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Dalillah Mohd Isa, Ammalina, Napisah Karimah Ismail, Firuz Akhtar Mohamad Bohari, Lily Hanefarezan Asbulah, Nor Syamimi Mohd, Nur Ainul Basyirah Alias, Nurliyana Mohd Talib und Afeez Nawfal Mohd Isa. „THE ROLE OF ISLAM IN SOCIO-CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION OF THE BALKAN SOCIETY, 1354-1450“. International Journal of Advanced Research 11, Nr. 09 (30.09.2023): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/17501.
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The entrance of the Ottomans in the Balkans in the 14th century brought about significant changes in European history. The Balkans, which had been administered by the Byzantine Roman Empire with Christian church influence, were now conquered by the Ottoman Empire, which introduced new administrative structures and organisations with Islamic influences. This has influenced the socio-cultural makeup of the community, particularly at the conclusion of Sultan Murad IIs reign. The purpose of this study is to examine the role of Islam in the socio-cultural transformations of Balkan society from the early years of Ottoman rule until the end of Sultan Murad II reign. This study employs a qualitative research method through content analysis, as well as descriptive and deductive analysis. According to the findings of this study, Islam played an active part in influencing the socio-culture of Balkan society during Ottoman rule in a multitude of ways. The first is to lay the groundwork for the Ottoman governments administrative and legal systems. The second is to prioritise the provision of Islamic infrastructure and facilities and waqf institutions in order to promote the Muslim community and the Balkan region. Third, assigning the obligation of preaching and spreading Islam to all Muslims, and last, promoting a better lifestyle change in accordance with Islamic principles, among Balkans who have recently adopted Islam.
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Czamańska, Ilona. „Wasale, trybutariusze, sojusznicy. Charakter relacji państw bałkańskich z Turcją osmańską w XIV wieku“. Slavia Meridionalis 11 (31.08.2015): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.003.
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Vassals, tributaries, allies. The nature of the relations of the Balkan states with the Ottoman Turkey in the 14th centuryIn the second half of the fourteenth century, more than twenty political bodies functioned in Balkans, which were more or less independent, often in conflicts with each other, joining into leagues and alliances.The Ottomans were a valuable ally, with which the Balkan rulers came in close political and military relationships. The study of evolution and the nature of these relations meets serious difficulties due to lack of surviving documents, defining the nature of bilateral relations of the Ottomans with particular Balkan states, while other sources, usually from a later period, are not very precise. The difficulties of interpretation concern such fundamental matters as the chronology of Turkish conquests, conflicts and peace agreements. However, the analysis of preserved source material leads to the following conclusions:1. Subordination of the Balkan countries by the Ottomans was a long-term process, and their relationships with the Balkan states were diverse in nature.2. Payment of the tribute for the benefit of the Turks could, but did not have to mean the entry into vassal relations, however gave an evidence about the entry into peaceful relations.3. Orhan, Murad I and Bajezid I were satisfied on the territory of Europe with the establishment of the allied, tributary relationships and over the time with the strengthening of own vassal position. However, at the end of the fourteenth century, all the Balkan states were at some stage of such relations, mostly on the last of them.4. Entry into close, family relations with the ruling sultan meant usually a close political and military cooperation. Greek, Bulgarian and Serbian wives of the sultans had the right to remain in the Christian faith and often exerted a strong political influence. The support and protection of the closest relatives of the wife was fulfilled by the Turkish rulers. Thanks to it, for example Serbia of Stefan Lazarević was essentially strengthened, becoming at the same time the most serious support of Bajezid I in the Balkans.
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Dema, Violeta. „TURKEY’S SOFT POWER POLICY TOWARDS THE BALKANS“. SCIENCE International Journal 2, Nr. 2 (31.05.2023): 49–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/sciencej020249d.
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According to the official policy of Turkey, the Balkans are considered “as a sphere of influence since Turkey is also a Balkan country. The country pursues its main objectives in the region of “maintaining and strengthening peace, stability and sustainable development”, and that it “continues to support the accession of all the countries of the region to Europe and Euro-Atlantic institutions. “. In the “Balkan” policy of Turkey, a major role plays its diplomatic institution TIKA (Türk İşbirliği ve Koordinasyon Ajansı Başkanlığı, Turkish Agency for Cooperation and Coordination„, created in 1992 and active in the region since its creation. The case of the presence of Turkey in the Balkans is particularly interesting because the country maintains a rich and complex historical relationship with its Balkan neighbors.Its ancestor, the Ottoman Empire, deeply marked the region for more than five centuries.If the new Turkish Republic maintains Relatively limited relations with its former Ottoman provinces, the liberal opening of Turkish foreign policy by Turgut Özal from the 1980s marked a gradual return of Turkey to the region.
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Bandžović, Safet. „Wars and ways of deosmanization of the Balkans (1912-1923)“. Historijski pogledi 3, Nr. 3 (28.05.2020): 7–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.3.7.
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The dramatic currents of the history of the 19th and 20th centuries in the Balkans cannot be seen in a more comprehensive way, separate from the wider European / world context, geopolitical order, influence and consequences of the interesting logics of superpowers, models of de-Ottomanization and Balkanization. At the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, the Ottoman Empire was in a difficult position, pressured by numerous internal problems, exposed to external political pressures, conditions and wars. Crises and Ottoman military defeats in the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) and the "Great War" (1914-1918), along with the processes of de-Ottomanization and fragmentation of the territories in which they lived and the growth of divisions, disrupted the self-confidence of Muslims. Expulsions and mass exoduses of entire populations, especially Muslims, culminated in the Balkan wars. Bosniaks, as well as Muslims in the rest of "Ottoman Europe", found themselves in the ranks of several armies in the "Great War". Many Muslims from the Balkans, who arrived in the vast territory of the Empire in earlier times as refugees, also fought in the units of the Ottoman army. In that war it was defeated. On its remnants, a new state of Turkey (1923) was created after the Greco-Ottoman war (1919-1922).
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Agolli, Kevin. „The geopolitical influence of Turkey in the Western Balkans“. Jus & Justicia 15, Nr. 2 (2021): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.58944/genz5318.
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Turkey’s role in the Balkan peninsula can be considered age-old since medieval times. The study of the new line of Turkish foreign policy from 2002 to 2021, as well as the doctrine of neo-Ottomanism, mark a great importance in the ideation of the methodology. This need is influenced by a number of factors. Turkey has a historical past in the Balkans; after the coming to power of the AKP in 2002, its leader Recep Tayyip Erdoğan wanted to reawaken the “unified” relationship of the Balkan states with Turkey at the head. Also, the empowerment that Turkey has received during the last 15 years has strengthened its influence in three different regions. The Balkan region, just like in the period of the Ottoman Empire, is an existential part of the implementation of the doctrine of neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign policy, as well as a connecting bridge that Turkey has with Western Europe. This study aims to offer an approach that seeks to discover the cause of Turkey’s relations with the Balkan countries and Turkey’s geopolitical influence in this region. This paper suggests that the growth of Turkey’s influence in the Balkans has come as a result of Turkey’s own reconceptualization of its role in the international arena after 2002. The method selected in this study is the interpretative one, which refers to the secondary data produced by well-known authors of international relations, official documents, institutions, etc.
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Avakova, R. A., und A. K. Koksegenov. „Source Analysis of Turkism in the Balkan Languages“. Iasaýı ýnıversıtetіnіń habarshysy 131, Nr. 1 (30.03.2024): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.47526/2024-1/2664-0686.03.
