Dissertationen zum Thema „Balkan conflicts“
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1
Pavloudis, Christos. „Nationalism and ethnic conflict in southern Balkans“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPavloudis.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs and M.A. in International Security and Civil Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, 2002.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Thomas Bruneau. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-97). Also available online.
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Dimova, Guinka. „Crises, conflits et leur résolution : le cas des Balkans“. Université Robert Schuman (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2008. https://publication-theses.unistra.fr/public/theses_doctorat/2008/DIMOVA_Guinka_2008.pdf.
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Bien que les Balkans fassent, sur le plan géographique, incontestablement partie du continent européen, leur histoire turbulente s'est soldée par de profondes divisions ethniques, religieuses, culturelles, économiques et politiques. Ce qui se passe dans les Balkans ne peut pas être correctement compris, si les événements ne sont pas considérés et examinés comme un produit du développement européen, tout en tenant compte de l'action réciproque de plusieurs forces historiques intérieures et extérieures. Ce travail, a pour objet d'expliquer pourquoi les Etats balkaniques font preuve d'une telle réactivité, pourquoi ils réagissent par la confrontation et l'hostilité là où le dialogue et la discussion pourraient donner de meilleurs résultats. A ces questions il n'existe pas bien sûr une réponse unique. L'objet de ce travail est de tenter d'analyser les différents conflits balkaniques à partir d'une méthode qui consiste à énumérer et examiner les conflits, puis de les regrouper en fonction de certaines caractéristiques, afin de tenter la formulation d'une "doctrine de la prévention des conflits" dans la région des Balkans et, au-delà, dans le continent tout entier. Et ce, de manière à aider la communauté internationale ainsi que certains Etats, à trouver les moyens spécifiques susceptible d'être utilisés pour un règlement pacifique des conflits. Chacun des exemples choisis sera présenté à partir d'un aperçu historique, avec sa durée, les principales étapes de son évolution, les facteurs et les forces qui lui sont propres, les principales tentatives de résolution, son état actuel et les perspectives éventuelles. Un accent particulier est porté sur les formes, les méthodes et les moyens utilisés pour la prévention et la résolution des conflits et des crises ethniques. Ce travail, s'intéressant exclusivement aux outils diplomatiques, il ne sera donc pas question des opérations militaires qui ont eu lieu en ex - Yougoslavie et qui impliquent une approche spécifique. Les événements tragiques qui se sont produits dans les Balkans ont ramené au premier rang des préoccupations des responsables politiques et des organisations internationales, à se poser la question: "comment éviter à se faire la guerre et pourquoi en est-on arrivé là?". Il s'agit de proposer une rationalisation des efforts de réflexion, d'offrir un certain nombre de "pistes", de manière à contribuer à nourrir la recherche. Le but de cette thèse n'est pas de démontrer que le "peacekeeping" est "la solution", mais plutôt de montrer qu'en matière de prévention de la guerre il n'y a pas de solution unique, mais un ensemble élaboré de stratégies et de plans d'action. La première partie de ce travail est ainsi consacrée à certains conflits et crises ethno politiques dans la région des Balkans. Celle-ci est divisée en deux chapitres: le premier vise à mettre en lumière la genèse et le développement des conflits ethno politiques, notamment des conflits au Kosovo, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, à Chypre et en Moldavie; le deuxième chapitre porte sur ce que l'on a appelé "des résolutions anormales" des crises et des conflits ethniques, consistant à montrer à quel point et pourquoi ce qui se passe dans les Balkans est différent des événements et du déroulement historique du reste du continent européen, à partir d'une analyse des actions coordonnées de l'ingérence collective, et du rôle des organisations internationales. Les conflits balkaniques et notamment ceux au Kosovo et en Bosnie- Herzégovine représentent en effet, dans une certaine mesure, des cas de "résolution anormale"The Balkan Peninsula may be undoubtedly termed, geographically at least, a part of Europe, but its turbulent history has always been marked by deep divisions. This scholarly work aims to provide an explanation as to why Balkan countries all too often prefer to adopt a confrontational approach, when dialogue and discussion might deliver far better results. The main aim of this work is to attempt an analysis of the various Balkan conflicts. The method adopted consists of their identification, enumeration, and categorisation according to certain salient features, with the ultimate goal of providing a "doctrine for the prevention of conflicts" on the Balkans and in Europe as a whole. It is believed that this method would help the international community as well as certain countries to find the most suitable means for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. Particular emphasis is given to the conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, Cyprus, and Moldavia, and special attention is drawn to ths forms, methods, and instruments for the prevention and resolution od ethnic conflicts and crises. Therefore the first part of this work deals with certain ethno-political conflicts and crises in the Balkans. The traditional methods and instruments used for the regulation and management of conflicts and crises are dealt with in the second part. To sum up, stability in the whole Balkan region hinges on two essential factors : the local populations and Europe as a whole. When one's fortunes depend on two elements, their concord or discord become crucial factors for the unfolding of events
3
Pjetraj, Walter M. „Conflict containment in the Balkans : testing extended deterrence /“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA297658.
