in the Chinese official documents as part of the Belt and Road Initiative.
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Peña, Alejandra. „China’s assertive turn: China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment through the belt and road initiative“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/669352.

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En los años posteriores a la crisis económica global del 2008, el auge de las potencias emergentes entre las que se encuentra China ha contribuido a un cambio en el equilibrio de poder global desde el Oeste hacia el Este y continúa engendrando transformaciones importantes en el sistema internacional y la economía global. En este escenario, China es percibida como un actor cada vez más esencial en el mundo y en gran medida se le otorga un creciente interés a su proyección externa, así como a su política exterior y al alcance y papel de su gran estrategia. Los recientes debates al respecto de la naturaleza y el impacto de la política exterior de China han suscitado preguntas sobre las formas en las que China está desarrollando un perfil internacional más proactivo y aumentando sus capacidades para alcanzar sus objetivos diplomáticos y de política exterior. El argumento principal de esta tesis es que la implicación de China en el mundo a través de su gran estrategia y su política exterior ha sido objeto de un proceso de reajuste estratégico con el objetivo de, en primer lugar dar respuesta a las aspiraciones de China como un actor con cada vez más poder, en segundo lugar de proyectar un perfil internacional más proactivo y de liderazgo, en tercer lugar de aumentar la influencia global que ostenta Pekín, y por último de gestionar los retos que surgen del propio auge de China. Esta tesis propone la hipótesis de la existencia de factores domésticos y sistémicos que influyen y orientan la gran estrategia china, así como el reajuste de su política exterior en la era de Xi Jinping. La contribución empírica de esta tesis explora la existencia de tres períodos en la evolución de la política exterior china: un período dogmático, un período pragmático y un período asertivo. Asimismo, analiza y da cuenta de las motivaciones y la razón de ser de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda en su función de herramienta de política exterior bajo el mandato de Xi Jinping. Las contribuciones académicas han tendido en su mayoría a estudiar el auge de China desde un nivel de análisis u otro, bien sistémico o bien doméstico, en ocasiones focalizándose incluso en el nivel regional. Asimismo, la tendencia ha sido también la adopción de una aproximación teórica limitada a una de las principales teorías de Relaciones Internacionales. Esto, a su vez, genera estudios o análisis de cariz parcial o sesgados sobre el auge de China, que, si bien son de un valor añadido para el debate, sufren de la falta de una perspectiva más exhaustiva que trascienda los tradicionales niveles de análisis y estudie múltiples conceptualizaciones. Esta tesis busca rellenar ese hueco en la literatura presentando un marco de análisis multinivel y multiteórico que identifica una serie de factores observables y los categoriza en dos niveles de análisis diferentes (sistémico y doméstico) para dar cuenta de los ejes impulsores y la razón de ser del ajuste de la política exterior china y su gran estrategia. Esta investigación busca explorar la razón de ser y las motivaciones que sustentan el giro asertivo de la política exterior china. Para ello establece una pregunta general y una pregunta específica enfocada al caso de estudio: en primer lugar, ¿cómo han los factores domésticos y sistémicos guiado la gran estrategia de China y alumbrado el reajuste de su política exterior bajo el mandato de Xi Jinping? Y en segundo lugar, ¿cómo ha contribuido la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda a dicho ajuste? El caso de estudio seleccionado es la Iniciativa pues responde al diseño de crucial-case. A través del estudio de la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda, esta investigación es capaz de obtener un mayor número de observaciones que atestigüen con el ajuste y la transformación de la política exterior de China. En resumen, esta investigación entabla el análisis del ajuste reciente de la política exterior de China, así como el estudio de su gran estrategia en un contexto de interdependencia y con la presencia de factores sistémicos y domésticos que interactúan. En este análisis, esta tesis argumenta que China está llevando a cabo un proceso de reajuste de su política exterior que se ve impulsado por la interacción de, por un lado, factores sistémicos tales como los cambios en la economía global y las fluctuaciones en la estructura de poder internacional, y por el otro, factores domésticos como son la preservación del régimen, el agotamiento del modelo de desarrollo y la restructuración de las élites. Por último, esta investigación sostiene que la Iniciativa de la Ruta y la Seda es una herramienta central mediante la cual se da forma y se implementa la política exterior de China de acuerdo con su gran estrategia.
