Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Balicí centrum“

Progress in developing theories concerning the evolution of the central star and the surrounding planetary nebula requires a large, uniform set of data (monochromatic images, isophotes) which CCD imaging of PN can supply at present (Kaler, 1985; Balick 1987). One of the unknown parameters remains the mass budget of the (PN + central star) system. As a matter of fact, existing inventories of the measured ionised mass in PN reveal a shortfall as compared with theory. Nonetheless, since the major portion of the total mass loss occurs in the earlier ejection phases, a main objective was to detect the faint brightness peripheral nebular emissions and to provide quantitative measurement when possible of the global ionised mass.

This study makes an attempt to characterise Quaternary sediments in terms of their heavy minerals (HM) composition. Authors focus on the Mazovian Lowland, Central Poland, where a number of clastic sediments of different age and origin overlap. Five sedimentary settings, covering the Saalian-Holocene (MIS 1-6) time frame, have been studied to reveal whether these sediments have single or multiple source areas and to decipher sediment transformations. In the glacial setting either garnet- or amphibole-dominated sediments occur. This unequivocal mineral combination likely reflects a multi-sourcing resulting from multi-directional ice advance. The HM taken from fan-like forms and aeolian sediments are closely related; these sediments are largely multicyclic and likely derived from pre-existing recycling sediments. Similar mineral suite is also typical for long-lasting aeolian processes and is observed in dune sediments. Ultrastable components are less frequent in the coversand, which points at a shorter-lived aeolian process. Finally, the fluvial setting reveals multi-sourcing largely depending on local geological conditions.

Numerous granitic intrusions occur along the southern margin of the Tajik Block and the Band-e-Bayan Zone in the Ghor Province of Central Afghanistan. Previously, they used to be linked to the Cimmerian igneous episodes of Triassic and Cretaceous ages. However, the new U-Pb dating has revealed that these granite intrusions occurred during the Eocene within a narrow time span of 41–36 Ma. They are related to the number of local depressions filled with the volcanic-sedimentary sequence of the same age. These data indicate an intense short-termed magmatic event that affected the region in the Palaeogene. The magmatism might be related to the India-Eurasia collision, which started approximately at the same time. It is likely to have induced the horizontal displacement of crustal blocks westwards along the Hari Rod fault.

The galactic Planetary Nebula G 258-15.7 is a large, bright nebula well suited for a detailed study. Known since Wray (1966), its morphology presents several blobs and ansae, generally associated with type I nebulae, and could be described as “late-butterfly” type according to the classification by Balick (1989). The central star has been classified as hydrogen-deficient by Mendez et al. (1985). Spectroscopy of the two main blobs shows a clear overabundance in He and N, with a marginally significant difference between the two sides. The most striking feature is the jet-like structure appearing on the [OIII]/Halpha picture (Fig. 1), the “jets” being located within the main blobs seen on the monochromatic images. A detailed appraisal of all the data will be presented in a subsequent paper.

An extraordinary variation of plastic and brittle deformation structures with periglacial, glaciotectonic and seismic features was observed within the unconsolidated, upper Pleistocene meandering river succession in the Slinkis outcrop in central Lithuania. Among these deformations, the following structures were described: (1) ice-wedge casts in the lower part of the sedimentary succession, linked to periglacial processes, (2) soft-sediment deformation structures, such as load structures (load casts, pseudonodules), flame structures and water/sediment-escape structures, all trapped in clearly defined layers in the upper part of the sedimentary succession, which are related to the propagation of seismic waves, and (3) faults occurring throughout the sedimentary succession, which are associated with glaciotectonic processes. To our knowledge, this is the first description and analysis of the combined presence of such a diverse range of deformation features caused by three trigger mechanisms in a meandering fluvial sedimentary succession.

While a central policy of the Independent State of Croatia during World War II called for the removal of “Serbs,” the majority of people who identified themselves (or were identified by the regime) as Serbs in Sarajevo—the second largest city in the state—remained “safe.” In order to understand why this was the case, Emily Greble Balic examines the interplay between local identity politics and state policies of genocide and nation-building. In so doing, she sheds light on such broad issues as the ambiguity of national identity at the local level; the limitations of traditional understandings of “resistance”; and the options open to members of the victim, or “foreign” group, as a result of the disjunction between national and local agendas.

A multi-indicator paleolimnological study of sediments from Lake Ķūži (central Latvia) was used to obtain a comprehensive record of environmental changes in the Holocene. Periodicity in the changes and the main drivers (lake basin development, catchment properties, climate, human activities) of the sedimentary record was studied. In order to comprehend the whole-lake sedimentation during the Holocene, a detailed multiindicator record from the central part of the lake was integrated with records of sediment mass accumulation rates from four cores from different parts of the lake and a GPR (ground-penetrating radar) survey of the lake basin. The observed changes in the sedimentation regime that took place during the early Holocene are strongly linked with variations in climatic conditions, but the catchment and lake basin also played an important role. In the middle Holocene the water level was stable and the lake was influenced by climate mediated through changes in the catchment vegetation. Around 5 000 cal. BP sedimentation pattern changed, and three of the four main drivers made a comparably strong impact on the sedimentary signal. Since 2 000 cal. BP multiple indicators point to a major disturbance clearly related to human activity, which conceals the impact of the natural drivers.

The LiDAR-based digital elevation models of representative sample areas of morainic uplands of the Last (Weichselian) and pre-Last (Saalian) Glaciations in Lithuania were selected, and the terrain ruggedness index (TRI) and slope angles (SAs) were calculated. Former hypsometric studies of the topography in Lithuania were mainly dealing with the indication of maximum, minimum or average altitudes of relief derived from topographical maps. The SAs and TRI were calculated for the pattern areas (16 × 16 km) and their central smaller parts (5 × 5 km). In order to test how much morphometric parameters are dependent on the size of a sample area, smaller areas (located in the central parts of all five patterns) were analysed in a similar way, calculating SA and TRI values. The same order of the mean values of SAs was determined: the steepest slopes are characteristic of the Tauragnai, Plateliai and Vištytis patterns, and the gentlest slopes of the Varniai and Medininkai patterns. The steepest slopes and the highest TRI were determined for the marginal morainic uplands of the Last (Late Weichselian) Glaciation. The age of the insular Žemaičiai (Samogitian) Upland is under discussions so far. It was proposed by other researchers earlier that the core of the insular Žemaičiai Upland height formed during the Saalian Glaciation and this core is covered by a thin cover of Weichselian deposits. The morphometric parameters display that the highest maturity of the relief is characteristic of the southern slope of the insular Žemaičiai Upland and the Medininkai Upland of the Saalian age. This indicates a likely similar age of both uplands.

Detailed analysis of a core taken within the framework of the Marker Wadden project reveals the sedimentary history of the central part of the Netherlands following the Holocene sea level rise. Grain size and thermogravimetric analyses coupled with micropalaeontological and stable oxygen isotope data provide a solid framework for a detailed reconstruction of the landscape during this time interval. The Pleistocene landscape of fluviatile and aeolian deposits was succeeded by periods of marsh growth, brackish semi-enclosed lakes and tidal flats until a permanent connection with the North Sea was established. Palynological data suggest human activities in the immediate surroundings of the research area.

In Bali, Study of traditional herbal medicine is known under term Usadha, derived from Sanskrit word Ausadhi means healing plants. The ancient wisdom of botanical medicine texts has been compiled on Lontar (Dried-Borassus leaf) under name Lontar Usadha. Traditional Balinese Usadha treatment is carried out by a shaman called Balian; whether Balian Ketakson or Balian Usadha. Usadha practice on the island of Bali is strongly related to herbal plants' existence. Herbal medication has been proven in Bali as a primary treatment for the patient since ancient times. However, due to current medication service, people no longer prefer a botanical-based therapy as the first option. As a result, the number of herbal plants on the island of Bali has been plummeting over the years. Although on some occasions, the central government and provincial government had suggested cultivating herbaceous plant as a decorative plant on a household level, yet the program did not make any significant impact. In December 2019, Governor of Bali, Wayan Koster expressed his deep interest on indigenous health service industry to be provided by hospitals, both state and private. On occasion, Indonesia minister of Health, Terawan Agus Putranto, showed his support for the development of health tourism, travelling medicine, and complementary traditional services with local genius. They both agreed that the service would be promoted under 'Traditional Balinese Medicine (TBM) service' branding. In future, it is expected that TBM would be available as an alternative service on Bali hospitals. The facility would promote herbal industry development as well as herbal plant preservation through the availability of local herb farms to be established in ​​Bangli, Karangasem, and Tabanan areas.

The article describes present-day processes related to the tributary, sediment flux and sediment deposition in the Puck Lagoon (Southern Baltic Sea). In situ sediment traps were used for determining the aforementioned parameters. Both the sediment sources and the amount of inflowing sediment were taken into account during the study. Based on the sediment trap data, a distinct zone of sediment deposition was revealed in the central part of the Puck Lagoon. The rate of sediment deposition in the Rzucewo Deep equalled 8.02 mm y-1, while in the other parts of the Puck Lagoon it ranged from 1.9 to 3.9 mm y-1. The data of sediment inflow and sediment deposition rates provide a basis for predicting the future sedimentation conditions in the Puck Lagoon

The hydro-energy resources are considered as promising renewable energy sources, which emphasizes the need for assessment of theoretical hydrokinetic energy resources stored in Lithuanian rivers. This article presents the results of an investigation of the theoretical hydrokinetic energy in small and medium-size rivers. A total of 282 rivers (1487 segments) were examined and the relationships were established for evaluation of their hydrological and morphological indicators, such as river depth, width, and flow velocity. Only 41 rivers (328 segments) were identified as having a theoretical hydrokinetic potential. The total length of these valuable river segments reaches 2000 km. The estimated kinetic energy capacity calculated for a 1 km channel segment is 45.3 kW in South-eastern, 40.8 kW in Western, and 38.2 kW in Central Lithuania.