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4
Dimova, Guinka Romer Jean-Christophe. „Crises, conflits et leur résolution le cas des Balkans /“. Strasbourg : Université Robert Schuman, 2008. http://urs-srv-eprints.u-strasbg.fr/343/01/DIMOVA_Guinka_2008.pdf.
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5
Belbachir, Walid. „L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0449.
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Titre de la Thèse : L'établissement des chemins de fer dans les Balkans à l'époque ottomane : structuration de l'espace et organisation des échanges (1856-1913)Rejoindre l'Orient, voici sans doute l'une des obsessions de l'Occident. Peut-être l'épopée d'Alexandre le Grand a t-elle contribué à construire cet objectif quasi mystique. Quoi qu'il en soit, le XIXe siècle est celui de sa rationalisation. L'invention de la locomotive et celle du navire à vapeur permettent d'amorcer un processus de mise en réseau du monde. Sur les cinq continents, les villages, les villes et les ports s'interconnectent progressivement, engendrant une mondialisation des flux commerciaux et humains. Ce mouvement est orchestré par les grandes puissances européennes, dont le pouvoir est fondé sur la conquête de nouveaux marchés et sur l'importation des matières premières essentielles à leur essor. Londres et Bombay forment alors deux pivots incontournables, permettant de rediriger les flux en circulation à l'échelle trans-continentale. Entre ces deux points, Suez joue le rôle d'interface entre la mer Rouge et la Méditerranée. Au cours de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle, l'espace balkanique est progressivement intégré à ce système-monde. L'introduction du rail y induit une profonde redéfinition des rapports de force, que ceux-ci soient d'ordre économique, militaire ou politique. A ce titre, la mise en place de voies ferrées dans les Balkans, à l'époque sous domination de l'Empire ottoman, résulte d'une imbrication de stratégies d'influence, s'exprimant à différentes échelles. Cette thèse se propose de les mettre en lumièreReaching the East : this is undoubtedly one of the obsessions of the West. Maybe Alexander the Great's conquests contributed to forge this quasi-mystical aim. Wherever it comes from, the XIXth century is the one of its rationalization. Inventions such as steam locomotive and steamship allow to begin a global networking process. On five continents, villages, cities and ports, are progressively interconnected, generating a globalization of human and trade flows. This movement is orchestrated by the major European powers, whose expansion is based on the conquest of new markets and on the importation of natural resources required for their development. London and Mumbay play at that time a pivotal role, allowing to reroute flows in circulation at the inter-continental scale. Between these two major cities, Suez is an unavoidable crossing point between the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. During the second half of the XIXth century, the Balkan space is progressively integrated to this world-system. In that region, the introduction of railway induces a radical restructuring of power relations, whether political, economical or military. For this reason, the establishment of railways in the Balkans results from an interlacing of influencing strategies, articulated at various scales. This thesis sets out to highlight them
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Cenaki, Marco. „Bal.Kan - Europe´s Demonized Other“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22861.
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Revah, Olivier. „La gouvernance du post-conflit interne : procédés de réhabilitation de l'État et de la nation“. Nice, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NICE0045.
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Suivant un schéma classique d'intervention internationale en post-conflit interne, les différents acteurs du développement se bornent à superposer sur les ruines d'un État suicidé, des principes de gouvernance, dont les bénéficiaires doivent faire l'apprentissage. Malgré un déploiement de moyens financiers et humain considérables, la plupart des conflits internes connaissent des résurgences préoccupantes. Les dommages collatéraux de ces conflits sont de nature à inquiéter les États voisins. Ces derniers seraient donc en droit de douter de l'efficacité des procédés de démocratisation utilisés par les acteurs du développement, et de remettre en cause les stratégies choisies par les sphères décisionnelles internationales. Il s'agira, dès lors, de passer en revue l'éventail des prestations fournies, et, considérant les obstacles pratiques rencontrés sur le terrain, confronter la théorie aux réalités, en tirer des conclusions et suggérer des réorientations. En l'occurrence, nous évoquerons tour à tour la reconstruction de l'État par les acteurs du développement, pour montrer que ces efforts sont vains si la reconstitution de la nation est négligée. Enfin, nous estimerons si la réconciliation est possible, et dans la négative, quelles sont les alternatives juridiques à une situation conflictuelle inextricable. Au cours de cette analyse, et pour des raisons pratiques la situation dans les Balkans sera envisagée de manière récurrenteIn an academic scheme of international intervention in post-internal conflict, various developmental stakeholders restrict themselves to superpose on collapses of a suicidal State, principles of gouvernance of which beneficiaries must bring the apprenticeship. In spite of an unfurling of financial means and considerable human support, the generality of internal conflicts knows preoccupying resurgences. Collateral nuisances of those conflicts are of such a nature as to challenge neighbouring States. Bearing in mind resurgences of conflicts, these States would be entitled to doubt of the democratization proceedings' efficiency, used by developmental actors, and to challenge the decisional international spheres' selected strategies. Therefore, it will be relevant, to review the range of supplied services, and, considering the rising obstacles on the field, to confront the theory to realities, to draw findings, and to suggest redirectings. In the occurrence, we will envizage alternately the government reconstruction by developmental actors, to show that those efforts are vain if the reconstitution of the nation is neglected. Lastly, we will deem if the reconciliation is possible, and in the negative, what are juridical alternatives to an inextricable conflictual setting. In the course of this analysis, and for practical and illustrative reasons, the Balkans situation will be redundantly envizaged
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Stanley, Penny. „Mass rape in war : feminist thought and British press representations of the Balkan Conflict 1991-1995“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/21ca785d-697e-4796-80e8-d875b3f99261.