In the aftermath of the 2008 global economic crisis, the rise of emerging powers such as China has contributed to the shifting balance of global power from the West to East and continue prompting significant transformations to the international system and the global economy. In this scenario, China is seen as an increasingly pivotal player in the world arena and much interest is dedicated to its external projection and foreign policy and to the scope and role of its grand strategy. Recent debates on the nature and impact on China’s foreign policy have raised the question of the ways in which China is developing a more proactive international profile and becoming more capable of accomplishing its foreign policy objectives through its global economic and diplomatic engagement. The central argument of this dissertation is that China’s engagement in the world through its grand strategy and foreign policy have undergone strategic adjustments to meet China’s growing power aspirations, project a more proactive and leading international profile, increasing Beijing’s worldwide influence, and to cope with the complex challenges that the rise of China has brought in. This dissertation hypothesizes the existence of domestic and systemic factors driving China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in Xi Jinping era. The empirical contribution of this dissertation explores the existence of three periods in the evolution of China’s foreign policy: the dogmatic, the pragmatic and the assertive periods, and it accounts for the rationale and motivations of the Belt and Road Initiative as a foreign policy tool under Xi Jinping’s era. Most scholarly contributions tend to study the rise of China from a particular level of analysis, either systemic or domestic, some including regional perspectives, and they also tend to adopt a single theory-based approach. This generates partial or focalized studies or insights about China’s rise which add great value to the debate yet lack a more comprehensive perspective that cuts across levels of analysis and studies multiple conceptualizations. This dissertation aims to fill that gap in the literature by presenting a multi-level and multi-theoretical framework for analysis which identifies a series of observable factors categorized into two different levels (systemic and domestic) to account for the drivers and rationale of the adjustment in China’s foreign policy and grand strategy. 8 This research aims to explore the rationale and motivations behind China’s assertive turn in its foreign policy. To do so, it poses one overarching question and one specific case-oriented question: Firstly, how have domestic and systemic factors driven China’s grand strategy and foreign policy adjustment in the Xi Jinping Era? And secondly, how has the Belt and Road Initiative contributed to such adjustment? The case study selected is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) following a single crucialcase rationale. By focusing on the BRI as the most-likely case, this research is able to obtain more observations of the adjustment and transformation of China’s foreign policy. To summarize, this research tackles the analysis of China’s recent foreign policy adjustment as well as the study of its grand strategy in a context of interdependent and mutually reinforcing systemic and domestic factors. In doing so, it argues that China is undergoing a process of adjustment in its foreign policy that is driven by the interaction of systemic factors such as the changes in the global economy and the fluctuations in the international power structure, and of domestic factors such as regime preservation, the exhaustion of the development model and elite restructuring. Moreover, it sustains that the BRI is a central tool for the shaping and implementing of China’s foreign policy in accordance with its grand strategy.
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Wu, Lunting. „China and Global Governance under Xi Jinping Problematizing China’s Leadership through the Belt and Road Initiative“. Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16357.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais
O atual sistema internacional, no qual a China ascende sem precedente em termos económicos, é altamente institucionalizado, fragmentado e específico em áreas de assunto, e encontra-se predominado pelos Estados Unidos e os seus aliados. Neste contexto, Pequim está a perseguir maior pro-atividade na global governance, crescentemente acompanhado de narrativas assertivas e uma abordagem mais pragmática que contrastam com as das presidências anteriores. Enquanto política externa primordial do Presidente Xi Jinping, a Iniciativa Faixa e Rota (abreviada como a BRI, sigla em inglês) tem como objetivo promover a conectividade de infra-estrutura, a liberalização do comércio, bem como a integração financeira na dimensão global. Neste contexto, recorrendo às teorias principais de Relações Internacionais, a presente dissertação visa analisar a eficácia da BRI em cumprir o desejo de Pequim ascender à liderança da global governance. Segundo o paradigma neo-realista, dada a natureza revisionista da ascensão da China num sistema internacional estabelecido sob a influência pervasiva dos E.U.A, argumenta-se que as instituições recém-criadas em apoio da BRI, juntamente com as normas e práticas inovadoras, vêm, em geral, a exercer efeitos de desconcentração e deslegitimação sobre algumas das disposições internacionais centradas no Ocidente, uma etapa necessária antes que os poderes dominantes ascendentes assumam a liderança global. Através do prisma neoliberal, a complementaridade da BRI com compromissos internacionais fomenta o papel da China como um poder responsável, e confere-lhe mais alavanca face a um Washington mais introspectivo. Da perspetiva dos países destinatários, o apoio primariamente oriundo das elites dos Estados relacionados com a BRI tem galvanizado este projeto e alargado a adesão, ao passo que a resistência do grande público ensombra as prospectivas do mesmo, conforme a doutrina realista neoclássica. Conclui-se, assim, que a BRI se apresenta como um instrumento eficaz para Pequim na sua longa busca da liderança na global governance, mas esforços adicionais serão essenciais para ultrapassar os desafios e riscos associados
The current international system in which China is rising unprecedentedly in economic terms is highly-institutionalized, fragmented, issue-area specific, and is predominated by the US and its allies. In this context, Beijing is pursuing increased proactivity in global governance, with more assertive narratives and a more pragmatic and dualistic approach compared with the preceding presidencies. As an overarching foreign policy under President Xi Jinping, the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) primarily aims to improve infrastructure connectivity, trade liberalization, and financial integration in the global dimension. This dissertation seeks to analyze the BRI’s effectiveness in fulfilling Beijing’s desire of global governance leadership by resorting to principal International Relations theories. Drawing upon neorealist paradigm, due to the revisionist nature of China’s ascendance in an established international system under pervasive US influence, it is argued that the newlyestablished institutions in support of the BRI, together with innovative norms and practices, by and large cast de-concentrating and de-legitimating effects on some of the Westerncentered global governance arrangements, a necessary stage before rising dominant powers actually come to assume global leadership. Through the neoliberal prism, the complementarity of the BRI with international commitments foments China’s role as a responsible power, and confers it greater leverage in the evolving global governance pattern against the backdrop of a more inward-looking Washington. From a recipient perspective, endorsements from elites of BRI-related states have generally emboldened the BRI and enlarged its membership, while resistance derived from the general public overshadows the future prospects of the project, pursuant to the neoclassical realist doctrine. It is therefore concluded that overall the BRI has been by now an effective instrument in Beijing’s long quest for leadership in global governance, but additional efforts are needed to tackle associated challenges and risks.
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Bücher zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Schneider, Florian, Hrsg. Global Perspectives on China's Belt and Road Initiative. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463727853.