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The connection of Turkic tribes with the peoples of the Balkan Peninsula has a long history. With the conquest of the Ottoman Empire, the influence of the Turks on the countries living in the Balkan region increased, and this situation led to significant changes for the Balkan peoples. Words of Turkic origin in the Balkan languages became the basis for the study of Turkic influence in the Balkans. Researchers should first of all determine from which language Turkic vocabulary was introduced. The term “Orientalism” is widely used by linguists to define words and phrases from any Eastern language (Turkish, Arabic, Persian). First, since orientalism entered the Balkan languages through the Ottoman Turkish language, which was spoken by the majority of the inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire and its territories, many researchers used the term “Turkism” to denote the characteristics of the way of life of the eastern countries. When linguists of the XVIIIXIX centuries defined the term “Turkism”, they relied on a small number and insufficient information about the origin of Eastern words. The purpose of this study is to make a detailed description and detailed analysis of the words that have entered the Turkic language in the Balkan languages. The research focuses on Romanian, Serbian, and Albanian languages, where the most Turkic words can be found.
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Mrgić, Jelena. „Aqua vitae – Notes on Geographies of Alcohol Production and Consumption in the Ottoman Balkans“. Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 12, Nr. 4 (23.12.2017): 1309. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v12i4.14.
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The paper addresses the beginning of brandy distillation in the Ottoman Balkan, the transfer of technology, commerce and taxation, as well as patterns of consumption. Those patterns include rules of alcohol production, distribution and use according to religion, class and gender, i.e. restrictions and their transgressions. Linguistic, documentary and narrative sources are deployed in building a multifaceted picture. Production of various spirits, foremost plum brandy in the Ottoman Balkans, and the usage of alcohol drinks could be viewed as an area where private and public, official and clandestine, permitted and forbidden mixed and coexisted, and influenced Ottoman political and religious system.
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Karic, Enes. „The Arabic Cultural Influence on the Balkans“. American Journal of Islam and Society 20, Nr. 1 (01.01.2003): 107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.3033.
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The CaseIt was with great pleasure that I accepted the invitation from Dr. YahyaMahmud bin Junayd and Dr. Awadh al-Badi to be with you today. I am veryhappy to be able to speak to you on this special occasion about an importantand very large topic: the Arabic cultural influence on the Balkans. I am particularlyglad to be speaking on this theme in the hall of this eminent institute,the King Faisal Centre for Islamic Studies and Research.I will begin by saying that I shall not deal at length with either the historyor the geography of the Balkans, for I am justified in assuming that theaudience I am addressing today is familiar with these, at least in outline. Ishall therefore proceed at once to the topic itself.Arabic and Islamic influences began to reach the Balkan peninsulawell before the Turks and the start of Ottoman imperial rule in the fifteenthcentury. Museums throughout the Balkans still contain items from theperiod of the first contacts of the Balkan peoples with the Arabs of Sicily,southern Italy, and al-Andalus. We thus find Arabic utensils, for examplethe ibrig,1 which we also call ibrik, with exactly the same meaning inBosnian as in Arabic. It is the same in the Serbian and Croatian languages,too.The archives of Dubrovnik contain a large collection of Arabic manuscriptsthat show clearly what kind of goods were traded between Arabtraders and those of the Balkans over many centuries. But Arab traders didnot only bring with them Arabic customs, books, items, ideas, and principles;the Slavs themselves, who served first in the military with the Arabs ...
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Lityński, Adam. „Od Wielkiej Serbii do Królestwa SHS. Historyka ustroju uwag kilka“. Miscellanea Historico-Iuridica 20, Nr. 2 (2021): 145–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/mhi.2021.20.02.10.
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In the 19th century, the Balkan problem was a major political issue in Europe. The Balkans were under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for hundreds of years. Other great empires became increasingly involved in Balkan affairs: the Russian Empire and the Habsburg Empire of Austria (after 1867 Austria-Hungary). They divided the Balkans into their spheres of influence. The nations of the Balkans were culturally diverse. The process of forming the consciousness of nations was complicated; nationalisms and conflicts were growing. Religions were of great importance – Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam. Apart from tiny Montenegro, only the Serbs have fought heroically for independence since the early 19th century, making great sacrifices. Gradually they gained it: first, autonomy within the Ottoman Empire, then they became an independent principality, and finally an independent kingdom. From the mid-19th century until the end of World War I, they passed a total of five constitutions: 1835, 1869, 1888/9, 1901, 1903. They were based partly on the French (1814, 1830) and Belgian (1831) Basic Laws. All constitutions were relatively modern and liberal, at a high European level. In the article the author analyses and presents the most important contents of these constitutions. Over the years, a conviction was developed that it was Serbia that would unite and liberate the Balkan nations under its leadership. The author shows how the end of the First Great War brought a clash between the idea of a Greater Serbia and the ambitions of the Balkan nations living under Austro-Hungarian rule. The Kingdom of Serbs-Croats-Slovenes (Kingdom SHS) was established-full of internal troubles from the beginning.
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ĐUKANOVIĆ, DRAGAN. „KEY CONCEPTS OF SERBIAN RULERS ON THE ISSUE OF THE ALLIANCE OF THE BALKAN STATES AND PEOPLES FROM 1860 TO 1912“. Kultura polisa, Nr. 44 (08.03.2021): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.01.
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Since the middle of the 19th century, ideas related to the mutual rapprochement of the Balkan states and the creation of their broader associations have appeared within the ruling circles in Serbia. In that sense, the author analyzes the concepts of the Balkan unions of the rulers from the Serbian dynasty Obrenović (Prince Mihailo, King Milan and King Aleksandar), as well as King Petar I Karađorđević starting from 1860 to 1912. These concepts of the Balkan alliance, whether they were autochthonous or otherwise the result of the influence of the leading political factors of the then European order, did not have a significant foothold in the then public of Serbia. However, at the beginning of the 20th century, the concept of a transient inclusive Balkan alliance aiming to liberate certain parts of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire prevailed, and after its success in 1912, it was modified by the abandonment of Bulgaria. Also, despite the undoubtedly unfavorable international influences and the aspiration of the Balkan states to round up their ethnic territories, there was no genuine possibility to realize the concept of Balkan interstate solidarity during the second half of the 19th century.
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Antic, Cedomir. „Crisis and armament economic relations between Great Britain and Serbia 1910-1912“. Balcanica, Nr. 36 (2005): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536151a.
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On the eve of the 1914-18 war, Great Powers had competed for influence in the Balkans. While preparing for the war with the Ottoman Empire the Balkan states were ready to take huge war credits and to place big orders for weapons and military equipment. Foreign Office did not show any interest in involving British capital and industry in this competition. British diplomacy even discouraged investments in Serbian military programme before 1914.
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Lawford, Roderick. „“Perverting the Taste of the People”: Lăutari and the Balkan Question in Romania“. Muzikologija, Nr. 29 (2020): 85–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/muz2029085l.
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??Perverting the Taste of the People?: L?utari and the Balkan Question in Romania? considers the term ?Balkan? in the context of Romanian Romani music-making. The expression can be used pejoratively to describe something ?bar-baric? or fractured. In the ?world music? era, ?gypsy-inspired? music from the Balkans has become highly regarded. From this perspective ?Balkan? is seen as something desirable. The article uses the case of the Romanian ?gypsy? band Taraf de Ha?douks in illustration. Romania?s cultural and physical position with- in Europe can be difficult to locate, a discourse reflected in Romanian society itself, where many reject the description of Romania as a ?Balkan? country. This conflict has been contested through manele, a Romanian popular musical genre. In contrast, manele is seen by its detractors as too ?eastern? in character, an unwelcome reminder of earlier Balkan and Ottoman influences on Romanian culture.
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Rašidagić, Ešref Kenan, und Zora Hesova. „Development of Turkish Foreign Policy Towards the Western Balkans with Focus on Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Croatian international relations review 26, Nr. 86 (2020): 96–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.37173/cirr.26.86.4.
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Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
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Akyüz, Doruk. „An Ottoman Staff Officer in the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905): General Pertev Bey’s Impressions and Evaluations“. GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, Nr. 4 (31.03.2021): 38–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp4.160001a02.