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This thesis is concerned with the possible inter-relationships between mass rape in war, the representation of rape in the Balkan conflict in major British broadsheet newspapers, and feminist thought. The empirical focus of the thesis consists of a critical analysis of the journalists’' reports of the occurrence of mass rape in the Balkan conflict as published in The Guardian, The Times, The Observer and The Sunday Times. Part One contextualises the thesis by providing an extensive discussion of rape, the history of mass rape in war, and the historical build-up to the Balkan conflict. Part Two contains the bulk of the empirical research: this is a critical examination of press representations of incidents of mass rape in the Balkans 1991-1995. Part Three investigates in more detail the relationship between feminist thought and the press representations of rape in war as highlighted in Part Two. Moreover, it examines some feminist 'solutions' to mass rape in war: those ideas were prompted by press interest in the subject, and its subsequent influence on particular feminist scholars. There are four main conclusions from the thesis. First, it shows that there is a complex relationship between feminist thought and press representations. Second, it argues that the relationship has positive results for both feminist theorising (providing information and ideas) and in terms of raising awareness of previously 'silenced' *issues in the public domain. Third, it suggests that the media in general has played an important role in placing the issue of mass rape in war on the international political agenda. Finally, the thesis vindicates the claim in the Introduction that the academic discipline of International Relations should be more attentive to this violent phenomenon, which has been such a regular feature of the history of war, and considers it a legitimate area of study.
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Pattas, Ioannis. „The Kosovo conflict : emerging relationships and implications for Greece“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Jun%5FPattas.pdf.
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Kaba, Idlir. „The Role of Identity Perceptions on Security : The Western Balkans Case“. Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-89989.
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This thesis tries to provide valuable insight and explain the role of identity perceptions on security as a means to avert conflicts and security threats. The aim is to provide an identity based explanation to security problems. Constructivism and „social identity theory‟ are its theoretical points of departure which help us understand how we construct social identities and have the tendency to be prejudicial towards others. Our prejudices and negative identity perceptions play a major role in security issues. We will use process tracing to find how identity perceptions are constructed and how they affect security. More explicitly we will trace the process of how identities were affected by historical events as well as the ethnocentric interpretation of these historical events. For thorough analysis, Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia are chosen as case studies. The findings will hopefully propose better solutions to security problems and built knowledge applicable to other similar security threats.
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Bonnefoi, Nadine. „Le Temps : les conflits austro-serbes et leurs retentissements : 1903-1918“. Paris 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA010592.
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Journal d'opinion et d'information, le temps s'est sensibilisé aux problèmes balkaniques et à l'opposition austro-serbe en s'attachant à leurs conséquences sur l'équilibre européen. Indépendant bien que souvent inspire par la politique officielle des différents gouvernements, il justifiait l'intégrité des grands empires et la valeur des blocs d'alliances contre les revendications d'indépendances balkaniques, plus menaçantes pour le maintien de la paix générale. Le déroulement du conflit mondial lui fit ensuite admettre, puis réclamer, l'effondrement de l’Europe des nations au profit de l’Europe des nationalités qui devait sonner le glas des ambitions expansionnistes des puissances et instituer une paix internationale basée sur le droit des peuples à disposer d'eux-mêmes. Sur l'ensemble de la période, son analyse des aspirations nationales serbes et sud-slaves est restée subordonnée aux intérêts supérieurs de la France et à la nécessité de l'équilibre européen. Les commentaires du journal étaient adressés aux dirigeants et contribuaient à l'apathie de l'opinion publique qui ne comprenait pas les véritables enjeux nationaux dans cette région et donnait son soutien implicite à l'action gouvernementaleProblems and in the austro-serb opposition by looking at their consequences on independent but often inspired by the official politicy of the different governments, it has for a long time been on the side of the integrity of the great empires and the distinction of the union blocks rather than on the side of Balkan claims for independence which were more threatening for the general the world conflict brought le temps to admit, then to claim, the end of the looking at the wole period, its analysis of the national Serb and south- contributed to the apathy of the public opinion wich could not understand the real national problems and gave its implicit support to its leaders
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Harmon, Gail. „War in the Former Yugoslavia: Ethnic Conflict or Power Politics?“ Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/587.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyAlthough the Croatian and Bosnian wars of the early 1990s were brought to a peaceful conclusion over ten years ago, they remain pertinent events today both for the study of political science and future attempts at global conflict resolution. While they are often characterized as ethnic conflicts, this study poses the question of whether a conflict can ever truly be ethnic in the sense that the sole motivation for violence is ethnic hatred rather than strategic considerations. This question brings the motivations for violence in the Yugoslav case into question. This project explores relevant literature on contemporary theories of ethnic conflict and surveys events in the region from the arrival of the Slavic people to the Balkans in the sixth century to occurrences as recent as 2006. The conflicts are viewed in terms of more general views about conflict prevention and resolution as well as being more specifically applied to the current conflict in Iraq
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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Murray, Mas Ivan. „Geografies del capitalisme balear: poder, metabolisme socioeconòmic i petjada ecològica d’una superpotència turística“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat de les Illes Balears, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/104203.