The meteorological forcing on the occurrence of upwelling along the south-eastern Baltic Sea coast (Lithuanian-Latvian sector) is analysed in this study. The sea level pressure patterns and the locations of pressure centres inducing and inhibiting upwelling were identified. The research was performed for the years 1982–2017, for the months of May–September, when the sea waters are thermally stratified and the phenomenon is detectable. The frequency of upwelling is the highest in June (approximately 15%), July and August (11–13%) and the lowest in September (7%). The central and northern part of the Lithuanian–Latvian coast is most favourable for upwelling occurrence (frequency up to 20% in summer months). The main features of the sea level pressure patterns that induce upwelling in the research area are positive pressure anomalies spreading over Northern Europe and the Norwegian Sea, while negative anomalies encompass Southern Europe. Airflow around the anticyclonic centres gives a north-eastern component to the wind direction over the Lithuanian-Latvian shore. Two circulation types were recognized as inducing the occurrence of upwelling along the Lithuanian–Latvian coast. Both of them are characterized by the anticyclonic centres located west or northwest of the study area and intensify the northerly or north-easterly airflow over the research area. Different pressure patterns with the negative anomalies of sea level pressure spreading over the North Sea and the positive anomalies underlying Central Europe inhibit upwelling along the Lithuanian–Latvian coast. Such pressure conditions, bring about the western airflow component. More constant western winds restrain the upwelling process and bring about normal thermal stratification of coastal waters. A detailed analysis allowed the recognition of two circulation types inhibiting coastal upwelling in the study area. They reveal dipole patterns of sea level pressure anomalies, but the two inhibiting patterns differ substantially in the intensities and locations of the pressure centres and in wind conditions.

Développée en premier par Balier (1976), la théorie du vieillissement narcissique constitue une clef de compréhension incontournable des enjeux psychopathologiques du vieillissement et de la question de l’humeur sénescente en particulier. Alors que l’abord contemporain (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) produit une mise en forme catégorielle des troubles de l’humeur toujours plus affinée qui est loin de correspondre aux spécificités de la sénescence (Batelaan et coll., 2012 ; Calvet et Clément, 2014), la théorie narcissique du vieillissement permet de restituer une cohérence explicative aux troubles du vieillissement en rendant compte de leurs liens. À travers sa prise en compte des larges conséquences des atteintes subies par le narcissisme au cours de la vieillesse, elle donne au narcissisme un rôle central dans le fonctionnement psychique sénescent. La reprise de la pensée de Balier à la lumière de ses sources (Kestemberg et Kestemberg, 1966) et des éclairages les plus contemporains (Beatson et coll., 2016) permet d’approfondir la théorie en la prolongeant et d’isoler une « désorganisation limite sénescente partagée » et ses différents destins. La prise en compte clinique de ce fonctionnement limite au cours du vieillissement et de son devenir est d’une importance centrale dans la prise en charge psychothérapeutique des troubles du vieillissement.

There is little known of the basic parameters of the Lower Silurian graptolitic black shales that are considered the most prospective unconventional gas reservoir in west Lithuania, situated in the deep central part of the Baltic sedimentary basin. Hundreds of deep oil exploration wells have been drilled in the area of interest, owing to extensive exploration of oil fields. The lower and middle Llandovery interval was mainly drilled with coring, while most of the section was covered by only logging. Therefore, the knowledge of major parameters of the Lower Silurian shales is rather obscure and is based on scarce rock sample data. The gamma-ray, electrical resistivity and sonic logs were utilised, together with mineralogical studies of rock samples to document vertical and lateral distribution of organic matter. Also, the brittleness index was defined to characterise the whole Lower Silurian section. Some unexpected trends were identified that may redirect exploration strategy in west Lithuania. The combined application of mineralogical studies and well logs indicate a much higher exploitation quality of the Lower Silurian shales than previously believed. A higher organic matter content and brittleness were derived from logging data in the Lower Silurian shales.

The Vistula Lagoon – one of the main recipients of the central and eastern parts of the Vistula delta – is not homogeneous in terms of its hydrodynamics and hydrochemistry. In the southern part a separate hydrographic object – the Gulf of Elbląg – can be delimited. This delimitation is due to different morphometric and hydrometeorological conditions that prevail in this part of the Vistula Lagoon. In order to determine the nature of the waters, measurements of the selected physico-chemical properties, including chlorides, as well as control hydrological measurements were performed in the years 1997–2007. The study area included the water of the Gulf of Elbląg, the estuary stretch of the Elbląg River, the watercourses flowing from the Elbląg Plateau and the polder areas surrounding the Gulf of Elbląg. One measurement point was located on the Vistula Lagoon. The chloride values in the Gulf of Elbląg ranged from 20 to 2015 mg·dm-3. The results may indicate that the Gulf of Elbląg is a reservoir under the hydrodynamic and hydrochemical influence of both the Vistula Lagoon and the watercourses in its mouth, as well as the Vistula delta and the Elbląg Plateau. They dictate the seasonal nature of the waters of the Gulf of Elbląg.

The Paleocene Yamna Formation represents one of the main oil-bearing sequences in the Ukrainian part of the Carpathian petroleum province. Major oil accumulations occur in the Boryslav-Pokuttya and Skyba Units of the Ukrainian Carpathians. In the great part of the study area, the Yamna Formation is made up of thick turbiditic sandstone layers functioning as reservoir rocks for oil and gas. The reconstructions of depositional environments of the Paleocene flysch deposits performed based on well log data, lithological and petrographic investigations showed that the terrigenous material was supplied into the sedimentary basin from two sources. One of them was located in the northwest of the study area and was characterized by the predominance of coarse-grained sandy sediments. Debris coming from the source located in its central part showed the predominance of clay muds and fine-grained psammitic material. The peculiarities of the terrigenous material distribution in the Paleocene sequence allowed singling out four areas with the maximum development (> 50% of the total section) of sandstones, siltstones and mudstones. The performed petrographic investigations and the estimation of reservoir properties of the Yamna Formation rocks in these four areas allowed establishing priority directions of further exploration works for hydrocarbons in the study territory.

Transport infrastructure is necessary for the proper functioning of the economy and performs a key role in its development. In this paper particular attention was paid to the development of a linear road transport infrastructure. The research is based on the analysis of statistical data from the databases of the Eurostat and the Polish Central Statistical Office (GUS). The values of road density ratios, which are expressed in kilometers of roads per 100 km2 of the surface area, point to the dominance of Małopolskie Voivodeship over the national average. In respect of annual increases in the length of motorways and expressways, Małopolskie ranks high among western voivodeships, and exceeds the average annual domestic increase by 0.3 km of motorway/expressway section. The density of railroads is high – in this aspect only south-western voivodeships rank higher than Małopolskie Voivodship. Water transport in this region was limited to the operation of one waterway. Air transport in the voivodeship is based on the operation of one regional airport in Kraków-Balice.

The present study area is located within the south–eastern segment of the Baltic Sea framed by 55o30’–56o30’ N and 19o00’–21o15’E. The area is re-visited with the aim to describe in more detail the geologic prerequisite and development of the palaeo–incisions as well as the timing of their subsequent infillings. The channels form distinctive features in the sedimentary bedrock along the outer limits of pre–Weichselian ice sheets, on average reaching depths into the bedrock of 50 m in the nearshore zone of Lithuania to 100 m along the slope to the Gotland depression in the west. The development of palaeo–incisions systems is governed by the easily eroded late Palaeozoic to Mesozoic bedrock of the present area. Only rare ocurrences of channels have been reported from the middle and lower parts of the Palaeozoic further west in the Baltic Sea. The present investigation supports a mechanism that the channels formed below the ice near the ice sheet margin by melt water erosion under high pressure. The channels start at random where a fracture in the ice develops forming outlet of water contained below the central part of the ice sheet. The channels often merge together in the direction of the ice margin, possibly gradually adapting to previous fracture systems in the bedrock. The investigated incisions were infilled prior to the advance of the Weichselian ice sheet and some have been reopened and repeatedly infilled.

Leptospirosis is still a global health problem because it affects human health in rural and urban areas, both in industrialized and developing countries. The aim of the study was to detect Leptospira spp. bacteria in kidney tissues isolated from rats in the Napu and Bada Highlands of Poso District, Central Sulawesi Province. Kidneys sample from 63 rats were collected from Napu and Bada Highlands of Poso District, Central Sulawesi Province in MayJune 2018. Polymerase Chain Reaction (PCR) was used to detect Leptospira. The molecular characterizations were conducted based on the 16SrRNA and LipL32 genes. Data were analyzed descriptively to describe the presence of pathogenic Leptospira DNA. Analysis phylogenetic was performed using MEGA 6.2 software. A total of 63 rats was successfullycaught during the study consisting of males and female for 36 (57.1%) and 27 (42.9%), respectively. The species of rats were R. exulans, R. tanezumi, R. argentiventer, R. norvegicus, M. Musculus, Paruromys dominator, Maxomys sp., and Rattus sp. The pathogenic of Leptospira DNA was detected in rats with R. argentiventer and Paruromys dominatorspecies using the 16S rRNA and LipL32 gene. Sample sequences using LipL32 target gene is a close similarity with L. interrogans serovar Hardjo, serovar Autumnalis, Lai, Icterohaemorrhagiae, Balico, Grippotyphosa, Mini, Canicola, Hebdomadis; L. noguchii serovar Pomona and L. kirschneri whereas the sample sequence using 16S rRNA targetgene showed similarity with L. interrogans serovar Canicola, Copenhagen, Autumnalis, Pyrogenes, Javanica, Icterohaemorrhagiae, Manilae, Bratislava, Linhae, Hebdomadis, and L. kirschneri serovar Grippotyphosa. The PCR method with the target gene 16SrRNA and LipL32 are able to detect Leptospira spp. in rats R. argentiventer and P. dominator species Keywords: Leptospira, 16S rRNA, LipL32, PCR, Kidney’s Rat Leptospirosis masih merupakan masalah kesehatan global karena mempengaruhikesehatan manusia di daerah pedesaan dan perkotaan, baik di negara industri maupun mnegara berkembang. Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk mendeteksi bakteri Leptospira spp di jaringan ginjal dari tikus di Dataran Tingi Napu dan Bada Kabupaten Poso, Provinsi Sulawesi Tengah. Ginjal tikus sebanyak 63 sampel dikoleksi dari Dataran Tinggi Napu dan Bada Kabupaten Poso, Provinsi Sulawesi Tengah pada bulan Mei – Juni 2018. PCR digunakan untuk mendeteksi Leptospira. Karakterisasi molekuler dilakukan berdasarkan gen 16SrRNA dan LipL32. Data dianalisis secara deskriptif untuk menggambarkan keberadaaN Leptospira yang patogenik. Analisis filogenetik dilakukan dengan menggunakan perangkat lunak Mega 6.2. Sebanyak 63 tikus berhasil ditangkap selama penelitian yang terdiri dari jantan dan betina, masing masing 36 ekor (75,1%) dan 27 ekor (42,9%). Spesies tikus adalah R. exulans, R. tanezumi, R. argentiventer, R. norvegicus, M. Musculus, Paruromys dominator, Maxomys sp, dan Rattus sp. DNA Leptospira patogenik terdeteksi pada tikus dengan spesies R. argentiventer dan Paruromys dominator menggunakan gen 16SrRNA dan LipL32 Sekuen sampel dengan target gen LipL32 menunjukkan kesamaan dengan L. interrogans serovar Hardjo, serovar Autumnalis, Lai, Icterohaemorrhagiae, Balico, Grippotyphosa, Mini, Canicola, Hebdomadis; L. noguchii serovar Pomona dan L. kirschneri. Sedangkan sekuen sampel dengan target gen 16S rRNA menunjukkan kesamaan dengan L. interrogans serovar Canicola,Copenhagen, Autumnalis, Pyrogenes, Javanica, Icterohaemorrhagiae, Manilae, Bratislava, Linhae, Hebdomadis, dan L. kirschneri serovar Grippotyphosa. Metode PCR dengan target gen 16SrRNA dan LipL32 mampu mendeteksi Leptospira spp. pada tikus dengan spesies R. argentiventer dan P. dominator. Kata kunci: Leptospira, 16S rRNA, LipL32, PCR, Ginjal Tikus