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In this paper, I discuss the influence of Japan’s military westernization on Ottoman conceptions of East-West relations, Westernization, and military reform, from the perspective of an Ottoman staff officer. Colonel (later General) Pertev (Demirhan) Bey visited Japan and the battlefields of the Russo-Japanese War as a military observer between 1904-1905. His experience on the battlefield dramatically influenced his way of thinking. In the successful Japanese example of military modernization, as he saw it in action against Russia, and found the answers to the long debate among Ottomans about the path for modernization in the face of threats from Western powers. He saw the Ottoman Empire and Japan as sharing many commonalities. Both faced a threat from Western modern states and their militaries. In reaction, elites and decision makers in both nations had sought to adopt Western practices, doctrines, institutions, science, knowledge, and cultural elements in order to reach the level of their threatening contemporaries. The Japanese military victory validated in the eyes of Pertev Bey, and many of his Ottoman contemporaries, the Japanese method of modernization. Japan replaced the West as the model of modernization for him. This led him to pen a report and unsuccessfully champion the Japanese example of military reform to Sultan Abdülhamid II. When he was given decision making power during the First Balkan War, tasked with planning the war against the Balkan allies, his experience in Japan played a central role in the war plan he presented, which in turn determined the contours of the Ottoman experience in the war.
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Masters, Bruce. „The Sultan's Entrepreneurs: The Avrupa Tüccaris and the Hayriye Tüccaris in Syria“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 24, Nr. 4 (November 1992): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800022352.
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By the first quarter of the 19th century, foreigners and Ottomans alike were keenly aware that the sovereignty of the house of Osman was rapidly eroding. Austrian and Russian armies threatened the empire from without; ethnic revolts and secession beset it from within. Its occasional allies Britain and France ate away at its autonomy through growing economic and political influence. The military threats were apparent, but the Porte was less alert to the dangers its relationships with the Western European powers held for Ottoman hegemony over the peoples of the Balkans and the Arab Middle East.1
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Pilarska, Justyna. „Boshnjaks. In other words: Jihad vs. McWorld and other theories...“ Journal of Education Culture and Society 1, Nr. 2 (17.01.2020): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20102.67.77.
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The Ottoman invasion of the Balkans that began in the 14th century led to an imbalance in the process of self-identification among the Bosnian people, having crucial influence on the process of establishing their sense of belonging, identification and national awareness. It particularly influenced the process of conceptualizing the cultural identity of Boshnjaks, whose ancestors converted to Islam and changed the ethnic and religious landscape of Balkans to a large extent. The author focuses on the political and social factors determining the shape of Bosnian identity, its origin and historical circumstances which influenced not only identification processes but also the course of the conflict in the Balkans between 1992 and 1995. This paper also provides data on many controversial facts regarding influences of Islamic radicals on Bosnian society before and after the fall of Yugoslavia. On the basis of social and historical analysis the author indicates that contemporary theories on cultural origin of conflicts, reduced to the dichotomy Jihad vs. McWorld are not applicable in the case of the unique, multicultural identity of Bosnian Muslims.
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Šabotić, Sait Š. „Kosovski vilajet u geostrateškim planovima Osmanskog carstva i istočno pitanje“. Historijski pogledi 7, Nr. 12 (15.11.2024): 60–88. https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.12.60.
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During the 19th century, particularly in its second half, significant changes occurred in international relations and the territorial organization of Europe and the world. The collapse of traditional empires, the rise of nationalism, the expansion of imperialism, and the pursuit of a balance of power shaped the dynamics of the geopolitical landscape of the time. The whirlpool of these changes could not be avoided by the Sublime Ottoman State, as the influences from neighboring regions on its territorial integrity, internal, and foreign policies were too strong. All of this was undertaken by the great powers in the context of resolving the “Eastern Question.” In attempting to resist the incursions from both external and internal forces, while contemplating its territorial integrity, the Ottoman Empire was compelled to implement certain administrative changes during the period of Tanzimat reforms, which were essentially geostrategic considerations aimed at preserving control over parts of the Balkans and all that entailed, in a situation where territorial losses were inevitable. During this time, the Ottoman Empire found itself in the vortex of great power interests. Russia sought protection for the Christian population within the Ottoman Empire and access to the Mediterranean, while the Habsburg Monarchy had territorial interests in the Balkans. On the other side were Great Britain and France, both of which opposed Russia's access to the Mediterranean and thus advocated for the survival of the Ottoman Empire. By navigating between the interests of these powers, the Ottoman Empire managed to extend its presence in the Balkans for another thirty-four years following the Congress of Berlin in 1878. The complex demographic structure of the population in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans was one of the factors that temporarily delayed the resolution of the “Eastern Question.” However, after all the significant historical upheavals—1878 was certainly one of those for the Ottoman Empire—a considerable part of the Muslim population was condemned to a grueling struggle for survival, retreating towards the still secure zones, which were essentially small and rare oases in the Balkans still under Ottoman control. Various types of insecurity—property, legal, personal, and others—forced the Muslim population to emigrate towards the Asian part of the Empire in search of a safer refuge. One of the transit territories on this path was the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet. The arrival of a large number of muhacirs to this area after 1878 led to a series of negative phenomena, particularly in the more significant urban centers. Certainly, there were individuals who skillfully exploited the situation to enrich themselves or to build personal political careers. Although largely educated in Western European countries, Ottoman diplomatic representatives and officials failed to navigate the whirlpool of the impending changes that affected the Ottoman Empire. The political moves they made after 1878 concerning the Balkan territories were short-term and lacked a strong impact on international relations. The aim of this paper is to highlight the geostrategic plans of the Ottoman Empire regarding the Kosovo Vilayet and the unfolding of the Eastern Question up until 1881, when the “Prizren League,” an organization fighting for the national interests of the Albanian people, was dissolved.
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Dmitriev, Andrei V. „The Pruth Campaign of 1711 – Military and Political Miscalculation or Personal Surrender of Peter I?“ History 19, Nr. 8 (2020): 153–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-153-158.
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The paper discusses the new monograph, published in 2019 by V. A. Artamonov, well-known researcher of the Petrine epoch. His book is dedicated to studying the military conflict between Russia and Ottoman empire in 1710–1713. The author shows clearly that Ottoman Sultan Ahmed III and his commander in chief Mehmed Pasha had no plan of any invasions to Russia, but wanted just return to the borders before 1696 in the Priazovye region. Peter I, planning his expedition to Moldavia in 1711, did not take to consideration the experience of Austrian and Polish campaigns against Ottomans in the end of the 17th century. This led to encirclement and blockade of the Russian army by the Ottoman forces on the Pruth river (July 9–12, 1711). Under these conditions Peter I could not make a decision to fight, but preferred to negotiate peace, although Russian army was quite able to defeat enemy. The Ottoman side willingly agreed to make peace, which was supported by giving almost 300.000 Rubles to commander in chief Mehmed Pasha and his staff. After that Russia lost some fortresses in the Priazovye region and political influence on the Christian peoples under Ottoman rule in the Balkans. This monograph could be highly recommended for academic scholars, teachers and students of higher education institutions.
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Kadrić, Adnan. „„Problematično” osmansko naslijeđe i opći problemi recepcije, klasifikacije i periodizacije starije bošnjačke književnosti na osmanskom jeziku“. Slavia Meridionalis 11 (31.08.2015): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2011.005.