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Es presenta una recerca activista de geografia crítica sobre el capitalisme balear: el poder, el seu procés d’internacionalització, els fluxos de materials del seu metabolisme social i la seva petjada ecològica. En primer lloc, es vinculen l’economia ecològica i la geografia crítica, amb l’estudi de les mesures biofísiques, les lògiques espacials i els processos socials del capitalisme balear. En segon lloc, es pretén situar el turisme en un lloc central en la via d’acumulació capitalista, desxifrar la seva dinàmica sociopolítica, la geografia de la seva globalització neoliberal i els conflictes socials que genera, particularment la seva contribució a la crisi socioecològica global. En tercer lloc, s’ha pretès esbrinar l’evolució geohistòrica del capitalisme balear, amb l’anàlisi de les geometries del poder, una comptabilitat biofísica, les solucions geogràfiques del capital –deslocalitzacions productives i desplaçaments de les extraccions– i els conflictes socials associats.Se presenta una investigación activista de geografía crítica sobre el capitalismo balear: el poder, su proceso de internacionalización, los flujos de materiales de su metabolismo social y su huella ecológica. En primer lugar, se vinculan la economía ecológica y la geografía crítica, con el estudio de las medidas biofísicas, las lógicas espaciales y los procesos sociales del capitalismo balear. En segundo lugar, se pretende situar el turismo en un lugar central en la vía de acumulación capitalista, descifrar su dinámica sociopolítica, la geografía de su globalización neoliberal y los conflictos sociales que genera, particularmente su contribución a la crisis socioecológica global. En tercer lugar se ha pretendido averiguar la evolución geohistórica del capitalismo balear, con el análisis de las geometrías del poder, una contabilidad biofísica, las sociones geográfics del capital –deslocalizaciones productivas y desplazamientos de las extracciones– y los conflictos sociales a él asociados.
We are submitting a critical geography activist research paper on Balearic capitalism: the power, its internationalization process, the flows of materials of its social metabolism and its ecological footprint. Firstly, ecological economics and critical geography are linked with the study of biophysical measurements, spatial logics and the social processes of Balearic capitalism. Secondly, an attempt is made to situate tourism in a central place in the path of capitalist accumulation, deciphering its socio-political dynamic, the geography of its neoliberal globalization and the social conflicts generated, particularly its contribution to the global socio-economic crisis. Thirdly, we have attempted to discover the geohistorical evolution of Balearic capitalism, by analyzing the geometries of power, biophysical accounting and the geographical solutions of the capital – relocation of production and movement of the extractions – and associated social conflicts.
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Gustafsson, (fd Greek) Maria. „Does Difference Equal Division? : A Study of Reconciliation and Political Attitudes among young Croats in Mostar“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för freds- och konfliktforskning, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-315980.
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With its departure in the challenge of avoiding conflict-issues becoming politics, the present study merges the literatures on reconciliation and post-conflict politics, and asks why a difference in post-conflict political moderation can be observed in individuals. It uses questionnaire- and interview-material gathered in Mostar during spring 2013 to do a comparative case study, testing the hypothesis that reconciliation makes individuals more politically moderate with respect to war-related issues. Results in line with the hypothesis are found, and the relationship appears to be causal. However, the causal mechanism requires additional work, and the issue of confounders needs to be addressed by future studies to ensure robustness. In conclusion, with these caveats in mind, the answer to the question is that the level of reconciliation affects the levels of political moderation.
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Gawrys, Michaela Lynn. „The Implications of Changing Border Structure: A Case Study in Kosovo“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1614975636475224.
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Cosson, Olivier. „Horizons d'attente et expériences d'observation au début du XXe siècle : les militaires français face aux conflits périphériques (Afrique du Sud, Mandchourie, Balkans)“. Paris, EHESS, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006EHES0020.
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Les notions d'horizon d'attente, d'expérience et de violence sont au coeur de cette étude de la séquence 1899-1914. Cette période qui correspond ainsi à un avant-guerre de 1914-1918 est abordée grâce aux militaires français, reflets culturels et politiques de leur temps et sources d'anticipation, de projection vers un horizon guerrier franco-allemand. Avec la guerre russo-japonaise (1904-1905), événement central de la période pour l'anticipation militaire européenne, la guerre anglo-boer (1899-1902) et les guerres balkaniques (1912-1913) contribuent à modeler les représentations de la guerre future. Les archives de l'observation militaire mais aussi civile et médicale de ces conflits permettent la mise en œuvre d'une approche d'anthropologie historique. Elles révèlent le rôle de la violence, perçue et culturellement construite en temps de paix, dans la déviation intellectuelle et doctrinale qui constitue dans l'armée française, à partir de 1905, une temporalité de mobilisation culturelle anticipéeThe notions of horizon of expectation, experience, and violence, are central for this study of the 1899-1914 sequence. This period, wich also makes up the 1914-1918 pre war period, is approached thanks to the French military, political and cultural reflect of their time, and also anticipation source, the origin of projections in a Franco-German war horizon. Besides the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905), the main military event of the time, the South African War (1899-1902) and the Balkan Wars (1912-1913) had an influence on the shaping up of future war representations. War observations of peripherical conflicts by military attachés but also war correspondents and medical staffs, allows to go through a process of historical anthropology enlightening the role of perceived and peace time culturally built violence in the intellectual and doctrinal deviation that constitutes in the French army, from 1905, a temporality of anticipated cultural mobilization
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Sturm, Nika. „Interreligious Communication in Sandzak“. Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23065.