The use of myths in Die werfbobbejaan by Alexander Strachan This article focuses on the rote of Zulu myths in Alexander Strachan’s novel Die werfbobbejaan. It lakes as point of departure sources on mythology like Cuddon (1991), Baldick (1990), Grimal (1969), Levi-Strauss (1979) and Jung (1969). Die werfbobbejaan essentially recounts the story of a man (the adventurer, the academic, the writer, the hunter) who also is the central character in Strachan's two preceding novels. Die werfbobbejaan focuses on the completion of an individuation process in the life of the central character, a process already begun in the preceding two novels and which in this novel finally culminates in the confrontation between hunter and baboon. The completion of this process is facilitated by the African milieu of Zululand where people give meaning to their existence by means of myths, and where no distinction is made between the mythic and rational modes of experiencing reality.

ABSTRACT Aim To report rare findings of oral and periodontal manifestations in a patient with Epidermal nevus syndrome (ENS). Background The ENS describes the rare association of an epidermal nevus with abnormalities of central nervous system, ocular and skeletal abnormalities. Reports of oral involvement have been few. Also, most of the intraoral lesions have been reported in patients with nevi that do not fulfill the criteria for the diagnosis of ENS. Case description This report describes a case of ENS that, in addition to cutaneous manifestations showed skeletal involvement and intraoral manifestations such as the extension of the nevi on the face intraorally involving the labial mucosa, hypoplasia, hypodontia of teeth and severe periodontal destruction. Conclusion Patients with extensive epidermal nevi and systemic abnormalities should be suspected of having the ENS. Evaluation and management of patients with ENS requires a multidisciplinary team approach involving the dermatologist, pediatrician, ophthalmologist, neurologist, genetist, plastic surgeon and orthopedic services. Although uncommonly described in association with ENS, significant intraoral lesions do occur. Periodontal manifestations as in our patient, which to our knowledge has not been described in association with ENS so far, may also be present. Clinical relevance Alteration of the response of periodontal tissues to dental plaque in the presence of certain systemic diseases has been reported, but not in association with ENS. Severe periodontal destruction due to exaggerated response to dental plaque was seen in the present case. Hence, emphasis on oral hygiene maintenance in such patients is essential. Patients with ENS must be evaluated periodically as they show a persistent predisposition for the development of tumors How to cite this article Baliga V, Gopinath VPK, Baliga S, Ramachandra SS, Jithendra KD, Shetty S. Intraoral Manifestations in a Patient with Epidermal Nevus Syndrome . J Contemp Dent Pract 2013;14(4):762-765.

<p>Pilkada 2015 which took place in 21 regencies and cities in Central Java worth to be examined in terms of the use of political advertising embodied in the form of banners/billboards. The role and whereabouts of political advertising will help determine the public support of the candidates. This study aims to reveal the values of prophetic rhetoric on political discourse pilkada in 2015 in Central Java. Methods and techniques of data collection in this study is a method refer to the technique of free libat captive, recording techniques, and record techniques. Three stages of analysis used in this study, namely data reduction, data presentation, and description of conclusions and verification. To answer the questions and needs of the research, the researcher analyzed the research data in the form of banners and baliho pilkada 2015 in Central Java through observation technique and refers to the note that existed in the discourse fragment of advertisement which is supposed to be a statement which is the values of discourse of prophetic rhetoric. Based on the results of analysis on the political election advertising discourse concluded that there are various prophetic rhetoric which is the embodiment of the main values humanist, liberative, and transcendent.</p>

Gessner's Historia animalium preserves scholarly opinions from naturalists and humanists from across sixteenth-century Europe. One such view comes from Bonarus of Balice, south-east Poland. Bonarus attests that although the Eurasian Lynx (Lynx Lynx) is common throughout central and eastern Europe, the best skins come from Sweden and, surprisingly, Scotland. After exploring evidence about who Bonarus was and why he might have written to Gessner, this essay builds up two possible explanations for Bonarus's opinion that Lynx populations were present in sixteenth-century Scotland:Either, native populations of European Lynxes may have still been present in Scotland in the sixteenth century; British Lynx remains have been dated to the sixth century. The Lynx could possibly have survived longer without being noticed in records if it was customarily called a “cat”, like other large felids. However, other than Bonarus's attestation, there is only tentative positive evidence consistent with this interpretation; most importantly the ambiguous testimony of Robert Sibbald in 1684.Or, Scotland may have “tricked” Bonarus by importing and then re-exporting fine, exotic furs. There is evidence that Scotland had a major fur industry. Eurasian Lynx fur had a high status. Furs were commonly re-exported in the fourteenth century. Scots merchants often imported high-status furs like Lynx into Poland in the sixteenth century, suggesting that Bonarus had the highest possible chance of seeing Scottish-fashioned Lynx furs.This essay argues that, on balance of the evidence, the second interpretation is the stronger of the two, although the first is also possible.

There is a Dayak tribe in the Meratus mountains, precisely in the village of Loksado, which is more tribe named as the Meratus Dayak although there are also people who call it the Dayak Bukit. Socially and religiously, this Dayak Meratus community is under heavy pressure from various parties. This pressure was very visible especially among Christian Dayak Meratus people. But in reality, they are able to survive and even develop. That means there is something that causes them to be able to survive and develop. This is then referred to as resilience. By using the method of observation and interviews, the results of the research show that there are several rituals that become their routine agenda, especially those related to farming processions. Balian roles (priests) become central to the rituals that are followed by almost all villagers. Collective awareness that produces collective morality so that it becomes spiritual capital for this community has played a linear role so that they are able to face various challenges in their lives. This becomes very strong when there is divine intervention in it.

Abstract This paper investigates fog frequency in southern Poland in relation to various topography (concave and convex forms) and atmospheric circulation types. It also discusses long-term variability in the annual and seasonal number of days with fog. Daily information on fog occurrence was taken from three high quality synoptic stations representing various landforms: Kraków-Balice (bottom of the hollow), Katowice-Muchowiec (Silesian Upland) and Bielsko-Aleksandrowice (summit of Carpathian Foothill). In the central part of southern Poland during the last 50 years (1966-2015) fog occurred on average during 53-67 days a year. The annual number of foggy days in Kraków (67 days) located in a structural basin was by 14-15 days higher than in Bielsko (53 days) situated in the Silesian Foothills. In the annual course, high fog occurrence (above 6 days per month) was observed from September to January, with the maximum in Kraków (10 days in October). At every station the monthly minimum of fog occurrence fell in July (2 days). In summer and spring the highest probability of fog occurrence was found on days with anticyclonic types and air advection from the northeastern (Na, NEa) and eastern (Ea, SEa) sectors. In autumn, a high probability was also found for the anticyclonic types with advection of air mass from the eastern and southern sectors. In the Carpathian Foothills (Bielsko) the probability of fog occurrence in winter was significantly enhanced only for the cyclonic types with air advection from the eastern sector (NEc, Ec, SEc) and nonadvective types Cc (cyclone centre) and Bc (cyclonic trough). Trends in the fog frequency were mostly insignificant. The only significant decreasing trend was found in Kraków on the annual scale and in summer when fog frequency was low.

<p>Sweet potato is an important staple food crop especially for the local people of Central Highlands Jayawijaya. There are many accessions that have always been maintained their existence to enrich the types of consumption. Traditionally, sweet potato accessions were grouped based on the utilization, such as for animal feed, cultural ceremonies, consumption for adults, as well as for children and infants. This study was aimed to analyze the nutritional value of sweet potatoes consumed by infants and children of the Dani tribe. Chemical analyses were conducted at the Laboratory of Post-Harvest Research and Development Center, Cimanggu, Bogor.</p><p>The results showed that each of 4 (four) sweet potato accessions, which were consumed by infants and children, had diverse nutrient levels. Accession Sabe showed the highest water content (72.56%), vitamin C (72.71 mg/100 g), Fe (11.85 mg/100 g), and K levels (130.41 mg/100 grams). The highest protein content (1.44%), fat (1.00%), energy (154.43 kkal/100 gram), carbohydrate (35.47%), starch (30.26%), reducing sugar (3.44%), riboflavin (0.18 mg/100 g), and vitamin A (574.40 grams IU/100) were produced by accession Manis. On the other hand, accession Saborok produced the highest content of ash (1.32%), vitamin E (28.30 mg/100 g), and B-carotene (64.69 ppm). The highest level of crude fiber (1.81%) and thiamin (0.36 mg/100 g) were produced by accession Yuaiken.</p>