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“The problem of the Ottoman heritage” today, with special emphasis on the problems of reception, classification and periodization elderly Bosniak’s literature in the Ottoman language This article focuses on the general sketch of “the problem of the Ottoman heritage” today, with special emphasis on the problems of reception, classification and periodization elderly Bosniak’s Literature in the Ottoman language. The paper attempts to indicate the “syncretic” nature of every imperial civilization, including the Ottoman Empire, and to indicate some general features of the historical dilemmas and development of the written word in a meeting with other cultural traditions. The phenomenon of Bosniak’s literature in Oriental languages, including literature in Ottoman Turkish language, is the phenomenon very interesting for our literary trends in literary production of the Balkan peoples too. It is, simply, about a live tradition that has influenced and still influences on the occurrence of literary works very relevant not only for contemporary Bosniak literature, but for literature of other Slavs in the Balkans. It is a fact worthy for scientific research. „Problematyczne” dziedzictwo osmańskie i ogólne problemy recepcji, klasyfikacji i periodyzacji starszej literatury bośniackiej w języku osmańskim W niniejszym artykule podjęte zostały zagadnienia współczesnego „problematycznego dziedzictwa osmańskiego” ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem kwestii recepcji, klasyfikacji i periodyzacji wczesnej literatury bośniackiej w języku tureckim. Zwrócono w nim uwagę na naturalny „synkretyzm” każdej cywilizacji imperialnej, także imperium osmańskiego, i wskazano podstawowe przyczyny historycznego rozwoju słowa pisanego w zetknięciu z inną tradycją kulturową. Kwestia istnienia literatury bośniackiej w językach orientalnych, włączając w to również literaturę w języku tureckim imperium, jest interesującym zjawiskiem istnienia tendencji dominujących w twórczości literackiej ludów Półwyspu Bałkańskiego, odnosi się bowiem do żywej tradycji, która wpływała i nadal oddziałuje nie tylko na współczesną bośniacką twórczość literacką, ale także na literaturę innych Słowian na Bałkanach, co stanowi przedmiot ważnych badań naukowych.
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Cojocaru, Ionuț. „Perspectives of Turkish foreign policy based on analysis of Romanian documents“. Crimean Historical Review 11, Nr. 1 (25.09.2024): 124–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/kio.2024.1.124-143.
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After 29 October 1923, when the status of the nation as a republic was declared and its official name was proclaimed to be Türkiye Cumhuriyeti (“the Republic of Turkey”), the officials followed a defensive policy and the Turkish status became part of defensive alliances. In this sense, treaties with the USSR were signed, Turkey was part of the Balkan Agreement and had agreements with Great Britain, France, etc. An increased attention was paid to the Balkan space where the legacy of the Ottoman Empire was visible. Ankara’s diplomats appealed to the Turkish-Tatar communities that lived in the geographical area of Balkans to move to the new Turkish state. The Treaty of Lausanne and then the Treaty of Montreux were vital – in the first – for the security of the new Turkish state, but also for the states bordering the Black Sea. From political point of view, the main priority of the foreign turkish policy was to pursue an alliances policy, seeking to maintain and consacrate by treaties its territorial integrity stability in its own influence areas.
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Gkiourtzidis, Agathangelos. „Greco-Serbian Treaty of 1867 and the role of Russian diplomacy“. Slavianovedenie, Nr. 5 (2021): 125–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0869544x0016719-3.
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The Greco-Serbian Treaty of 1867 is the second attempt to create a military coalition of Christian states in the Balkans, aimed at fighting a common enemy ‒ the Ottoman Empire. The agreement reflected the irredentist policy of the two states in solving the Eastern question, the purpose of which was to expel the Turks from the European continent and prevent the seizure of the Balkan territories by the Great Powers.Russia closely followed and moreover, actively influenced the negotiation process, which revealed a serious conflict of interests around the issue of border delimitation in Macedonia.The study highlights three key issues. The first concerns Russia's position on the provisions of the Greco-Serbian Treaty affecting Russian interests. The second has to do with the details of the negotiation process related to the future territorial division of the European territories of the Ottoman Empire and in particular Macedonia and the Bulgarian population living in the northern part of this territory. The third is devoted to the examination of the intermediary role of Russian diplomats.
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Feldman, David. „European Human Rights and Constitution-building in a Post-conflict Society: the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005): 101–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5235/152888712802730747.
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The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth ‘BiH’) was born out of conflict. The country, like much of the Balkan region, had been subject to waves of invasion, nationalist tension and foreign domination for many centuries. The Ottoman Empire, with a complex system of public and private law influenced by Islamic law, had been followed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, overlaying the legal system with the tradition of the Code Civil. Before the Ottoman period the Slav population had divided between adherents to the Church of Rome and followers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Under the Ottomans a group of Slavs had converted to Islam, further fracturing the religious coherence of the region. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the pan-Slavist movement had sought to establish a Serb national homeland for its people. When Princip assassinated the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo in 1914, the aim was to establish a Serb state free of imperial domination.
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Feldman, David. „European Human Rights and Constitution-building in a Post-conflict Society: the Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina“. Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 7 (2005): 101–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1528887000004523.
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The constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina (henceforth ‘BiH’) was born out of conflict. The country, like much of the Balkan region, had been subject to waves of invasion, nationalist tension and foreign domination for many centuries. The Ottoman Empire, with a complex system of public and private law influenced by Islamic law, had been followed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, overlaying the legal system with the tradition of the Code Civil. Before the Ottoman period the Slav population had divided between adherents to the Church of Rome and followers of the Eastern Orthodox Church. Under the Ottomans a group of Slavs had converted to Islam, further fracturing the religious coherence of the region. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the pan-Slavist movement had sought to establish a Serb national homeland for its people. When Princip assassinated the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria in Sarajevo in 1914, the aim was to establish a Serb state free of imperial domination.
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Šabotić, Sait Š. „Utjecaj austro-ugarskih planova o izgradnji Sandžačke željeznice na Bihor i Novopazarski sandžak“. Historijski pogledi 6, Nr. 10 (15.11.2023): 72–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2023.6.10.72.
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The emergence of railways brought about new possibilities in people's lives, as well as in terms of political plans and actions. Railway activities began in the Balkans in the second half of the 19th century and had a significant impact on the relationships between Balkan states. This work explores the potential influence of Austro-Hungarian plans for the construction of the Sandjak Railway in the region of Bihor and the broader areas of Bijelo Polje and the Novi Pazar Sandjak, which were part of the Ottoman Empire. Austro-Hungary had expressed its ambitions in the Balkans even before the Berlin Congress, seeing the region as a bridge that could connect them to the warm Aegean Sea and further to the Middle East. The construction of the railway was one of the means by which Austro-Hungary sought to expand its influence in the Balkans. Such significant political intentions did not go unnoticed by the Ottoman Empire, which aimed to preserve its territorial integrity and possessions in that part of the Balkans. Slovene states and peoples traditionally sought protection in Russia, giving Russia an opportunity to express its own interest in exerting political influence in this part of Europe. Recognizing that Austro-Hungary was its main rival in the Balkans, Russia reached an agreement with them in 1897 to maintain the status quo. This agreement was further confirmed by the Treaty of Mürzsteg in 1903, which aimed to mutually neutralize or divide spheres of interest, with Bulgaria falling under Russian influence and Serbia under Austro-Hungarian. Austro-Hungary's primary goal was to prevent the creation of a large state in the region from the Danube to the Adriatic Sea, which would block its path eastward. As Serbia was located in that region, Austro-Hungarian propaganda was directed against it, despite traditionally good relations with the Obrenović dynasty. Austro-Hungary attempted to strengthen its political plans through the construction of a suitable railway network, which would facilitate easier and faster control of the desired territory. This led to the advocacy of the so-called “Novi Pazar Railway,” which would connect Uvac with Mitrovica. However, German Chancellor Bernhard von Bülow advised Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Count Agenor Romuald Gołuchowski to abandon this plan due to the unfavorable situation in Macedonia, where unrest was brewing. Austro-Hungarian diplomacy did not want to make a public and final decision on this proposal. All of the above had an impact on the population of all parts of the Novi Pazar Sandjak. The work examines how the construction of the railway would have stimulated economic development in the entire region by creating new trade routes and encouraging investment in economic sectors such as trade and agriculture. The paper also provides insights into potential changes in the demographic structure through the influx of populations from other parts of the Ottoman Empire and Austro-Hungary, which the railway would necessarily impose. Furthermore, it is essential to mention how the realization of the “Novi Pazar Railway” would have affected the ethnic and religious dynamics in the Bihor district and the broader area. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Empire intervened with Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph and Count Goluchowski on several occasions to abandon the plan to build the “Novi Pazar Railway,” as the Russian government maintained the same view it had expressed in 1900. Austro-Hungary eventually agreed, leaving only a political influence supported by the propaganda activities of secret services. This work serves as a foundation for further research and discussions on this topic.