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The year 2013 saw the launch of the largest, most influential investment initiative in recent memory: China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This globe-spanning strategy has reshaped local economies and regional networks, and it has become a contested subject for scholars and practitioners alike. How should we make sense of the complex interactions that the BRI has enabled? Understanding these processes requires truly global perspectives alongside careful attention to the role that local actors play in giving shape to individual BRI projects. The contributions in Global Perspectives on China's Belt and Road Initiative: Asserting Agency through Regional Connectivity provide both 'big picture' assessments of China's role in regional and global interactions and detailed case studies that home in on the role agency plays in BRI dynamics. Written by leading area studies scholars with diverse disciplinary expertise, this book reveals how Chinese efforts to recalibrate the world are taken up, challenged, revamped, and reworked in diverse contexts around the world.
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Zhang, Wenxian, Ilan Alon und Christoph Lattemann, Hrsg. China's Belt and Road Initiative. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75435-2.

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Leandro, Francisco José B. S., und Paulo Afonso B. Duarte, Hrsg. The Belt and Road Initiative. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2564-3.

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Rana, Pradumna B., und Xianbai Ji. China’s Belt and Road Initiative. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5171-0.

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Arduino, Alessandro, und Xue Gong, Hrsg. Securing the Belt and Road Initiative. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7116-4.

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Gang, Xiao. Financing China’s Belt and Road Initiative. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003107392.

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Chan, Eve Man Hin, und Angappa Gunasekaran, Hrsg. Belt and Road Initiative – Collaboration for Success. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-1525-5.

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Xing, Li, Hrsg. Mapping China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ Initiative. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92201-0.

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Shang, Huping. The Belt and Road Initiative: Key Concepts. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9201-6.

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Chong, Alan, und Quang Minh Pham, Hrsg. Critical Reflections on China’s Belt & Road Initiative. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-2098-9.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Rana, Pradumna B., und Xianbai Ji. „BRI and Southeast Asia“. In China’s Belt and Road Initiative, 93–111. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5171-0_5.

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Rana, Pradumna B., und Xianbai Ji. „BRI and South Asia“. In China’s Belt and Road Initiative, 113–34. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5171-0_6.

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Rana, Pradumna B., und Xianbai Ji. „BRI and Central Asia“. In China’s Belt and Road Initiative, 135–57. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5171-0_7.

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Ilhéu, Fernanda. „BRI—Sustainable, Inclusive Growth, and Financial Sources“. In The Belt and Road Initiative, 149–72. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2564-3_7.

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Kodzi, Emmanuel. „Live and Let Live: Africa’s Response Options to China’s BRI“. In China's Belt and Road Initiative, 155–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75435-2_9.

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Rana, Pradumna B., und Xianbai Ji. „Potential Economic Impact of BRI: A Computable General Equilibrium Analysis“. In China’s Belt and Road Initiative, 47–69. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-5171-0_3.

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Gupta, Amit. „Global Strike vs. Globalization: The US-China Rivalry and the BRI“. In The Belt and Road Initiative, 45–60. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2564-3_3.

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Gao, May Hongmei. „Globalization 5.0 Led by China: Powered by Positive Frames for BRI“. In China's Belt and Road Initiative, 321–35. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75435-2_17.

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Lairson, Thomas D. „The Global Strategic Environment of the BRI: Deep Interdependence and Structural Power“. In China's Belt and Road Initiative, 35–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75435-2_3.

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Jiaqiang, Wang, und Liao Shuping. „Pushing Renminbi internationalization to inject new growth momentum into the BRI“. In Financing China’s Belt and Road Initiative, 77–92. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003107392-11.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Saeed, Husnain, Shahid Ikramullah, Mushtaq Khan, Fahd Amjad, Liaqat Ali und Zhang Faping. „Multi Depot Vehicle Routing Using Ant Colony Optimization - Trip Assignment of Freight Flow Using Modified Gravity Model: Special case of CPEC – Flagship of Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)“. In 2020 IEEE 7th International Conference on Industrial Engineering and Applications (ICIEA). IEEE, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iciea49774.2020.9102034.

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Senadjki, Abdelhak, Samuel Ogbeibu, Mourad Senadjki, Iddrisu Mohammed Awal und Tameur Nachef. „China belt and road initiative“. In AADNIC-ABMECR 2020: The 2nd Africa-Asia Dialogue Network International Conference on Advances in Business Management and Electronic Commerce Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3440094.3440402.

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Hong, Liu, und Jiang Dalong. „The Belt and Road Initiative“. In Fifth International Conference on Public Management : International Collaboration for Innovated Public Governance (ICPM 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpm-18.2018.6.

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He, Bing. „Language Planning in the Belt and Road Initiative“. In International Conference on Modern Educational Technology and Innovation and Entrepreneurship (ICMETIE 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.200306.151.

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Liu, Anbing, und Ping Guan. „Big data technology application under belt and road initiative“. In 2017 Second Russia and Pacific Conference on Computer Technology and Applications (RPC). IEEE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/rpc.2017.8168057.