This research aims to describe analytically Toba Caldera's ability to become one of the UNESCO Global Geopark in 2020. The research used a qualitative research method and is done through literature studies, government documents, and internet sources. Researchers founded, there are inter-linkages amongst Indonesia's central and local government together with stakeholders' continuous contribution who concern with Toba Caldera's sustainable tourism development. Those concerning parties fought for Toba Caldera's recognition status as the UNESCO Global Geopark. From 2011 to 2020, for nine years, the Toba Caldera was finally named a UNESCO Global Geopark during the UN Cultural Body's 209th Plenary Session held in Paris on July 7, 2020. Toba Caldera Geopark was a worldwide tourist magnet as it was home to 13 sites with breathtaking views, namely: Tongging Sipiso-Piso, Silalahi Sabungan, Haranggaol, Sibaganding Parapat, Eden Park, Balige Liong Spige Meat, Situmurun Blok Uluan, Hutaginjang, Muara Sibandang, Sipinsur Bakti Raja, Bakara Tipang, Tele Pangururan, and Pusuk Buhit. A ceremony where the UNESCO Global Geopark placard will be formally given to the Toba caldera is slated to be held in Jeju, South Korea, by September 2020. According to a statement from the Indonesian Embassy in Paris, Toba Caldera is among the 16 new UNESCO Global Geoparks announced by the organization's executive board. North Sumatra provincial administration is hopeful that the recognition will help boost foreign tourist arrivals to the destination. Keywords: Toba caldera, UNESCO, Indonesia soft power, sustainable tourism development, tourist destination

World Journal of English Language wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated.World Journal of English Language is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please contact us for the application form at: wjel@sciedupress.comReviewers for Volume 11, Number 2Andrés Canga, University of La Rioja, SpainChunlin Yao, Tianjin Chengjian University, ChinaDaniel Ginting, Universitas Ma Chung, IndonesiaDon Anton Balida, Oman Tourism College, OmanElena Alcalde Peñalver, University of Alcalá, SpainEmine Bala, Tishk International University, IraqGhadah Al Murshidi, The United Arab Emirates University, UAEHameed Yahya Ahmed Al-Zubeiry, Al-Baha University, Saudi ArabiaHossein Salarian, University of Tehran, IranHouaria Chaal, Hassiba Ben Bouali University of Chlef, AlgeriaJasna Potocnik Topler, University of Maribor, SloveniaKanthimathi Krishnasamy, Shrimathi Devkunvar Nanalal Bhatt Vaishnav College for Women, IndiaKenan Yerli, Sakarya University, TurkeyLeila Lomashvili, Shawnee State University, USALi Ping Chang, Department of Applied Foreign Languages, National Taipei College of Business, TaiwanMaria del Mar Sanchez Ramos, University of Alcalá, SpainMaria Isabel Maldonado Garcia, Al-Andalus Institute of Languages University of Lahore, PakistanMaría Luisa Carrió, Universidad Politécnica de Valencia, SpainMuhammed Ibrahim Hamood, University of Mosul, IraqMustafa Ar, Ar-Raniry State Islamic University, IndonesiaNitin Malhotra, St. Theresa International College, Bangkok, ThailandÖzkanal, Ümit, Eskisehir Osmangazi University Foreign Languages Department, TurkeyPatnarin Supakorn, Walailak University, ThailandPham Vu Phi Ho, Van Lang University, VietnamScott-Monkhouse Anila Ruth, Language Centre – University of Parma (Italy), ItalyŞenel, Müfit, 19 Mayıs University, TurkeyShalini Yadav, Compucom Institute of Technology and Management, IndiaTeguh Budiharso, State Institute of Islamic Studies (IAIN) of Surakarta, Indonesia, IndonesiaWafi Fhaid Alshammari, University of Ha’il, Saudi ArabiaWenjie Shi, Central University of Finance and Economics, China

Este documento gira en torno al sentido y el proceso de escritura de una de las más importantes intervenciones de la cultura obrera en la España de los últimos años, Somos Coca-ColaenLucha (VVAA, 2016). El libro, autodefinido como una autobiografía colectiva, fue escrito y concebido por los propios obreros de la fábrica de Coca-Cola de Fuenlabrada, víctimas de un ERE pensado para llevar a cabo su cierre, anunciado solo unas horas después de que los trabajadores de la fábrica firmaran uno de los convenios laborales más avanzados de todo el país (Sánchez, 2017). Somos Coca-ColaenLucha es, de hecho, mucho más que una autobiografía o una crónica del proceso: su escritura se halla incardinada en la propia lucha del colectivo por la visibilidad y por la autorrepresentación.Efectivamente, en el interior de la gran variedad de estrategias de lucha que pusieron en marcha los trabajadores de Coca-Cola, el libro editado por La Oveja roja ha supuesto una inusual toma de palabra pública a través de la que los propios trabajadores en lucha disputan, desde un lugar otro, las representaciones que circulan sobre el conflicto y proponen una autorrepresentación compleja, basada en múltiples testimonios, que escapa totalmente a las representaciones estigmatizadas de la clase obrera contemporánea. Somos Coca-ColaenLucha es, pues, un ejemplo de escritura colectiva en el que el propio proceso de creación (deliberación asamblearia, horizontalidad, confinanciación popular, autogestión…) supone una disputa política de las propias lógicas (verticalismo, autoritarismo capitalista, precarización…) que el colectivo en lucha trata de combatir. El texto se presentaba así:Somos CocaColaeLucha es una autobiografía colectiva. Relato oral que narra en primera persona cómo 238 trabajadores y trabajadoras y sindicalistas de la fábrica de Coca-cola en Fuenlabrada vencieron al gigante. Desde un yo soy Carmen, yo soy Antonio, yo soy Juan Carlos, podremos leer situados en una línea de tiempo de dos años, el día a día de unos y unas trabajadoras y sus familias que no aceptaron un ERE ilegal, que el supremo calificó de nulo, y que les ha devuelto a sus puestos de trabajo dos años después. Mucho frío, varios meses sin salarios ni prestaciones, el descubrimiento de una unión insoslayable entre compañeros de trabajo que apenas tenían un trato cordial... y que en esta lucha se han convertido en los y las espartanas. Obrerxs y sus seres queridxs que se han merecido a un sindicato y un sindicato que se ha merecido una victoria que como obrerxs tendrán que seguir sosteniendo todo el rato (VV.AA., 2016).El libro se proponía, pues, como el espacio de construcción de una voz colectiva marcada inequívocamente por su pertenencia a la clase obrera. Una voz grupal que articulaba múltiples voces subjetivas, con sus particularidades y sus circunstancias singulares, pero que permitía narrar desde dentro la experiencia colectiva vivida por los trabajadores tras el anuncio del ERE y en la lucha por mantener los puestos de trabajo. Un consejo de redacción compuesto por obreros de la fábrica y tres personas vinculadas al mundo de la edición política (dos de ellas las responsables de las páginas que siguen) fue el responsable de organizar las asambleas en las que se debatieron los puntos centrales de la lucha y su impacto en la vida de los obreros y obreras. Más que eso, el consejo de redacción se encargó de grabar y registrar los testimonios, transcribirlos y organizarlos narrativamente, llevando a cabo un complejo trabajo de montaje que, a pesar de la particularidad de cada testimonio individual, dirigiera el sentido hacia un horizonte colectivo. Ello no es baladí, pues en el trabajo de montaje del texto, en el que participan activamente los propios obreros en lucha, es donde surge su sentido y su potencia política. Ángela Martínez Fernández ha localizado en tres grandes ejes la singularidad del libro:Somos CocaColaenLucha es un libro insólito en el panorama español por tres motivos: en primer lugar, porque interviene en la representación de la clase obrera; consigue proponer un discurso totalmente diferente sobre lo que es ser obrero y una imagen de la lucha obrera que se opone a esa desorientación social. El libro consigue que la voz del obrero llegue al espacio público y en ese sentido rompe con la distribución social de la palabra que es uno de los principios del orden social contemporáneo. En segundo lugar, el libro interviene en la cultura desde unos presupuestos diferentes: a partir de los testimonios desmonta la función de autor y colectiviza la voz narrativa. En tercer y último lugar, SCCEL genera otro(s) discurso(s) alternativos sobre el trabajo y sobre las reivindicaciones laborales (Martínez Fernández, 2017).Una idea central: la importancia de Somos CocaColaenLucha no radica únicamente en lo que dice sobre la lucha, sobre la subjetividad obrera, sobre la militancia sindical y sobre los efectos del neoliberalismo en nuestras vidas. Es importante, además, porque disputa un lugar de enunciación que, en la distribución social de los discursos, parece estar vetado a la clase obrera. Dicho de otro modo, los obreros y obreras de CocaColaenLucha toman un espacio para hablar —la palabra pública editado en el formato prestigiado del libro— que pareciera excluir sus voces como posibilidad. Es lo que, en otro orden de cosas, Eva Fernández ha descrito como “tomar los medios de producción de las palabras”:Si queremos hacer la revolución tendremos que tomar los medios de producción de las palabras y las cosas. Tendremos que reformular la relación capital-trabajo hoy en todos los oficios y también en el literario. Así como la relación entre la vida, las palabras y el saber. Las palabras no entienden de quienes saben y quienes no saben. Las palabras nombran el mundo que habitamos, mientas estamos vivas (Fernández, 2017: 267).El documento que presentamos es un breve pero incisivo texto firmado por dos de los integrantes del consejo de redacción de Somos CocaColaenLucha: la propia Eva Fernández y el editor de La oveja roja Alfonso Serrano. En él ponen el acento en el esfuerzo colectivo, que el libro encarna, de tratar de “avanzar hacia formas de representación no delegada de la clase obrera también en el ámbito de lo cultural (…) Tomar los libros como ellos tomaban las calles”. Con dos voces diferentes, pero profundamente interconectadas, se exponen algunos de los núcleos conflictivos que atravesaron la concecpción, la elaboración y la producción del libro y su sentido en el interior de la lucha de los trabajadores de la fábrica de Fuenlabrada que, lejos de haber llegado a su fin, a fecha de hoy todavía continúa.Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural