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Todorović, Miloš. „TİKA’s Heritage Restoration Projects: Examples of Foreign Aid or Proof of Neo-Ottomanism?“ Insight Turkey 23, Summer 2021 (20.09.2021): 141–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25253/99.2021233.8.
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Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Turkey has been using the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TİKA) to gain soft power and increase its influence in the Balkans, Caucasia, and Central Asia. As Turkey’s focus is on countries that were once part of the Ottoman Empire, many have characterized this attempt as Neo-Ottomanism. Especially problematic is the fact that, over the years, TİKA has funded the restoration of numerous Ottoman monuments in these regions. Using Serbia as an example, this article explores whether such projects are proof of Turkey having a ‘Neo-Ottoman agenda’ of reviving Ottoman culture and exerting influence over former Ottoman territories, or just a way of Turkey gaining soft power through foreign aid.
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Š. Šabotić, Sait. „The influence of the Omer Luffi pasha’s reforms from 1851. on kadiluk Bihor“. Historijski pogledi 3, Nr. 4 (30.12.2020): 11–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2020.3.4.11.
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Already with the defeat at Vienna in 1683. the Ottoman court became aware of the need to adapt to the Western world. The necessity of establishing harmonious relations between the Muslim and non-Muslim populations imposed the undertaking of a series of reforms, which came to full expression with the coming to power of Sultan Mahmud II, who created the conditions for the social modernization of the Ottoman Empire. The enactment of Haticerif by Gulhana in 1839, which formally equated Muslim and non-Muslim subjects in rights, opened the door for further reforms that imposed themselves as a historical necessity, and much less as a result of pressure from the great powers. Under the influence of their thinkers, the population of the Ottoman Empire has been emphasizing its demands for the establishment of a regime that would enable a greater degree of democracy and freedom, which would create conditions for freer trade and better education, since Haticerif of Gulhana. A big problem was also the finances that needed to be reformed in a way to achieve productivity. With such demands, Ottoman society embarked on reforms that remained known as the Tanzimat. It was a time when "ruin and progress were tackled", hence the conclusion that it was the "longest life" of the Ottoman Empire. The planned reforms were particularly difficult to implement in the Balkan provinces. The central Ottoman government showed a lot of inability to quell the local uprisings, regardless of whether they were of a social or national character. A major obstacle in that process was the interference of European powers, which in that way realized their interests and considered the Balkan states as their sphere of influence. Apart from political issues, the difficult situation was also felt in the field of agriculture. Primitive cattle breeding and traditional agriculture could not provide the conditions for meeting all other living needs, which is why the demands of the broadest strata of the population were aimed at liberalization and removing barriers that could lead to the presence of any dependence, especially from greengrocers. In addition to the presence of progressive forces, there were also stubborn structures of society in the Ottoman Empire that wanted to preserve the system that was present before the implementation of reforms. Resistance to the use of Tanzimat in the middle of the 19th century was very pronounced in the Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. In that sense, the reactions of the rural population from the area of the kadiluks Bihor and Rožaj were not absent, primarily to the application of certain decisions in the field of agrarian relations. The key measure was the introduction of tithing, which was considered another new tax among the poorer strata. The response to this measure of the central government was an armed uprising that broke out in 1851. in Bihor and the Rožaje region. It was brutally quelled by military units under the command of Omer Lutfi-pasha. The aim of this paper is precisely to present the circumstances in which this revolt took place and to point out its consequences. While the mentioned riots lasted, Omer Lutfi-pasha carried out certain administrative reforms on the territory of the Bosnian eyalet, which also had their reflections in the area of the Bihor kadiluk. With a stronger connection to the Bosnian eyalet, the kadiluk Bihor with Trgovište (Rožaje) will be formed in its next period as an integral part of that area, and in the spirit of the decisions made in Sarajevo as the new seat of the Bosnian vali.
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Akar, Tuba. „Ottoman Bazaars in Anatolia and the Balkans“. Prostor 32, Nr. 1(67) (25.06.2024): 142–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31522/p.32.1(67).12.
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Bazaars were spaces that formed the center of the cities during the Ottoman period, had a certain order, and were shaped spatially and architecturally depending on the geographical-topographical characteristics and commercial potential of each city. Proximity to the citadels, connection with city gates and main roads, relations with Friday mosque and other public buildings in the city were the main factors shaping the bazaar spatially. In bazaars, where bedesten and khans, and in some cases covered bazaar-arastas, appeared on a building scale, shops that lined on open or covered streets formed the architecture of the bazaar. In addition to these, the sovereignty and order established by the state over trade during the Ottoman period, the institution of waqf, and the guilds of tradesmen also played a decisive role in the bazaar. With the bazaars examined, it is concluded that while administrative and commercial influences in the shaping of bazaars in Anatolian and Balkan cities during the Ottoman period created bazaar spaces with similar qualities, urban inputs led to the differentiation of bazaars in terms of scale, spatial and architectural qualities.
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Guštin, Maša. „The Manaki Brothers. The Chroniclers of the “Third” Europe“. Panoptikum, Nr. 30 (28.12.2023): 11–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/pan.2023.30.01.
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At the time of the birth of cinema at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, one more area was created on the cultural map of Europe, next to the West and the East. In the heart of this “third” Europe, under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, worked famous photographers of Wallachian origin, Janaki and Milton Manaki, their film work made them famous in the early 20th century as pioneers of “Balkan cinema”. Most of the films that have survived to this day were made in the Ottoman period. They are a testimony of everyday life as well as important events that influenced the course of the history of the region. The study of the life and work of the Manaki brothers seems to be dominated by the least important aspect, that is, the question of their origin and nationality. Their films are included in many national cinema discourses in the Balkans, from North Macedonia, through Greece, Romania, to Albania and Turkey. This article, representing a synthesis of brighter research, is, on the one hand, an attempt to organize (objective) knowledge about the lives and works of the Manaki brothers, and on the other hand, an in-depth introduction to their film work.
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Гребенкин, И. Н., und А. С. Романика. „The Balkan crisis and evolution of Russian revolutionary democratic movement in the 1870s“. Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, Nr. 2(79) (07.08.2023): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2023.79.2.003.
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В статье исследуются роль и значение событий Балканского кризиса 1870-х годов в общественной жизни и политических процессах России. Представлен краткий обзор опыта изучения проблемы отечественной историографией. Установлены источники и характер общественных настроений в России в отношении положения славянских народов в Османской империи. Изложены взгляды идеологов русского социализма на международное значение революционного движения в России. Отмечается взаимное влияние борьбы славянских народов Балкан против турецкого господства и российского освободительного движения в пореформенный период. Рассмотрены примеры участия российских революционеров-демократов в событиях Балканского кризиса на его различных этапах. Даны выводы, раскрывающие значение освободительного процесса на Балканах для развития идеологии и методов революционного движения в России. The article examines the role and significance of the events of the Balkan Crisis of the 1870s in the public life and political processes in Russia. It contains a brief review of studies devoted to the problem in Russian historiography. We look into the origins and nature of public sentiments in Russia regarding the position of the Slavic peoples in the Ottoman Empire and define the views of Russian socialists on the international significance of the revolutionary movement in Russia. We observe mutual influence of the struggle of the Balkan Slavic peoples against Turkish domination and the Russian liberation movement in the post-reform period. Some Russian revolutionary democrats participated in the events of the Balkan Crisis at its various stages. The conclusions reveal the significance of the national liberation process in the Balkans for the development of the ideology and methods of the revolutionary movement in Russia.
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Banovic, Branko, Marko Pisev und Milos Milenkovic. „The underrepresentation of the ottoman intangible cultural heritage in the register of cultural property of montenegro“. Glasnik Etnografskog instituta 72, Nr. 2 (2024): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2402135b.