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Ma, Li, und Gang Gong. „The Belt and Road Initiative Under the New Era“. In 4th International Symposium on Business Corporation and Development in South-East and South Asia under B&R Initiative (ISBCD 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200708.055.

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Toai, Doan Ba, Xi Guan und Amogh Ghimire. „Situational Analysis of Vietnam for Belt and Road Initiative“. In Proceedings of the 2018 International Conference on Economics, Business, Management and Corporate Social Responsibility (EBMCSR 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/ebmcsr-18.2018.33.

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Ghimire, Amogh, Peifen Zhuang, Anil Shrestha, Saima Ashraf Awan, Nokena Asanda Nicole und Doan Ba Toai. „Situational Analysis of Belt and Road Initiative in Nepal“. In 2018 2nd International Conference on Education Science and Economic Management (ICESEM 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icesem-18.2018.157.

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Zhang, Honglie, und Niway Tesfaye. „Alignment of Belt and Road Initiative with Africa Agenda 2063“. In 3rd International Symposium on Asian B&R Conference on International Business Cooperation (ISBCD 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/isbcd-18.2018.26.

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Fang, Tian. „Research on the Development of the “Belt and Road Initiative” International Road Transportation Policy“. In 20th COTA International Conference of Transportation Professionals. Reston, VA: American Society of Civil Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1061/9780784482933.214.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)"

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Galkin, Philipp, Dongmei Chen und Junyuang Ke. China’s Energy Investment Through the Lens of the Belt and Road Initiative. King Abdullah Petroleum Studies and Research Center, Januar 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30573/ks--2019-dp83.

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Chandrasekhar, C. P. The Long Search for Stability: Financial Cooperation to Address Global Risks in the East Asian Region. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, März 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp153.

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Forced by the 1997 Southeast Asian crisis to recognize the external vulnerabilities that openness to volatile capital flows result in and upset over the post-crisis policy responses imposed by the IMF, countries in the sub-region saw the need for a regional financial safety net that can pre-empt or mitigate future crises. At the outset, the aim of the initiative, then led by Japan, was to create a facility or design a mechanism that was independent of the United States and the IMF, since the former was less concerned with vulnerabilities in Asia than it was in Latin America and that the latter’s recommendations proved damaging for countries in the region. But US opposition and inherited geopolitical tensions in the region blocked Japan’s initial proposal to establish an Asian Monetary Fund, a kind of regional IMF. As an alternative, the ASEAN+3 grouping (ASEAN members plus China, Japan and South Korea) opted for more flexible arrangements, at the core of which was a network of multilateral and bilateral central bank swap agreements. While central bank swap agreements have played a role in crisis management, the effort to make them the central instruments of a cooperatively established regional safety net, the Chiang Mai Initiative, failed. During the crises of 2008 and 2020 countries covered by the Initiative chose not to rely on the facility, preferring to turn to multilateral institutions such as the ADB, World Bank and IMF or enter into bilateral agreements within and outside the region for assistance. The fundamental problem was that because of an effort to appease the US and the IMF and the use of the IMF as a foil against the dominance of a regional power like Japan, the regional arrangement was not a real alternative to traditional sources of balance of payments support. In particular, access to significant financial assistance under the arrangement required a country to be supported first by an IMF program and be subject to the IMF’s conditions and surveillance. The failure of the multilateral effort meant that a specifically Asian safety net independent of the US and the IMF had to be one constructed by a regional power involving support for a network of bilateral agreements. Japan was the first regional power to seek to build such a network through it post-1997 Miyazawa Initiative. But its own complex relationship with the US meant that its intervention could not be sustained, more so because of the crisis that engulfed Japan in 1990. But the prospect of regional independence in crisis resolution has revived with the rise of China as a regional and global power. This time both economics and China’s independence from the US seem to improve prospects of successful regional cooperation to address financial vulnerability. A history of tensions between China and its neighbours and the fear of Chinese dominance may yet lead to one more failure. But, as of now, the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s support for a large number of bilateral swap arrangements and its participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership seem to suggest that Asian countries may finally come into their own.
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