ABSTRAK<br />Sungai Balian merupakan sungai yang dimanfaatkan sebagai sumber air bersih dan sarana penyucian serta pengobatan bagi masyarakat. Oleh karena itu perlu adanya upaya pengujian kualitas air sungai Balian. Sampling air Sungai Balian diambil di tiga lokasi, yaitu hulu, tengah, dan hilir. Parameter fisika yang dianalisis adalah suhu, warna dan TDS (Total Dissolve Solid), parameter kimia yang dianalisis adalah pH, BOD5, COD, phosfat, dan nitrat. Sedangkan parameter mikrobiologi yang dianalisis adalah E. coli dan total coliform. Hasil analisis air Sungai Balian bagian hulu memiliki ciri-ciri air keruh tidak berbau dan memiliki kadar TDS 630 ppm, pH 7,23; BOD 8,637; COD 10,231; phosfat 0,122 ppm; nitrat 2,765 ppm; E. Coli 30 MPN/100 mL; dan Total coliform 50 MPN/ 100 mL. Air Sungai Balian bagian tengah memiliki hasil analisis air jernih tidak berbau dan memiliki kadar TDS 550 ppm, pH 7,03; BOD 3,901; COD 7,250; phosfat 0,096 ppm; nitrat 2,232 ppm; E. Coli 15 MPN/100 mL; dan Total coliform 25 MPN/ 100 mL. Sedangkan air Sungai Balian bagian hilir memiliki hasil analisis air agak keruh tidak berbau dan memiliki kadar TDS 510 ppm, pH 7,78; BOD 10,370; COD 20,890; phosfat 0,237 ppm; nitrat 3,163 ppm; E. Coli 89 MPN/100 mL; dan Total coliform 100 MPN/ 100 mL.Berdasarkan Peraturan Gubernur Bali No. 16 Tahun 2016.air Sungai Balian bagian hulu dan hilir dapat dikatagorikan sebagai air kelas III, hal ini dikarenakan parameter BOD yang tinggi yaitu 8,637 ppm dan 10,370 ppm. Untuk air Sungai Balian bagian tengah masuk dalam air kelas II yang peruntukannya untuk air minum setelah dilakukan pengolahan, karena parameter fisika, kimia, dan mikrobiologi tidak melebihi baku mutu air kelas II. Oleh karena itu, berdasarkan hasil uji laboratorium air Sungai Balian bagian tengah masih layak dipergunakan sebagai sarana pembersihan dan pengobatan sesuai kepercayaan masyarakat Hindu.<br />Kata kunci : Sungai Balian, kualitas air, TDS, pH, BOD5, COD, phosfat, nitrat, E. Coli, total coliform.<br />ABSTRACT<br />Balian river is used as a source of clean water, holistic and threatment for the community. The sampling of Balian River, Tabanan, Bali is taken in three locations, upstream, central part, and downstream. Physical parameters analyzed were temperature, color, and TDS (Total Dissolved Solids). Chemistry parameters analyzed were pH, BOD5, COD, phosphate, and nitrate. While the microbiological parameters analyzed were E. coli and total coliform.The upstream Balian River water analysis result has characteristic of turbid odorless water and has TDS 630 ppm, pH 7.23; BOD 8.637; COD 10.231; phosphate 0.122 ppm; nitrate 2.765 ppm; E. Coli 30 MPN / 100 mL; and Total coliform 50 MPN / 100 mL. The central Balian River water has a clear, odorless water analysis and has a TDS content of 550 ppm, pH 7.03; BOD 3.901; COD 7.250; phosphate 0.096 ppm; nitrate 2.232 ppm; E. Coli 15 MPN / 100 mL; and Total coliform 25 MPN / 100 mL. While the downstream Balian River water has a slightly turbid odorless water analysis and has a TDS content of 510 ppm, pH 7.78; BOD 10.370; COD 20.890; phosphate 0.237 ppm; nitrate 3.163 ppm; E. Coli 89 MPN / 100 mL; and Total coliform 100 MPN / 100 mL. Based on the standard, Balian river water upstream and downstream can be classified as class III water, this is because BOD parameters are high that is 8.637 ppm and 10.370 ppm. For the water of Balian River, the middle part is included in class II water which is intended for drinking water after processing, because the parameters of physics, chemistry, and microbiology do not exceed the class II water quality standard. Therefor, based on the results of laboratory test, the central part of Balian Riveris suitable for use as of cleaning and threatment according to the beliefs of the Hindu community.<br />Keyword : Balian River, quality of air, TDS, pH, BOD5, COD, phosphate, nitrate, E. Coli, total coliform