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Understanding the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) of the Balkan Peninsula is necessarily linked to comprehending the complex influences rooted in the long-standing dominance of the Ottoman Empire in this region. Given that these influences have significantly shaped various aspects of everyday life, it would be justified for them to be adequately represented in the national ICH registries of Western Balkan countries. However, existing research indicates the underrepresentation of Ottoman ICH elements throughout the region. Previous studies conducted in Serbia have indicated that the underrepresentation of Ottoman ICH may not be solely a consequence of ideology but rather a problem relocated to structural deficiencies in the ICH safeguarding system. Using these studies as a theoretical and methodological framework, the study problematizes the issue of underrepresentation of Ottoman ICH in the cultural heritage registry of Montenegro, after which parallels are drawn in the conclusion between the two ICH protection systems. The results of ethnographic research conducted in the case of Pljevlja prove instructive both for understanding systemic problems in the documentation and protection of Ottoman ICH and for the significance of ethnological-anthropological perspective in advancing the system and sustainable preservation of this intangible cultural heritage shared by all Western Balkan states.
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Mehdiyev, E. T. „"NEO-OTTOMANISM" IN THE REGIONAL POLICY OF TURKEY“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 2(47) (28.04.2016): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-32-39.
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The article is devoted to the ideology of Turkey's foreign policy. The term "neo-Ottomanism" is increasingly used in recent years in relation to the Turkish foreign policy. The concept of neo-Ottomanism, which ideology is the Prime Minister Davutoglu, implies a relationship of foreign policy of modern Turkey with the historical heritage of the Ottomans and its focus on return "last Ottoman", taking into account today's realities. The author examines this phenomenon in the context of the regional policy of Turkey in this period. The main directions of the strategy of neo are the Middle East, North Africa, Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Crimea, and the Balkans. Particular attention is paid to manifestations of neo-Ottomanism in the post-Soviet region and the Middle East, as well as "soft power" strategy in the Turkish neo-Ottomanism. Activities of Ankara in the regions belonging to the sphere of its geopolitical interests is carried out on political, economic, religious, cultural and educational levels. Rapprochement with the political and business circles of influence of countries in the region is aimed at the formation of pro-Turkish lobby. "Arab Spring" has given Turkey a historic opportunity to realize its neo-Ottoman ambitions and create a new order in the Middle East. Turkey's rapprochement with the Islamic world during the 'Arab Spring' demonstrated that Ankara supported in conjunction with the Western nations protest and opposition movements in Egypt, Libya and Tunisia, aims to demonstrate to the West the growth of its influence in the region. Mediation is used in regional conflicts Turkish leadership as an instrument of "soft power", with which Ankara aims to increase its international and regional credibility. The result of "neo-Ottoman" Turkey's policy in relations with Russia became a serious crisis in all spheres of cooperation. Strategic mistakes made by the head of the republic R. Erdogan in the settlement of the Syrian crisis, may lead to instability of the entire region. The author considers the possible directions of neo-Ottoman Turkey's policy in the studied regions in the near future.
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Gürsoy, Yüksel. „The influence of Turkish cuisine in Romania“. Kronstädter Beiträge zur germanistischen Forschung 24 (01.06.2024): 117–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31926/kbzgf.2024.24.08.
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Romania is a major country in south-eastern Europe, located in the northern region of the Balkans. Due to Romania's proximity to Western European countries and the transit routes that reach these countries, various peoples have settled in Romanian lands since ancient times. Between 1400 and 1878, the Ottoman Empire ruled Romania. The Turks brought their unique cuisine along with the other customs and traditions to the places they conquered. In Romania, and particularly in the Dobruja region, we see the interplay of Turkish names in kitchenware and food and drink.
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Karasu, Abidin. „Analysis of the Morphological and Lexical Aspects of the Turkish Sections in the Work “The Second Journey of Bacho Kiro”“. Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 51, Nr. 6 (02.11.2014): 537–65. https://doi.org/10.53656/for2024-05-01.
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Among the Turkish dialects, Bulgarian dialects hold a special place and importance. Bulgarians who ruled over Ottoman territories for many years spoke Turkish effectively. Considering the approximately six centuries of Ottoman rule in the Balkan lands, the Balkan peoples learned Turkish effectively. This situation is clearly indicated in written sources from the Balkan lands. Bulgarians, as a community living in the Balkan geography, have been under the influence of Turkish culture and language for many years. In the work titled “The Second Journey of Bacho Kiro” written by Bacho Kiro in 1874, an 18-page section is written in Turkish using the Cyrillic alphabet. This work provides significant clues about the state of Turkish at that time and Balkan Turkish dialectology. In this study, the structure of the work has been morphologically analyzed and its vocabulary has been examined in detail. The similarities and differences between modern Turkish spoken in Turkey and Balkan dialects have been highlighted in the work. The article employs the method of content analysis and includes a literature review.
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Baranov, Andrey Vladimirovich. „Geopolitical Competition of World Political Actors for Influence on Contemporary Serbia“. Общество политика экономика право, Nr. 10 (23.10.2020): 12–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24158/pep.2020.10.1.
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The author of the paper finds out the manifestations of the geopolitical competition of world political actors (the United States, NATO, the European Un-ion) for influence on Serbia in 2008–2020. The study focuses on the political interests of these actors and strategies for their implementation. Serbia is strate-gically important for Western countries as the miss-ing link for full control over the Balkans and isola-tion of Russia. Turkey, which is pursuing a neo-Ottoman course, is interested in restoring its control over the Balkans, which is being hindered by Serbia. Ethnopolitical and confessional conflicts in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina are used by the United States, NATO, and the European Union to increase pressure on the Serbian leadership. Serbia’s geopo-litical orientations remain inconsistent, reflecting attempts to maneuver between competing world players. The possibilities for such a policy are steadily shrinking, leaving Serbia with a geopolitical choice to make.
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Mandic, Marija. „Ottoman heritage: Strategies, topoi and agents“. Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 69, Nr. 1 (2021): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2101007m.
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In the first part of the introductory text, I present a theoretical framework that places the attitude towards the Ottoman heritage in a broader socio-cultural context. I distinguish between the two basic strategies in relation to the Ottoman heritage in the Balkan modern societies, and they are: de-Ottomanization (neglecting of Ottoman influences) and internalization. Furthermore, I point out that both strategies were created under the direct influence of the discursive practice of Orientalism, with which they share rhetoric and internal logic. Furthermore, I show, based on several examples of linguistic and cultural practices, how both strategies have been implemented in Serbia. In the second part, I present the papers in this thematic issue and identify the topics presented in it, namely: interreligious dialogue, negotiation of ethnic and religious affiliation in everyday life, religious conversion, inherited institutions of the Ottoman society and attitude towards them, (re)presentation of historical figures and events in literary narratives, Muslim religious organizations in the past and present. The thematic issue aims to contribute to academic dialogue in domestic and international context, in which strategies, topoi and actors related to the Ottoman heritage, Muslims and Islam are very current.
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Hlihor, Ecaterina. „Ideology and Public Diplomacy: Turkish Neo-Ottomanism“. Romanian Military Thinking 2023, Nr. 4 (31.12.2023): 334–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2023.4.20.
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Turkey, as most countries in the world, is increasingly employing public diplomacy methods to promote its interests and to reach foreign audience in order to create soft power. In order to understand the neo-Ottoman ideology and the practices used by Turkish public diplomacy institutions in the attempt to influence foreign audiences and create soft power, we will analyse, in the present paper, the way in which neo-Ottoman ideas and theses have been inserted into various activities and actions subsumed under public diplomacy, and we will identify the regions in different areas of the world where public opinion has become a target group. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made public its foreign policy goals, including that of increasing its influence in Muslim societies in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Considering the mentioned aspects, the paper explores the way in which AKP uses the instruments and institutions specific to public diplomacy to promote a neo-Ottoman ideology and to organise a foreign policy that reflects Ottoman imperial times.
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Hlihor, Ecaterina. „Ideologie și diplomație publică: neo-otomanismul turc“. Gândirea Militară Românească 2023, Nr. 4 (31.12.2023): 336–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.55535/gmr.2023.4.20.