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This thesis is a case study of interreligious communication between Muslims and Orthodox Christians in the border municipalities between Serbia and Montenegro (Sandzak). A mixed, quantitative and qualitative approach was taken to study interreligious relations, among ordinary people and religious leaders. Through a combination of online questionnaires and face-to-face structured interviews, the study covers both groups’ perspectives on interfaith interactions, views and opinions. The findings showed support for the hypothesis, that the lack of knowledge about other religious affiliation results in prejudices and potential conflicts.
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Frank, Cornelia. „Aufstieg und Transformation eines Gewaltakteurs : die Befreiungsarmee des Kosovo (UÇK)“. Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4807/.
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Following an interpretive sociological approach, the article analyses the rise and transformation of the UÇK in terms of social order and the resulting implications for a solution of the Kosovo status question. Combining Elias’ concept of society with Bourdieu’s categories of capital, the development of the UÇK can be “understood” from an interpretive point of view. In the social space of war, the UÇK rose as a result of increasing capital. As the war ended, the UÇK fell apart because it was unable to accomplish the indispensable functions of any social order.
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Oskarsson, Emma, und Malin Emanuelsson. „Flexibelt arbete - En gränslös möjlighet? : En kvantitativ studie av hur tjänstemän upplever stress och balans i relation till flexibla arbetsförhållanden“. Thesis, Karlstads universitet, Handelshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-36217.
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Strukturomvandlingen till dagens tjänsteekonomi och den ökade spridningen av informations- och kommunikationsteknologi, har möjliggjort ett arbetsliv med flexibla arbetstider och arbetsplatser. Flexibelt arbete kan vara en frihet som skapar möjligheter att uppnå en bättre balans mellan arbete och övrigt liv, men det kan också vara en risk som leder till ökad stress då förhållandet mellan arbete och övrigt liv upplevs som gränslöst. Syftet med studien var att undersöka till vilken grad tjänstemän i den privata sektorn upplever att de har möjlighet att arbeta flexibelt tids- och rumsmässigt, samt om möjligheten att själv bestämma när och var man utför sitt arbete kan bidra till mindre stress och en bättre balans mellan arbete och övrigt liv. Resultatet bygger på data från en arbetsmiljöenkät inom ramen för ett treårigt forskningsprojekt vid Stockholms universitet, där gränsdragning, flexibilitet och balans i livet i förhållande till stress och hälsa var i fokus (AFA Försäkring 2015). Enkäten besvarades av 1918 tjänstemän. Variablerna som användes i studien var grad av kontroll över flexibilitet i relation till upplevd stress, upplevd balans mellan arbete och övrigt liv samt andra arbets- och familjerelaterade faktorer. Data analyserades med multipel linjär regressionsanalys. I regressionmodell 1 kontrollerades vilken effekt upplevd flexibilitet och andra arbets- och familjerelaterade faktorer hade på upplevd stress. Modellen var signifikant och kunde förklara 37,8 procent av variansen avseende upplevd stress. I regressionmodell 2 kontrollerades effekten av upplevd flexibilitet och andra arbets- och familjerelaterade faktorer på upplevd konflikt mellan arbete och övrigt liv. Modellen var signifikant och kunde förklara 39,4 procent av variansen avseende upplevd konflikt mellan arbete och övrigt liv. Resultatet visade att upplevd flexibilitet har signifikant effekt på upplevd stress (b=-,026*). Det betyder att ju högre flexibilitet tjänstemännen upplever, desto mindre stressade känner de sig. Resultatet visade även att upplevd flexibilitet inte har betydelse för upplevd balans mellan arbete och övrigt liv. Att tjänstemännen själva kan välja när och var de utför ditt arbete, leder således inte till en bättre balans mellan arbete och övrigt liv.
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Norander, Stephanie N. „Peaceful Alternatives: Women's Transnational Organizing In Post-Conflict Areas“. Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219374638.
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Basic, Lejla. „Kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina : religiös pluralitet, ett upphov till krig?“ Thesis, University of Gävle, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-3588.
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Syftet med uppsatsen är att belysa de tre olika religionernas roll på Balkan ur ett historiskt perspektiv, för att vidare kunna besvara frågeställningen, på vilket sätt gav den religiösa pluraliteten upphov till kriget i Bosnien och Hercegovina?
22
McIntire, William David. „Information Communication Technologies and Identity in Post-Dayton Bosnia: Mendingor Deepening the Ethnic Divide“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401978761.