Since Jan 4th 2016, the State Bank of Vietnam (SBV) has applied the central exchange rate regime pegging VND to a basket of 8 currencies, which reflects the adaptation of macro policies in general, exchange rate policy in particular when integration context has changed. In order to propose suitable solutions to administrate exchange rate policy effectively, this article employs the VAR model, in which the relationship between exchange rate and three objectives of exchange rate policy (including prices, output and trade balance) are tested. The data used in this model is quarterly, in the period 2001q1-2017q3. 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What creative techniques of resistance are available to a female filmmaker when she is the victim of a violent event and filmed at her most vulnerable? This article uses an autoethnographic lens to discuss my experience of a serious car crash my family and I were inadvertently involved in due to police negligence and a criminal act. Employing Creative Analytical Practice (CAP) ethnography, a reflexive form of research which recognises that the creative process, producer and product are “deeply intertwined” (Richardson, “Writing: A Method” 930), I investigate how the crash’s violent affects crippled my agency, manifested in my creative praxis and catalysed my identification of latent forms of institutionalised violence in film culture, its discourse and pedagogy that also contributed to my inertia. The article maps my process of writing a feature length screenplay during the aftermath of the crash as I set out to articulate my story of survival and resistance. Using this narrative inquiry, in which we can “investigate how we construct the world, ourselves, and others, and how standard objectifying practices...unnecessarily limit us” (Richardson, “Writing: A Method” 924), I outline how I attempted to disrupt the entrenched power structures that exist in dominant narratives of violence in film and challenge my subjugated positioning as a woman within this canon. I describe my engagement with the deconstructionist practices of writing the body and militant feminist cinema, which suggest subversive opportunities for women’s self-determination by encouraging us to embrace our exiled positioning in dominant discourse through creative experimentation, and identify some of the possibilities and limitations of this for female agency. Drawing on CAP ethnography, existentialism, film feminism, and narrative reframing, I assert that these reconstructive practices are more effective for the creative enfranchisement of women by not relegating us to the periphery of social systems and cultural forms. Instead, they enable us to speak back to violent structures in a language that has greater social access, context and impact.My strong desire to tell screen stories lies in my belief that storytelling is a crucial evolutionary mechanism of resilience. Narratives do not simply represent the social world but also have the ability to change it by enabling us to “try to figure out how to live our lives meaningfully” (Ellis 760). This conviction has been directly influenced by my personal story of trauma and survival when myself, my siblings, and our respective life partners became involved in a major car crash. Two police officers attending to a drunken brawl in an inner city park had, in their haste, left the keys in the ignition of their vehicle. We were travelling across a major intersection when the police car, which had subsequently been stolen by a man involved in the brawl – a man who was wanted on parole, had a blood alcohol level three times over the legal limit, and was driving at speeds exceeding 110kms per hour - ran a red light and crossed our path, causing us to crash into his vehicle. From the impact, the small four-wheel drive we were travelling in was catapulted metres into the air, rolling numerous times before smashing head on into oncoming traffic. My heavily pregnant sister was driving our vehicle.The incident attracted national media attention and our story became a sensationalist spectacle. Each news station reported erroneous and conflicting information, one stating that my sister had lost her unborn daughter, another even going so far as to claim my sister had died in the crash. This tabloidised, ‘if it bleeds, it leads’, culture of journalism, along with new digital technologies, encourages and facilitates the normalisation of violent acts, often inflicted on women. Moreover, in their pursuit of high-rating stories, news bodies motivate dehumanising acts of citizen journalism that see witnesses often inspired to film, rather than assist, victims involved in a violent event. Through a connection with someone working for a major news station, we discovered that leading news broadcasters had bought a tape shot by a group of men who call themselves the ‘Paparazzi of Perth’. These men were some of the first on the scene and began filming us from only a few metres away while we were still trapped upside down and unconscious in our vehicle. In the recording, the men are heard laughing and celebrating our tragedy as they realise the lucrative possibilities of the shocking imagery they are capturing as witnesses pull us out of the back of the car, and my pregnant sister incredibly frees herself from the wreckage by kicking out the window.As a female filmmaker, I saw the bitter irony of this event as the camera was now turned on me and my loved ones at our most vulnerable. In her discussion of the male gaze, a culturally sanctioned form of narrational violence against women that is ubiquitous in most mainstream media, Mulvey proposes that women are generally the passive image, trapped by the physical limits of the frame in a permanent state of powerlessness as our identity is reduced to her “to-be-looked-at-ness” (40). For a long period of time, the experience of performing the role of this commodified woman of a weaponised male gaze, along with the threat of annihilation associated with our near-death experience, immobilised my spirit. I felt I belonged “more to the dead than to the living” (Herman 34). When I eventually returned to my creative praxis, I decided to use scriptwriting as both my “mode of reasoning and a mode of representation” (Richardson, Writing Strategies 21), test whether I could work through my feelings of alienation and violation and reclaim my agency. This was a complex and harrowing task because my memories “lack[ed] verbal narrative and context” (Herman 38) and were deeply rooted in my body. Cixous confirms that for women, “writing and voice...are woven together” and “spring from the deepest layers of her psyche” (Moi 112). For many months, I struggled to write. I attempted to block out this violent ordeal and censor my self. I soon learnt, however, that my body could not be silenced and was slow to forget. As I tried to write around this experience, the trauma worked itself deeper inside of me, and my physical symptoms worsened, as did the quality of my writing.In the early version of the screenplay I found myself writing a female-centred film about violence, identity and death, using the fictional narrative to express the numbness I experienced. I wrote the female protagonist with detachment as though she were an object devoid of agency. Sartre claims that we make objects of others and of ourselves in an attempt to control the uncertainty of life and the ever-changing nature of humanity (242). Making something into an object is to deprive it of life (and death); it is our attempt to keep ourselves ‘safe’. While I recognise that the car crash’s reminder of my mortality was no doubt part of the reason why I rendered myself, and the script’s female protagonist, lifeless as agentic beings, I sensed that there were subtler operations of power and control behind my self-objectification and self-censorship, which deeply concerned me. What had influenced this dea(r)th of female agency in my creative imaginings? Why did I write my female character with such a red pen? Why did I seem so compelled to ‘kill’ her? I wanted to investigate my gender construction, the complex relationship between my scriptwriting praxis, and the context within which it is produced to discover whether I could write a different future for myself, and my female characters. Kiesinger supports “contextualizing our stories within the framework of a larger picture” (108), so as to remain open to the possibility that there might not be anything ‘wrong’ with us, per se, “but rather something very wrong with the dynamics that dominate the communicative system” (109) within which we operate: in the case of my creative praxis, the oppressive structures present in the culture of film and its pedagogy.Pulling FocusWomen are supposed to be the view and when the view talks back, it is uncomfortable.— Jane Campion (Filming Desire)It is a terrible thing to see that no one has ever taught us how to develop our vision as women neither in the history of arts nor in film schools.— Marie Mandy (Filming Desire)The democratisation of today’s media landscape through new technologies, the recent rise in female-run production companies (Zemler) in Hollywood, along with the ground-breaking #MeToo and Time’s Up movements has elevated the global consciousness of gender-based violence, and has seen the screen industry seek to redress its history of gender imbalance. While it is too early to assess the impact these developments may have on women’s standing in film, today the ‘celluloid ceiling’ still operates on multiple levels of indoctrination and control through a systemic pattern of exclusion for women that upholds the “nearly seamless dialogue among men in cinema” (Lauzen, Thumbs Down 2). Female filmmakers occupy a tenuous position of influence in the mainstream industry and things are not any better on the other side of the camera (Lauzen, The Celluloid Ceiling). For the most part, Hollywood’s male gaze and penchant for sexualising and (physically or figuratively) killing female characters, which normalises violence against women and is “almost inversely proportional to the liberation of women in society” (Mandy), continues to limit women to performing as the image rather than the agent on screen.Film funding bodies and censorship boards, mostly comprised of men, remain exceptionally averse to independent female filmmakers who go against the odds to tell their stories, which often violate taboos about femininity and radically redefine female agency through the construction of the female gaze: a narrational technique of resistance that enables reel woman to govern the point of view, imagery and action of the film (Smelik 51-52). This generally sees their films unjustly ghettoised through incongruent classification or censorship, and forced into independent or underground distribution (Sexton-Finck 165-182). Not only does censorship propose the idea that female agency is abject and dangerous and needs to be restrained, it prevents access to this important cinema by women that aims to counter the male gaze and “shield us from this type of violence” (Gillain 210). This form of ideological and institutional gatekeeping is not only enforced in the film industry, it is also insidiously (re)constituted in the epistemological construction of film discourse and pedagogy, which in their design, are still largely intrinsically gendered institutions, encoded with phallocentric signification that rejects a woman’s specificity and approach to knowledge. Drawing on my mutually informative roles as a former film student and experienced screen educator, I assert that most screen curricula in Australia still uphold entrenched androcentric norms that assume the male gaze and advocate popular cinema’s didactic three-act structure, which conditions our value systems to favour masculinity and men’s worldview. This restorative storytelling approach is argued to be fatally limiting to reel women (Smith 136; Dancyger and Rush 25) as it propagates the Enlightenment notion of a universal subjectivity, based on free will and reason, which neutralises the power structures of society (and film) and repudiates the influence of social positioning on our opportunity for agency. Moreover, through its omniscient consciousness, which seeks to efface the presence of a specific narrator, the three-act method disavows this policing of female agency and absolves any specific individual of responsibility for its structural violence (Dyer 98).By pulling focus on some of these problematic mechanisms in the hostile climate of the film industry and its spaces of learning for women, I became acutely aware of the more latent forms of violence that had conditioned my scriptwriting praxis, the ambivalence I felt towards my female identity, and my consequent gagging of the female character in the screenplay.Changing Lenses How do the specific circumstances in which we write affect what we write? How does what we write affect who we become?— Laurel Richardson (Fields of Play 1)In the beginning, there is an end. Don’t be afraid: it’s your death that is dying. Then: all the beginnings.