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Turkey, as most countries in the world, is increasingly employing public diplomacy methods to promote its interests and to reach foreign audience in order to create soft power. In order to understand the neo-Ottoman ideology and the practices used by Turkish public diplomacy institutions in the attempt to influence foreign audiences and create soft power, we will analyse, in the present paper, the way in which neo-Ottoman ideas and theses have been inserted into various activities and actions subsumed under public diplomacy, and we will identify the regions in different areas of the world where public opinion has become a target group. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) has made public its foreign policy goals, including that of increasing its influence in Muslim societies in the Balkans, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Africa and the Middle East. Considering the mentioned aspects, the paper explores the way in which AKP uses the instruments and institutions specific to public diplomacy to promote a neo-Ottoman ideology and to organise a foreign policy that reflects Ottoman imperial times.
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Grishin, Yakov Yakovlevich, und Damir Rimovich Islamov. „Soft power in Turkey's foreign policy in Europe“. Contemporary Europe, Nr. 6 (15.12.2023): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323060098.
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Since the mid-2000s, under the rule of the Justice and Development Party, Turkey has included the concept of soft power in its foreign policy agenda. Based on the position of Turkish officials, the practical implementation of soft power is based on public diplomacy, with its “infrastructure” being created at the same time by establishing new or transforming existing state structures in partnership with non-governmental organisations. Ankara has developed the main directions for public diplomacy to be based on interaction with its Turkish people living abroad and closely related Turkic peoples, the preservation and revival of the cultural, historical and material heritage of the Ottoman Empire, and the support of the Muslim community in different parts of the world. In addition, in recent years, relatively new directions have emerged, such as struggling against FETÖ and extension of coverage of the Turkish Radio and Television Corporation. One of the regions where the Turkish public diplomacy was implemented was Europe. The latter was divided into three sub-regions: the Balkans, Eastern Europe, and Western Europe. The Balkan countries were traditionally considered important regions for Ankara with the core goal to break old historical and cultural prejudices about its image and to form a positive one in the eyes of the public. With regard to Eastern Europe, Turkey, skillfully using the Ottoman heritage and/or the Turkic factor, exerts influence in Hungary, Moldova, and Ukraine. And the activity in Western Europe is more based on interacting with the Turkish diaspora. Therefore, the aim of the study is to reveal the main directions of Turkey's public diplomacy in the context of the implementation of the policy of soft power in Europe.
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Ali, Muhamed. „Navigating Faith and Politics: The Evolution of Islamic Education and NGOs in the Balkans“. Religions 15, Nr. 7 (16.07.2024): 855. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel15070855.
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This study employs a multi-dimensional approach to analyze the impact of Islamic education on the Balkans’ religious, educational, and socio-political landscapes. Using descriptive, historical, and analytical methods, it examines the evolution and influence of Islamic educational institutions under Ottoman rule and their continued development through the 20th and early 21st centuries. The research evaluates the curricula, teaching methods, and societal roles of these institutions, exploring their contribution to Islamic knowledge dissemination and community building. Further, it investigates the complex interactions between these institutions, Middle Eastern NGOs, state power, and societal changes, aiming to provide a nuanced understanding of their legacy and relevance today. This study addresses the critical role of these institutions and NGOs in shaping Islamic religious education and their broader implications for the Muslim communities in the Balkans.
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Ghazi, Ghazi. „Is Turkey a Rival to the European Union? Neo-Ottoman Influence in the Balkans“. Claremont-UC Undergraduate Research Conference on the European Union 2019, Nr. 1 (2019): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5642/urceu.201901.04.
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Amzi-Erdogdular, Leyla. „Ottomania: Televised Histories and Otherness Revisited“. Nationalities Papers 47, Nr. 5 (September 2019): 879–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2018.83.
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AbstractThis article discusses the ways in which the spread and the overwhelming popularity of Turkish television series in Southeastern Europe influence the change in perception of Turks and Turkey, as well as how the serials are transforming the image of the Balkans and the Ottoman legacy in Turkey. Television serials significantly contributed to the shifting popular image of the “other,” and initiated interactions unimaginable even a decade ago. These exchanges are both following and encouraging the breakdown of geohistorical boundaries that were set by the nationalist narratives in these regions at the turn of the 20th century, toward a more nuanced understanding of a shared past and a postnational future.
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De Castilla, Nuria, Joanna Kulwicka-Kamińska und Anna Cychnerska. „Aljamiado Literature in Renaissance Europe. Definitions, Area, Language“. Poznańskie Studia Polonistyczne. Seria Językoznawcza 30, Nr. 1 (28.09.2023): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pspsj.2023.30.1.1.
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Literature written in the local language adapted to the Arabic alphabet and developed under strong influences of Islamic tradition and culture is referred to as aljamiado literature. It is not limited to a specific language or a particular adaptation of the Arabic alphabet for non-Arabic languages. In this article, aljamiado literature encompasses writings primarily of religious nature, created on the Iberian Peninsula, in the Balkans, and in the former Grand Duchy of Lithuania, which includes present-day Lithuania, Belarus, parts of Poland, and Ukraine. The presented research has a pioneering character, focusing on the specificity of aljamiado creativity in selected European countries historically influenced by the Ottoman Empire. It emphasises the similarities resulting from the connection with Islam, as well as the differences stemming from historical and geographical factors.
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Shehu, Fatmir. „The Influence of Islam on Albanian Culture“. Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 8 (02.02.2012): 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v8i0.243.
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This paper examines the influence of Islam on Albanian culture. The Islamization process of the Albanian culture was very crucial for the Albanians themselves as it gave them a new identity, which they lacked since their settlement on the Adriatic shores. According to history, Albanians, the biggest Muslim nation dwelling in the Balkans, South-East of Europe, are believed to be the descendents of the ancient Illyrians, who settled in Europe around 2500 years ago. They lived a social life based on tribalism, where every tribe had established its own cultural system and way of life. Thus, their cultural differences disallowed them to unite. Such situation did not change, even when Christianity was introduced to them. Because, Christianity came to Albania through two great dominations: Christian Catholics of Vatican (the Northern part of Albanian) and Christian Orthodox of Greece (the Southern part of Albania). The continuous religious and political suppression faced by the Albanians from their Byzantine and Latin masters enabled them to be the first people of the Balkans, who welcomed openheartedly the Ottoman Muslims and embraced Islam as their new way of life in the 15th century. The study focuses on the following issues: (1) Historical background of Albania and Albanians; (2) The genesis of Albanian culture; and (3) The process of integration between Islamic culture and Albanian culture. This research attempts to provide important findings, which will be very helpful to the Muslims and others.
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HODŽIĆ, Jasmin, und Muljaim KAĆKA. „INDICATORS OF THE STATUS OF THE BOSNIAN LANGUAGE IN KOSOVO BASED ON DOCUMENTS FROM THE OTTOMAN ARCHIVE IN ISTANBUL“. Lingua Montenegrina 33, Nr. 1 (01.06.2024): 37–47. https://doi.org/10.46584/lm.v33i1.730.
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The middle of the 19th and early 20th centuries, in the context of exa-mining the socio-political relations in the Balkans, were characterized by the succession of various administrative and political bodies, primarily evident in the diminishing influence of the Ottoman Empire, particularly concerning the Bosnian region under Ottoman rule. However, it was precisely during the mid-19th century that the Kosovo Vilayet was established, where even after the establishment of Austro-Hungarian rule in Bosnia, remnants of the state of affairs that prevailed under Ottoman administration in the Bosnian Vilayet could be observed in social relations. Besides the fact that the Bosnian Vilayet encompassed parts of the Kosovo territory, affording the Bosnian language a positive status in Kosovo at that time, indicators of the favorable social status of the Bosnian language can also be traced within the Kosovo Vilayet. In this regard, the paper will highlight several documents from the Ottoman Archive in Istanbul related to the territory of the Kosovo Vilayet, corroborating the thesis that the Ottoman administration played a crucial role in maintaining the social status of the Bosnian language.Keywords: Kosovo, Kosovo Vilayet, Bosnian Vilayet, Bosnian langua-ge, social relations, Ottoman archival documentsPokazatelji statusa bosanskog jezika na Kosovu na osnovu dokumenata...