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Senke, Jesper, und Henrik Barkhem. „Den dramaturgiska jongleringen : En kvalitativ studie om balansen mellan privatliv och arbetsliv“. Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432437.
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During 2020 we have endured a long-lasting pandemic which has made an impact on daily life. The worklife could perhaps be the most affected area since a large portion of people have been forced to work from home. This could in turn lead to a troublesome relationship between the roles of private life and worklife, in other words an increase of work-life balance conflicts. This study aims to examine the consequences of telecommuting and the conditions required to achieve work-life balance. To conduct this study a qualitative method was used where ten parents of young children were interviewed. Earlier research performed on telecommuting has shown mixed results where various studies show either positive or negative outcomes. Our results show a mix of both positive and negative results depending on whether work-life balance is achieved or not. Different factors play a role in achieving work-life balance. Things such as personality, the stability of relationship and the characteristics of work play key roles in the outcome of telecommuting. The result shows that 2/10 did not achieve work-life balance, resulting in role conflict. However, 8/10 did achieve a balance between the roles where we argue for a symbiotic relationship. Most participants found telecommuting to be positive where participants value being able to spend more time with their families. Our results are in line with both the negative and positive findings of previous research. This contributes further to the uncertain results suggesting that more research is needed.
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Gabbard, Sonnet D'Amour Gabbard. „Old Ties and New Binds: LGBT Rights, Homonationalisms, Europeanization and Post-War Legacies in Serbia“. The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1503313435659318.
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Doja, Albert. „Construction des identités sociales: relations interethniques et dynamique des valeurs culturelles“. Habilitation à diriger des recherches, Université René Descartes - Paris V, 2004. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00429920.
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Le rapport de soutenance rend tout d'abord hommage à la qualité du dossier présenté à l'appui de la demande de l'habilitation à diriger des recherches: un mémoire substantiel, deux livres (en français et en anglais), une quarantaine d'articles publiés dans des revues reconnues, des contributions originales à des ouvrages collectifs, ainsi que de nombreuses communications à des réunions scientifiques internationales. Les ouvrages d'Albert Doja sont très variés même s'ils sont essentiellement consacrés à l'Albanie et à la région balkanique. Il y a beaucoup de thèmes importants abordés et une quantité significative de propositions. C'est un corpus très riche, plein d'idées intéressantes qui poussent à repenser les concepts de base. Les ouvrages d'Albert Doja représentent un corpus marqué d'une vaste érudition qui suscite de nouveaux points de départ pour une ethnologie comparative de la région balkanique. Avant tout, il a trouvé les moyens théoriques pour ériger un pont analytique entre les expériences sociales des gens ordinaires et les structures politiques des entités nationales construites en leur nom et, selon les discours officiels, en accord avec leur vie sociale et culturelle. Pour conclure, le rapport de soutenance revient sur l'originalité du dossier "en rendant hommage au travail accompli par Albert Doja", et souligne "l'intérêt d'une discussion entre anthropologues européanistes et anthropologues des aires culturelles plus traditionnelles de la discipline", aussi bien que "l'impression positive qui se dégage de cette œuvre riche et d'un parcours où chaque étape inaugure un renouvellement des perspectives et des thématiques".
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Gallagher, Tom G. P. „The Balkans in the New Millennium: In The Shadow of Peace and War“. 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/4089.
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NoCan the Balkans ever become a peaceful penisula like that of Scandinavia? With enlightened backing, can it ever make common cause with the rest of Europe rather than being an arena of periodic conflicts, political misrule, and economic misery? In the last years of the twentieth century, Western states watched with alarm as a wave of conflicts swept over much of the Balkans. Ethno-nationalist disputes, often stoked by unprincipled leaders, plunged Yugoslavia into bloody warfare. Romania, Bulgaria and Albania struggled to find stability as they reeled from the collapse of the communist social system and even Greece became embroiled in the Yugoslav tragedy. This new book examines the politics and international relations of the Balkans during a decade of mounting external involvement in its affairs.
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Hrušík, Michal. „Vliv medzinárodního společenství na etnické konflikty západního Balkánu“. Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-312088.
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The dissertation is aimed at the analysis of various strategies and approaches of the international community in solving conflicts having originated due to the dissolution of former Yugoslavia since 1991. It is divided into two sections - the former being devoted to the historiographical description of events taking place in the particular countries with main focus on various peace plans and other initiatives proposed and suggested by the international community, while the latter emphasizes potential security threats that might be faced by the region. At the same time it is trying to offer lessons from the mistakes and failures made in the past, since these could become relevant for the international community when dealing with potential new conflicts. Current probability of the origin of new security threats in the form of ethnic conflicts was selected as the main criterion for the selection of countries analyzed in the dissertation - this is also why Croatia is excluded; although it was a significant player of ethnic conflict in 1991-95, due to considerable elimination of Serbian minority representation as a result of the Operation Storm this country does not further constitute a relevant melting pot, where ethnically motivated tensions could rise again. Hence, the analysis is targeted at two...
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Blažek, Jan. „Jazyk a etnicita na Balkáně a v Británii“. Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-299471.