— Helene Cixous (Cixous and Jensen 41)The discoveries I made during my process of CAP ethnography saw a strong feeling of dissidence arrive inside me. I vehemently wanted to write my way out of my subjugated state and release some of the anguish that my traumatised body was carrying around. I was drawn to militant feminist cinema and the French poststructuralist approach of ‘writing the body’ (l’ecriture feminine) given these deconstructive practices “create images and ideas that have the power to inspire to revolt against oppression and exploitation” (Moi 120). Feminist cinema’s visual treatise of writing the body through its departure from androcentric codes - its unformulaic approach to structure, plot, character and narration (De Lauretis 106) - revealed to me ways in which I could use the scriptwriting process to validate my debilitating experience of physical and psychic violence, decensor my self and move towards rejoining the living. Cixous affirms that, “by writing her self, woman will return to the body which has been more than confiscated from her, which has been turned into…the ailing or dead figure” (Cixous, The Laugh of the Medusa 880). It became clear to me that the persistent themes of death that manifested in the first draft of the script were not, as I first suspected, me ‘rehearsing to die’, or wanting to kill off the woman inside me. I was in fact “not driven towards death but by death” (Homer 89), the close proximity to my mortality, acting as a limit, was calling for a strengthening of my life force, a rebirth of my agency (Bettelheim 36). Mansfield acknowledges that death “offers us a freedom outside of the repression and logic that dominate our daily practices of keeping ourselves in order, within the lines” (87).I challenged myself to write the uncomfortable, the unfamiliar, the unexplored and to allow myself to go to places in me that I had never before let speak by investigating my agency from a much more layered and critical perspective. This was both incredibly terrifying and liberating and enabled me to discard the agentic ‘corset’ I had previously worn in my creative praxis. Dancyger and Rush confirm that “one of the things that happens when we break out of the restorative three-act form is that the effaced narrator becomes increasingly visible and overt” (38). I experienced an invigorating feeling of empowerment through my appropriation of the female gaze in the screenplay which initially appeased some of the post-crash turmoil and general sense of injustice I was experiencing. However, I soon, found something toxic rising inside of me. Like the acrimonious feminist cinema I was immersed in – Raw (Ducournau), A Girl Walks Home at Night (Amirpour), Romance (Breillat), Trouble Every Day (Denis), Baise-Moi (Despentes and Thi), In My Skin (Van), Anatomy of Hell (Breillat) – the screenplay I had produced involved a female character turning the tables on men and using acts of revenge to satisfy her needs. Not only was I creating a highly dystopian world filled with explicit themes of suffering in the screenplay, I too existed in a displaced state of rage and ‘psychic nausea’ in my daily life (Baldick and Sartre). I became haunted by vivid flashbacks of the car crash as abject images, sounds and sensations played over and over in my mind and body like a horror movie on loop. I struggled to find the necessary clarity and counterbalance of stability required to successfully handle this type of experimentation.I do not wish to undermine the creative potential of deconstructive practices, such as writing the body and militant cinema, for female filmmakers. However, I believe my post-trauma sensitivity to visceral entrapment and spiritual violence magnifies some of the psychological and physiological risks involved. Deconstructive experimentation “happens much more easily in the realm of “texts” than in the world of human interaction” (hooks 22) and presents agentic limitations for women since it offers a “utopian vision of female creativity” (Moi 119) that is “devoid of reality...except in a poetic sense” (Moi 122). In jettisoning the restorative qualities of narrative film, new boundaries for women are inadvertently created through restricting us to “intellectual pleasure but rarely emotional pleasure” (Citron 51). Moreover, by reducing women’s agency to retaliation we are denied the opportunity for catharsis and transformation; something I desperately longed to experience in my injured state. Kaplan acknowledges this problem, arguing that female filmmakers need to move theoretically beyond deconstruction to reconstruction, “to manipulate the recognized, dominating discourses so as to begin to free ourselves through rather than beyond them (for what is there ‘beyond’?)” (Women and Film 141).A potent desire to regain a sense of connectedness and control pushed itself out from deep inside me. I yearned for a tonic to move myself and my female character to an active position, rather than a reactive one that merely repeats the victimising dynamic of mainstream film by appropriating a reversed (female) gaze and now makes women the violent victors (Kaplan, Feminism and Film 130). We have arrived at a point where we must destabilise the dominance-submission structure and “think about ways of transcending a polarity that has only brought us all pain” (Kaplan, Feminism and Film 135). I became determined to write a screen narrative that, while dealing with some of the harsh realities of humanity I had become exposed to, involved an existentialist movement towards catharsis and activity.ReframingWhen our stories break down or no longer serve us well, it is imperative that we examine the quality of the stories we are telling and actively reinvent our accounts in ways that permit us to live more fulfilling lives.— Christine Kiesinger (107)I’m frightened by life’s randomness, so I want to deal with it, make some sense of it by telling a film story. But it’s not without hope. I don’t believe in telling stories without some hope.— Susanne Bier (Thomas)Narrative reframing is underlined by the existentialist belief that our spiritual freedom is an artistic process of self-creation, dependent on our free will to organise the elements of our lives, many determined out of our control, into the subjective frame that is to be our experience of our selves and the world around us (107). As a filmmaker, I recognise the power of selective editing and composition. Narrative reframing’s demand for a rational assessment of “the degree to which we live our stories versus the degree to which our stories live us” (Kiesinger 109), helped me to understand how I could use these filmmaking skills to take a step back from my trauma so as to look at it objectively “as a text for study” (Ellis 108) and to exercise power over the creative-destructive forces it, and the deconstructive writing methods I had employed, produced. Richardson confirms the benefits of this practice, since narrative “is the universal way in which humans accommodate to finitude” (Writing Strategies 65).In the script’s development, I found my resilience lay in my capacity to imagine more positive alternatives for female agency. I focussed on writing a narrative that did not avoid life’s hardships and injustices, or require them to be “attenuated, veiled, sweetened, blunted, and falsified” (Nietzsche and Hollingdale 68), yet still involved a life-affirming sentiment. With this in mind, I reintroduced the three-act structure in the revised script as its affectivity and therapeutic denouement enabled me to experience a sense of agentic catharsis that turned “nauseous thoughts into imaginations with which it is possible to live” (Nietzsche 52). Nevertheless, I remained vigilant not to lapse into didacticism; to allow my female character to be free to transgress social conventions surrounding women’s agency. Indebted to Kaplan’s writing on the cinematic gaze, I chose to take up what she identifies as a ‘mutual gaze’; an ethical framework that enabled me to privilege the female character’s perspective and autonomy with a neutral subject-subject gaze rather than the “subject-object kind that reduces one of the parties to the place of submission” (Feminism and Film 135). I incorporated the filmic technique of the point of view (POV) shot for key narrative moments as it allows an audience to literally view the world through a character’s eyes, as well as direct address, which involves the character looking back down the lens at the viewer (us); establishing the highest level of identification between the spectator and the subject on screen.The most pertinent illustration of these significant scriptwriting changes through my engagement with narrative reframing and feminist film theory, is in the reworking of my family’s car crash which became a pivotal turning point in the final draft. In the scene, I use POV and direct address to turn the weaponised gaze back around onto the ‘paparazzi’ who are filming the spectacle. When the central (pregnant) character frees herself from the wreckage, she notices these men filming her and we see the moment from her point of view as she looks at these men laughing and revelling in the commercial potential of their mediatised act. Switching between POV and direct address, the men soon notice they have been exposed as the woman looks back down the lens at them (us) with disbelief, reproaching them (us) for daring to film her in this traumatic moment. She holds her determined gaze while they glance awkwardly back at her, until their laughter dissipates, they stop recording and appear to recognise the culpability of their actions. With these techniques of mutual gazing, I set out to humanise and empower the female victim and neutralise the power dynamic: the woman is now also a viewing agent, and the men equally perform the role of the viewed. In this creative reframing, I hope to provide an antidote to filmic violence against and/or by women as this female character reclaims her (my) experience of survival without adhering to the culture of female passivity or ressentiment.This article has examined how a serious car crash, being filmed against my will in its aftermath and the attendant damages that prevailed from this experience, catalysed a critical change of direction in my scriptwriting. The victimising event helped me recognise the manifest and latent forms of violence against women that are normalised through everyday ideological and institutional systems in film and prevent us from performing as active agents in our creative praxis. There is a critical need for more inclusive modes of practice – across the film industry, discourse and pedagogy – that are cognisant and respectful of women’s specificity and our difference to the androcentric landscape of mainstream film. We need to continue to exert pressure on changing violent mechanisms that marginalise us and ghettoise our stories. As this article has demonstrated, working outside dominant forms can enable important emancipatory opportunities for women, however, this type or deconstruction also presents risks that generally leave us powerless in everyday spaces. While I advocate that female filmmakers should look to techniques of feminist cinema for an alternative lens, we must also work within popular film to critique and subvert it, and not deny women the pleasures and political advantages of its restorative structure. By enabling female filmmakers to (re)humanise woman though encouraging empathy and compassion, this affective storytelling form has the potential to counter violence against women and mobilise female agency. Equally, CAP ethnography and narrative reframing are critical discourses for the retrieval and actualisation of female filmmakers’ agency as they allow us to contextualise our stories of resistance and survival within the framework of a larger picture of violence to gain perspective on our subjective experiences and render them as significant, informative and useful to the lives of others. This enables us to move from the isolated margins of subcultural film and discourse to reclaim our stories at the centre.ReferencesA Girl Walks Home at Night. Dir. Ana Lily Amirpour. Say Ahh Productions, 2014.Anatomy of Hell. Dir. Catherine Breillat. Tartan Films, 2004. Baise-Moi. Dirs. Virginie Despentes and Coralie Trinh Thi. FilmFixx, 2000.Baldick, Robert, and Jean-Paul Sartre. Nausea. 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California: AltaMira, 2004.Filming Desire: A Journey through Women's Cinema. Dir. Marie Mandy. Women Make Movies, 2000.Gillain, Anne. “Profile of a Filmmaker: Catherine Breillat.” Beyond French Feminisms: Debates on Women, Politics, and Culture in France, 1981-2001. Eds. Roger Célestin, Eliane Françoise DalMolin, and Isabelle de Courtivron. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003. 206.Herman, Judith Lewis. Trauma and Recovery. London: Pandora, 1994.Homer, Sean. Jacques Lacan. London: Routledge, 2005.hooks, bell. Yearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural Politics. Boston, MA: South End Press, 1990.In My Skin. Dir. Marina de Van. Wellspring Media, 2002. Kaplan, E. Ann. Women and Film: Both Sides of the Camera. New York: Routledge, 1988.———. Feminism and Film. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.Kiesinger, Christine E. “My Father's Shoes: The Therapeutic Value of Narrative Reframing.” Ethnographically Speaking: Autoethnography, Literature, and Aesthetics. Eds. Arthur P. Bochner and Carolyn Ellis. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2002. 107-111.Lauzen, Martha M. “Thumbs Down - Representation of Women Film Critics in the Top 100 U.S. Daily Newspapers - A Study by Dr. Martha Lauzen.” Alliance of Women Film Journalists, 25 July 2012. 4-5.———. The Celluloid Ceiling: Behind-the-Scenes Employment of Women on the Top 100, 250, and 500 Films of 2018. Center for the Study of Women in Television and Film San Diego State University 2019. <https://womenintvfilm.sdsu.edu/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/2018_Celluloid_Ceiling_Report.pdf>.Mansfield, Nick. Subjectivity: Theories of the Self from Freud to Haraway. St Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2000.Moi, Toril. Sexual/Textual Politics: Feminist Literary Theory. London: Methuen, 2002.Mulvey, Laura. Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema in Feminism and Film. Ed. E. Ann Kaplan. New York: Oxford University Press, 1975. 34-47.Nietzsche, Friedrich W. The Birth of Tragedy and the Genealogy of Morals. Trans. Francis Golffing. New York: Doubleday, 1956.Nietzsche, Friedrich W., and Richard Hollingdale. Beyond Good and Evil. London: Penguin Books, 1990.Raw. Dir. Julia Ducournau. Petit Film, 2016.Richardson, Laurel. Writing Strategies: Reaching Diverse Audiences. Newbury Park, California: Sage Publications, 1990.———. Fields of Play: Constructing an Academic Life. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1997.———. “Writing: A Method of Inquiry.” Handbook of Qualitative Research. Eds. Norman K Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2000.Romance. Dir. Catherine Breillat. Trimark Pictures Inc., 2000.Sartre, Jean-Paul. Being and Nothingness: An Essay on Phenomenological Ontology. London: Routledge, 1969.Sexton-Finck, Larissa. Be(com)ing Reel Independent Woman: An Autoethnographic Journey through Female Subjectivity and Agency in Contemporary Cinema with Particular Reference to Independent Scriptwriting Practice. 2009. <https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/1688/2/02Whole.pdf>.Smelik, Anneke. And the Mirror Cracked: Feminist Cinema and Film Theory. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.Smith, Hazel. The Writing Experiment: Strategies for Innovative Creative Writing. Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2005.Thomas, Michelle. “10 Years of Dogme: An Interview with Susanne Bier.” Future Movies, 5 Aug. 2005. <http://www.futuremovies.co.uk/filmmaking.asp?ID=119>.Trouble Every Day. Dir. Claire Denis. Wild Bunch, 2001. Zemler, Mily. “17 Actresses Who Started Their Own Production Companies.” Elle, 11 Jan. 2018. <https://www.elle.com/culture/movies-tv/g14927338/17-actresses-with-production-companies/>.