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Lazanin, Sanja. „Border-Crossings and Migration in the Croatian and Slavonian Military Frontiers in the Early Modern Period“. History in flux 3, Nr. 3 (22.12.2021): 57–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32728/flux.2021.3.3.
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Significant geographical discoveries and the emergence of modern cartography, when combined with the concept of a territorial state, brought meaningful changes how borders were conceived during the early modern period. A diffuse image that had prevailed from antiquity to the late Middle Ages was replaced by a clear idea of a fixed border (Baramova, 2010). The role of the Military Frontier as a wider borderland was two-fold: It served as a buffer zone against the Ottoman Empire for the Habsburg hereditary lands and the still unconquered Croatian territories, and it was also an area of intense migration, especially for the Vlach population from the southeastern Dinaric region. After the suppression of the Ottomans and the first international demarcation of the Croatian territories in 1699/1700, migration to the Military Frontier increased, both from the central European area and from the southern and southwestern parts of the Balkan Peninsula. This paper discusses the role and perception of this borderland and especially of Croatia’s Military Frontier. Through interpretation and explanation of several typical examples of border crossings in this area, both before and after the first official demarcation in 1699, the paper will attempt to answer the question of how the migration processes influence the development and strengthening of the early modern state and its institutions.
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Citino, Nathan J. „THE OTTOMAN LEGACY IN COLD WAR MODERNIZATION“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 40, Nr. 4 (November 2008): 579–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743808081506.
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On 19 March 1877, the first Ottoman parliament opened at Dolmabahçe Palace when Sultan Abdülhamit II crossed a velvet carpet to stand beside a golden throne. Seen later as the finale of the Tanzimat reform era, the parliament appeared to diplomatic observers as the strategy of former grand vizier Midhat Paşa. Midhat's constitutionalism was a plan for “reform, revival, and indeed survival” that included seeking allies against Russia and containing Russian influence in the Balkans. Abdülhamit listened as his secretary charged the new body: “The progress effected by civilised states, the security and wealth they enjoy, are the fruit of the participation of all in the enactment of laws and in the administration of public affairs.” Among the most urgent priorities was “the development of agriculture and industry, and the progress of civilisation and of public wealth.” Parliament later responded with a pledge to deliver the empire from its malaise, to “eliminate the last traces of abuses, the heritage of the regime of despotism.”
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Nedeljković, Slaviša D., Miloš Z. Đorđević und Aleksa M. Popović. „ISTOČNO PITANjE I FAKTORI INTEGRACIJE SRPSKOG NARODA U PERIODU OD 1774. DO 1807. GODINE“. Leskovački zbornik LXII (2022): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-lxii.073n.
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The period from the Peace of Kuchuk-Kaynardji to the armistice in Slobozia was marked by turbulent events in the Eastern Question, embodied in the reorientation of Habsburg foreign policy, under the influence of Russia’s stronger ascendant in the Eastern Question. These factors, together with the reforms of Maria Theresa and Emperor Joseph II on the one hand and the collapse of the Ottoman order in the Balkans on the other, led to key changes in the integration of the Serbian people. The Russo-Turkish war of 1768-1774 apparently indirectly affected the Serb people. However, during this period, the Habsburg Monarchy prescripted a series of border regulations that were most directly related to the Serb people. Also, the change of priorities in its eastern policy led to the fact that in 1774, as a reward for mediation in peace concluding, the Habsburg Monarchy received Bukovina instead of Belgrade. Russia gained the right to protect Christians in the Ottoman Empire with the Peace of Kuchuk-Kainardji, which gave it the opportunity to influence in Ottoman internal affairs. The mentioned clause turned out to be an important factor in the future development of Russian -Turkish relations, which, despite the change of priorities and reorientation to Italy and the German states, the Habsburg Monarchy had to count on, which significantly reflected on the historical past of the Serbian people. Based on relevant sources and literature, the paper discusses the factors that influenced the integration of the Serbian National Corps in the period before the Serbian Revolution and the change in the aims of the uprising from improving the situation in Belgrade Pashalik to full independence.
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Katerynko, Igor, und Oleksandr Sereda. „THE CRIMEAN KHANATE BEFORE AND AFTER THE ANNEXATION IN THE RUSSIAN-OTTOMAN DIPLOMATIC CONFRONTATION“. Chornomors’ka Mynuvshyna, Nr. 18 (28.12.2023): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2519-2523.2023.18.292454.
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The Crimean Khanate on the eve and after the annexation in the Russian-Ottoman diplomatic confrontation is a key factor in the further expansion of the Russian Empire in the Balkans. Understanding the possible loss of influence on the Crimean Khanate, the Russian government is resorting to the complete annexation of Crimea and the liquidation of the Crimean Khanate. All subsequent actions of the Russian government concerned only issues of preparation for the occupation of the Crimean Peninsula. During the period of interwar relations – from 1774 to 1787, Russian-Ottoman relations continued to remain tense. The Ottoman state did not give up the fight for Crimea after concluding the Kyuchyuk-Kainardzhii Treaty, which it was forced to ratify due to internal difficulties. The Russian Empire intervened in the Crimean affairs, destabilizing the internal state of the Crimean Khanate. In 1779, the Ainaly-Kavak Convention was concluded, which obliged the Russian Empire not to interfere in the internal affairs of the Crimea. But even after that, the Russian Empire continued to take actions aimed at the complete annexation of Crimea. This fact, as well as the occupation of Georgia by the Russian Empire and the favorable foreign policy position of the Ottoman state, became the reason for the breakdown of diplomatic relations between the Ottoman government and the Russian Empire and the development of further Russian-Ottoman confrontation.
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Strauss, Johann. „The Great War of the Postcards“. Archiv orientální 88, Nr. 3 (15.03.2021): 525–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.47979/aror.j.88.3.525-568.
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This article examines the functions and the significance of picture postcards during World War I, with particular reference to the war in the Ottoman Lands and the Balkans, or involving the Turkish Army in Galicia. After the principal types of Kriegspostkarten – sentimental, humorous, propaganda, and artistic postcards (Künstlerpostkarten) – have been presented, the different theatres of war (Balkans, Galicia, Middle East) and their characteristic features as they are reflected on postcards are dealt with. The piece also includes aspects such as the influence of Orientalism, the problem of fake views, and the significance and the impact of photographic postcards, portraits, and photo cards. The role of postcards in book illustrations is demonstrated using a typical example (F. C. Endres, Die Türkei (1916)). The specific features of a collection of postcards left by a German soldier who served in Turkey, Syria, and Iraq during World War I will be presented at the end of this article.
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Davidova, Evguenia. „Serving the State: Military and Public Health Practices in Bulgaria (1878–1908)“. European History Quarterly 48, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2018): 686–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691418798774.
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This article focuses on Bulgaria and looks at the interconnected processes of building public health services and military institutions in the late Ottoman Empire and its other Balkan successor states: Greece, Serbia, and Romania. An elite class emerged from this development that moved between the army and civil service and vice versa. The paper draws on four case studies to follow the career paths of physicians who straddled two worlds – empire and nation-state – and tried to merge Ottoman notions of modernization with a compressed version of state-led modernization, de-Ottomanization, and militarization of Bulgaria. Both the Ottoman Empire and the Balkan nation-states borrowed models from European military, medical, and sanitary institutions. Thus, these states embraced the army as the epitome of modernization with concomitant attention given to medicine as a sign of scientific advancement. Such pairing under the umbrella of progress eased the subsequent expansion of state, militarization, and nationalism. The initial public health structures were thereby influenced by visions that privileged the state’s military needs and compelled the new elites to champion nationalism. The article is grounded in archival materials, diaries, and memoirs and adds a neglected dimension to the understanding of the transition from empire to nation-state.