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The aim of this thesis is to contribute to the understanding of ethnic consciousness in the territories of the Balkans and of Great Britain by focusing on the tendencies towards ethnical inclusion (crossing of ethnical boundaries) and ethnical exclusion (strengthening of the above mentioned). Inspired by B. Anderson's definition of nation (nation = imagined community), the author has chosen the languages of the investigated areas as the actual subject of his research. In three chapters he has studied first the structural and lexicological aspect of the language, then the terminological one (study of ethnonyms) and finally the textual one (study of national myths and the language used to their description). The conclusion of the research described above clearly shows, that whereas English is being perceived as a highly inclusive language (also due to its grammatical straightforwardness and lexicological richness) by speakers of other native languages in Britain (be it the autochthon minorities or migrants), in the Balkans, on the other hand, languages are being perceived as an exclusive propriety of the given ethnic group, which may even lead to artificial differences being introduced in them. The approach prevailing in Great Britain is clearly the one fostering better inter-ethnic cohabitation....
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Milicevic, Anita. „From family damage to family challenge : stories of rebuilding lives after war and refugee trauma : Australia after the Balkans conflicts“. Thesis, 2010. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/17947/.
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The purpose of this study was to explore the effect of war-related psychological trauma on refugees from the former Yugoslavia who came to Australia in the last 20 years, and to examine how their process of recovery from trauma was assisted by the power of healing relationships, family strength and resilience. The aim was to explore the entire family unit in the context of whole-family interaction.
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Liu, Ming-long, und 劉明龍. „The Implications of the Independence of Croatia and Bosnia on the European Union''s Balkan Policy: From an Ethnic Conflict Aspect“. Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/90419987712059997138.
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碩士南華大學
歐洲研究所
99
The Balkans has always been, the source of instability and conflict in Europe, especially in the former Yugoslavia independence. Although the 1974 Constitution of the Republic granted and the autonomous provinces of equal status, most of the Serbs are still not satisfied with such condition, as a result, having been engaged in conflict with the other two ethnics-Slovenians & Croatians. The most notably is the Serbs emphasized "Greater Serbia Doctrine" that laid the fuse of the ethnic conflict and the disintegration of Federal State. This paper will investigate the incident from different level. First, the reasons for the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the process, during Tito''s rule of the communist regime to the Republic (Croatia, Bosnia --Herzegovina) have been independent; Second, because of ethnic conflicts with neighboring Serbia, civil war and the War of Independence; Third, the independence of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina for the Balkans, ethnic conflicts of the European Union or what kind of impact.
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Theurillat-Cloutier, Fanny. „Une analyse sociohistorique des communautés imaginées des Balkans aux XIXe et XXe siècles“. Mémoire, 2010. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3757/1/M11647.pdf.
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C'est au travers du prisme nationaliste qu'on a tâché de comprendre et de résoudre les conflits en ex-Yougoslavie, étudiés souvent comme des conflits entre Serbes, Croates, Bosniaques, Albanais, etc. Mais qui sont au juste les fameux « groupes nationaux » dont il est question? Le sociologue américain Rogers Brubaker dirait qu'on a fait acte ici de groupisme (groupism) en prenant pour acquis des groupes dont les clôtures sociales sont loin d'être incontestées. Pour reprendre une idée d'Etienne Balibar, il a bien fallu « instituer dans le réel cette unité imaginaire contre d'autres unités possibles ». Ce mémoire se propose de relire comment se sont construites les clôtures sociales nationalistes dans les Balkans occidentaux tout au long du XIXe et du XXe siècle et contre quels autres types de clôtures sociales concurrentes. L'objectif est de jeter un regard nouveau sur le nationalisme à partir d'une approche moderniste, tout en dépassant ses limites habituelles que sont les modèles trop généraux et la réification des groupes nationaux. Pour ce faire, notre démarche combine l'approche de Rogers Brubaker avec celle de la théorie des relations sociales de propriété. Une hypothèse centrale est que ce processus est intrinsèquement lié aux conflits sociaux autour de l'appropriation des surplus politiques, économiques et culturels. Nous voulons repenser l'imbrication dynamique des institutions, des rapports de pouvoir, des relations sociales d'appropriation et de la constitution d'une identité collective. Les communautés imaginées nationales ont progressivement pris la place prépondérante face à d'autres formes d'appartenance. Tout d'abord inexistantes dans l'Empire ottoman, d'un côté elles se sont par la suite constituées sur la base des Églises auto-céphales serbe et grecque. De l'autre, elles ont permis à la petite noblesse et la bourgeoisie croate de s'affirmer face aux nationalistes hongrois. Sous la première Yougoslavie, les discriminations vécues principalement par les populations non-slaves cristallisent pour la première fois le sentiment d'appartenance nationaliste chez les classes dominées. Ainsi, à la création de la deuxième Yougoslavie, une structure fédérale sur des bases nationalistes est négociée et c'est le long de ces lignes qu'elle finira par imploser, du fait d'inégalités politiques et économiques. Durant la période couverte, les définitions des divers groupes nationaux ont connu maintes transformations, que ce soit au niveau des marqueurs de la nationalité (langue, religion, ethnicité, etc.), des populations incluses et exclues et des objectifs poursuivis par la clôture sociale nationalitaire. Aujourd'hui, après avoir redéfini les clôtures sociales au profit des élites locales, les catégories nationales sont la référence douloureuse à un passé récent qui a reconfiguré la région en homogénéisant le territoire, mais aussi le sentiment d'appartenance.
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MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Balkans, Brubaker, catégories nationales, communautés imaginées, nationalisme, relations sociales d'appropriation, sociologie historique, Yougoslavie, XIXe siècle, XXe siècle.
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Sousa, Ricardo Alexandre Encarnação. „Yugoslavia: from wars to European integration: perspectives from university students in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Serbia and Kosovo“. Doctoral thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/15130.
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What are the conditions for meaningful reconciliation in post-conflict societies? This was the
departure research question for this research project focusing on the former Yugoslavia, in
particular on the territories of the three largest former republics: Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Croatia, Serbia, and Kosovo, due to the latter’s respective specificities.
Starting out from a general hypothesis: the fulfilment of a set of political, social and
economic conditions fosters and enables tolerant and peaceful coexistence among the peoples
of the former Yugoslavia, this then shaped and thus defined the main research objectives:
understanding the way in which the post-war educational systems have or have not
contributed to reconciliation between the various nations and peoples of the region; the
prospects of European integration as an engine for pacification; the role of hate speech
formulated in the media and culture and as well as the means of overcoming it.
Through research that interweaves with the professional activity of the author – a
journalist with extensive experience in coverage of the region – and deploying a combination
of qualitative and quantitative methods (a survey answered by over 270 students from the
countries under study), this dissertation strives to provide new clues for approaching
nationalist phenomena and perspectives (taking into account the responses of students to the
survey this thesis put forward) on reconstructing post-conflict societies and furthermore
identifying a set of conditions that must first be verified before ever achieving what this
dissertation defines as reconcivicnation, a civic reconciliation of nations.Quais as condições para a reconciliação em sociedades pós-conflito? Esta foi a pergunta central de partida que orientou a investigação, que incide sobre a antiga Jugoslávia, em particular sobre os territórios das três maiores antigas repúblicas: Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Sérvia, acrescentando o Kosovo, pelas especificidades que encerra. Partindo de uma hipótese geral: a concretização de um conjunto de condições políticas, sociais e económicas permitirá um convívio mais tolerante e pacífico entre os povos da antiga Jugoslávia, foram considerados e definidos os objetivos principais da pesquisa: a compreensão da forma como a educação – o sistema educativo dos vários países e entidades constituintes – contribuiu ou não, após as guerras, para a reconciliação entre as várias nações e povos da região; as perspetivas de integração europeia como motor, ou não, de pacificação da região; o papel do discurso do ódio formulado nos media e na cultura e formas de o superar. Através de uma investigação que se cruza com a actividade profissional do autor – jornalista com vasta experiência na cobertura da região – e utilizando uma combinação de métodos qualitativos e quantitativos (um inquérito que foi respondido por mais de 270 estudantes dos países em estudo), esta dissertação pretende trazer novas pistas para a abordagem dos fenómenos nacionalistas e perspectivas de reconstrução de sociedades pósconflito, considerando as perspetivas dos estudantes que responderam ao inquérito e apontando um conjunto de condições que se devem verificar para que seja atingido aquilo que esta dissertação definirá como “reconcivicnation”, uma reconciliação cívica das nações.
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Tsoundarou, Paul. „NATO’s eastward expansion and peace-enforcement role in the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia: 1994-2004“. 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/48285.
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Since the end of the Cold War, political and geographical realities have changed considerably. One such reality was the balance of power between East and West, which was especially visible in Europe. The contest between rivals, the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), was over. Ultimately, NATO found itself the pre-eminent security organisation in Europe. The new post-cold war environment forced questions about the appropriate role for NATO. However, that changed with both the process of NATO expansion into former Warsaw pact countries and the ethnic conflicts throughout the former Yugoslavia. NATO found a new purpose during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia as ‘peace-enforcer’ in the Balkan region. The focus of this thesis is NATO’s role in peace-enforcement in the former Yugoslavia. It examines how NATO dealt with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. Specifically, how NATO managed to re-establish its relevance as a security organisation. NATO’s military intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were crucial in securing the end of hostilities in both those regions. NATO’s Implementation Force (IFOR), Stabilisation Force (SFOR) and Kosovo Force (KFOR) all played significant roles in subsequent peace-enforcement and peace-building roles in the region by suppressing violence through power projection and institution building. In 2001, NATO undertook a third operation in the Balkans, that time of a more limited nature, disarming ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. NATO’s presence there also encouraged stability. This thesis argues that, ultimately, NATO maintained its relevance by the establishing a new role for itself after the Cold War through Eastward expansion and in suppressing ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Both these roles have been successful. The decisive interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and FYROM forced the belligerents to stop fighting. NATO’s subsequent enforcement of the peace has stopped each conflict from flaring up again. With NATO membership now including most of Europe, it remains the only viable security organisation on the continent. NATO’s effectiveness as a security organisation was demonstrated with its ability to end the conflict in the Balkans and providing a stable environment for the people of the region. This intervention was crucial to the definition of a new role for NATO in the post-Cold War world.http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1320482
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics 2008