IntroductionWhen a baby girl born in Britain was endowed with the topical name ‘Hashtag’, a social media post decried the naming, and a media storm followed. Before she was even home from hospital, headlines were at the ready: “Did a mother really just name her child Hashtag?” (Nye) and “Baby Hashtag: has the search for original names gone too far?” (Barkham). Trollers were also poised to react, offering: “The first name is REALLY dumb. And you're even dumber,” prompting a rejection of the baby’s name as well as her ostensibly ill-equipped parents (Facebook). Dubbed a “Public Figure” on her Facebook page, Hashtag Jameson accrued a particularly premature type of celebrity, where, with a handful of baby selfies, she declared via Twitter, and only hours after birth, that she was “already trending”.In this article, I consider the relationship between the infant child and the visual-digital economies in which it – as in the Hashtag hoax, above – performs. The infant child is brought into view with the very first sentence that frames John Berger’s Ways of Seeing. “Seeing comes before words”, he writes. “The child looks and recognizes before it can speak” (1). Berger’s reference to the seeing child positions it as an active agent in cultures and practices of visuality, but also uses an idea of the child to position vision as the primary communicative means by which we “establish our place in the surrounding world” and in which we are enveloped “before” speech (7). Here, I explore the intensified relationship between the visual culture of infancy and the economised digital movement of vision that it produces in one highly specific image-genre: the baby selfie. In doing so I aim to characterise the depictive nature of this format in terms of how it compositionally documents – to further borrow the language of Berger, who was then discussing oil paintings – “a way of seeing the world, which was ultimately determined by new attitudes to property and exchange” (87).The new sociology of childhood has been concerned with the construction of the child figure as it has interfaced with new cultural and political realities since the early 1980s (Prout). These include “phenomena such as the flexibilization of production … expanding networks of knowledge … and shifts in labour market participation, work and the global economy” (Prout 5). I suggest here that the baby selfie can be seen as an unprecedented social marker of these transformations, signalling a heightened degree of priceless sentiment within which the child – as an animator of amateur affects, viral tendencies and algorithmic logics – is given to operate. I focus on the compositional propensities of the baby selfie in order to characterise how it visually construes a particular kind of self that is intrinsically entangled with the conception of the image as a form of capital exchange. That is, I suggest that in its intense and yet paradoxical self-performativity the baby selfie depicts a way of seeing that is predicated on, but also troubles, the conceit of a commodified social relation. What Does the Baby Selfie Say?“Should babies really be taking selfies?” yells a headline warning against the perceived dangers of youth digital cultures (Cox). The 2014 story references a phone app built by father Matthew Pegula that uses front-facing cameras to “unintentionally teac[h] your baby to take selfies of themselves” by generating “rattling sounds, pictures of cute animals, and more to get the baby’s attention.” The article explains that “[w]hen the baby reaches out to touch the screen, the camera snaps their selfie and saves it to the device”. While Pegula’s Baby Selfie App is available for purchase on Google Play’s app store for $1.09, a similar device named New Born Fame, featuring “Facebook and Twitter symbols that are activated when the youngster reaches for them” and inclusions such as “a pair of shoes with an internal pedometer that tracks kicks and posts the activity online, a squeezable GPS tracker and a ‘selfie-ball’ that photographs the baby and uploads the shot whenever the ball rotates” (Peppers), artistically interrogated this relatively new category of “insta-infa-fame”.In their article “What Does the Selfie Say?”, Theresa M. Senft and Nancy K. Baym argue that the selfie exists as the hallmark genre of a new kind of self-reflexive image-making, one that is formally characterised by the “self-generated” nature of the photographic portraiture it depicts, which is in turn conceived for its transmissibility, occurring “primarily via social media” (1589). Popularised in part by new technologies (the camera phone, the smart phone, and then the front-facing phone camera) and in part by new digital platforms (“Facebook, Instagram, SnapChat, Tumblr, WeChat, and Tinder”) (1589), Senft and Baym further explain that the selfie is simultaneously a photographic object which transmits human feeling, a practice of sending (as well as of depicting), and third, a monetized assemblage curated by nonhuman agents. It is this last factor which renders the objecthood of the selfie as it relates to the vernacular that it enacts as well as the practice of its making, political.Notions around the simultaneously constituting and yet virally distributed “self” of social media are not new. A now prominent literature around how the selfie graphically manifests and performs: intimate publics (Walsh and Baker), a normative or resistive image repertoire (Murray), and emotionalised, communicable affect (Bayer et al.), gives rise to a range of viewpoints that aim to characterise how the hyper self-reflexivity of the selfie depicts – visually as well as ontologically – the self as an agent of their own transmissibility (Holiday et al.). From these we understand that the selfie is distinct for its (i) self-representational image-format (it is an image made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identifiable for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition); ii) its methods of distribution (selfies are taken and distributed often instantaneously, and thereby are not only objects of, but active agents of, the reshaping of digitally communicative economies); iii) its idiomatic performance of a sociality and aesthetic of the amateur or vernacular (Abidin).The doubled glance both inwards and outwards that the selfie casts is further characterised for how it traces as well as points to a gestural self-awareness held within its compositional characteristics (Frosh). This moves us from a semiotic reading of the selfie to a reading of its “kineasthetic sociability” – that is, its embodied inception of new forms of autobiographical inscription which say “not only ‘see this, here, now,’ but also ‘see me showing you me’” (Frosh 1609-10). Here, the selfie is less a static object and more a gestural imprint of the communicative action in process: it is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of, among other things, the selfieness of the image)” (Frosh 1611). In this sense, its compositional logic offers a tracing of this very enactive, embodied tendency, which bears more than an indexical relationship to the field that it marks – it depicts itself as a constituting part of that field.While these characteristics are broadly accepted as being true of selfies, the “selfieness” of a baby selfie might be seen to offer a paradoxical reframing of these depictive qualities. That is, if a selfie is a self-depiction of a process of self-depiction, the baby selfie most usually performs this self-reflexivity with recourse to an external agent who is either present in the image frame or who is occluded from it but nonetheless implied by the very nature of the image (a parent or the image-facilitator, or indeed, a baby app). The baby selfie’s scene of self-depiction, then, might be thought of as a kind of self-depiction-by-proxy. At the same time, the baby selfie asks us to invest in the belief that the picture was knowingly self-taken, and in doing so, models a kind of aspirational autonomy for the child/baby figure who is depicted. In this sense, the baby selfie, by its very nature, disrupts the accepted distinguishing format of the selfie: that the picture is both self-depicting and is self-composed. Instead, the baby selfie can be seen to gesturally reincorporate into its visual scene the very question of this structural im/possibility.Depicting the Viral ChildThe figure of the child has been considered by a range of theorists as the organising principle of modernity. Philippe Aries’ foundational work has argued that the modern discovery of childhood is reflected in the rise of the nuclear family and consequential shifts from sociability to privacy. Viviana Zelizer similarly positions the emergence of the economically “useless” but sentimentally “priceless” child against comprehensive social and industrial transformations taking place across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries that excluded the child as a labourer and instead situated it with the disciplinary regime of education. The hetero-normatively white child has since been shown to emblematise concepts of social futurity (Edelman) and myths of morality, humanity and the “ordering of time” (Pelligrini 98).Following Zelizer, the more recently ‘digitally’ visual cultures of childhood can be seen to spin the figure of the child around new socio-economic and discursive imperatives. Lisa Cartwright writes about photographs of waiting adoptee children, in which “children of poor countries become commodities and their images become advertisements in a global market” (83). Deborah Lupton similarly considers the coding of infant bodies in popular media for their “represent[ation] as helpless, vulnerable, uncontrolled, dirty and leaky in opposition to the idealised adult body that is powerful, self-regulated, autonomous, clean, its bodily boundaries sealed from the outside world” (349). More recently, children have been considered for how they either accidentally or volitionally interact with mediated technologies (Nansen) as well as for how they are increasingly digitally surveilled as the objects of a necessary – and increasingly normalised – parental “culture of care” (Leaver 2). These studies make clear that while children are increasingly positioned as the ‘viral’ agents of new kinds of visual markets, they are also infantilised as victims in need of unprecedented cyber-protection.In 1994 Douglas Rushkoff coined the term “media virus” to account for the rapid and uncontrollable ways that popular media texts performed to either coerce or awaken viewing publics. While Rushkoff’s medium of reference was television, Henry Jenkins et al. later reframed virality to instead encompass ideas of user-led agency by linking it with a logic of “stickiness” – evoking what he termed a “peanut butter” analogy to describe the “spreadable” (3) movement of ideas in more recent social media practices. Indeed, Liam French finds a strong parallel between the “phenomenal rise in user generated content” and the turn towards newer visual cultures within social media practices more broadly, noting that it is “ordinary people” (French’s term) who actively generate the very forms of visual cultural production that become key to communicatory circulation. The selfie, in this regard, becomes both a format and an icon of the new ways of seeing brought into perspective by social media practices.Given the political, social and industrial ecologies that constitute such image cultures, it is only recently that the “viral” child, as the next delineation of the sentimentally “priceless” child, has arrived into view. Here, the baby Hashtag hoax can be seen to critically narrate a specific cultural moment: one that is concerned with stabilising the figure of the child even as it constitutes the ground through which that figure also becomes undone. I refer to the way that Hashtag, as a figural baby, presents a tautological identity, where the digital grammar of # names the mechanism by which she would also search for herself. If Hashtag is emblematic of the algorithmic and affective assemblage of contemporary image-cultures of childhood – whose image-work shapes the new temporal dimensions of our watching and viewing practices – she also illustrates how the child has been become not only an object, but a medium of the economic logics of communicative capitalism. That is, the image-work of the baby selfie can be seen to point to the very question of autonomous agency that frames the figure of the child and in doing so, provides a disruptive counterpoint to the “peanut butter” logic of spreadable visual cultures of so-called “ordinary people” more broadly.It is this light that I ask (drawing on Senft and Baym): what does the baby selfie say about how we understand or construe the figure of the child? More specifically, I ask (via Berger) what culture of vision is brought into view by the rise of such visual cultures of the viral child? The “Gestural Gaze” of Digital Infant Agency Ellentv.com recently advertised a call for viewers to send in their favourite baby selfies: “If you've got a baby and a camera, it's time to take some selfies! Take a photo of you and your baby making the same face, and send it to us!” The legal disclaimer accompanying the callout additionally advised that “[b]y submitting Materials, … you … do not violate the right of privacy or publicity of, or constitute a defamation against, any person or entity; that the Materials will not infringe upon or violate the copyright or common law rights or any other rights of any person or entity” (Ellentv.com). From the outset, there appears within baby selfie culture a curious calibration of the agency of the child, who is at once a selfie-self-taker but who is also excluded from a legal right to privacy that concerns “any person or entity”. In this respect we might further ask – following Jacqueline Bhabha’s question “what sort of human is a child?” (1526) – what sort of human is a viral child, and how does the baby selfie depict this paradoxical configuration of infantile agency?While the formality of the baby selfie still demonstrates a range of configurations which often incorporate the figure of a parent and hence contradict the discreet self-composing parameters of the selfie, here I focus in closing on one specific baby selfie that I suggest is emblematic of an increasing prevalence of apparently “true” baby selfies which operate on a range of image-sharing platforms and meme sites. These baby selfies are distinguished by seeming to be (i) an image that is made by the self, of the self, and thereby is identified for its capturing of the self in this very process of self-composition; ii) an image that is construed for methods of often instantaneous distribution; iii) an image that puts forward an idiomatic performance of an amateur vernacular – or what Abidin has called “calibrated amateurism”.One compilation, “12 of the Cutest Baby Selfies You Will Ever See”, foregrounds the autonomy of the figure of the viral child as depicted by baby selfie culture, explaining that “These babies might be small, but they can do a lot more than just laugh, crawl, and play. It turns out they can also work their way around a camera and snap some amazing selfies. Talk about impressive!” (Campbell). While all the images in the selection depict the embodied gestural sociality of the selfie that Frosh characterises – that which is “simultaneously mediating (the outstretched arm executes the taking of the selfie) and mediated (the outstretched arm becomes a legible and iterable sign within selfies of … the selfieness of the image)” (1611) – one in particular is arresting for its striking interpellation of the “innocent” figure of the child with what I will extend via Frosh to call the inherent mediality of her gestural gaze. In this iconic baby selfie, the gestural gaze is witnessed in the way that the baby’s outstretched hand seems to be extending towards us, the viewer, but is rather (we think we know) extended towards the phone camera, in order to better see herself.The infant in the image is coded female, wearing a pink bonnet, dummy clip and dummy. The dummy is centred defiantly in the baby’s mouth and doubly defiantly in the centre of the image frame as an infantile ‘technology’ that seems to undercut the technology of the phone camera apparatus. The dummy imbues the image with an iconic sense of the baby’s innate “baby-ness” which seems to directly contradict the strength of her gaze, which also appears, in following the outwards arc of her selfie-taking arm, to reach beyond the image frame and address her viewer directly. It seems to say – to paraphrase Frosh – see me here, now, showing you me. The ambivalent origins of the image are also key to how it is read and distributed here. The image in question can be found on the media site Woman’s World, which offers an untraceable credit to Instagram for its original source. The image has also, since, spread itself, appearing across a range of other multilingual sites and feeds, depicting the child at the centre of its frame as somewhat entangled in a further labour of self-duplication. The baby selfie in circulation says not only “‘see this, here, now,’” and “‘see me showing you me’,” but ‘see all of this here, and again, here and again, here.’John Berger writes of two related image genres that connect histories of vernacular depiction to histories of the evolution of the publicity image as a medium and sign of capital exchange. Writing on oil painting, he notes how the materiality of the medium signified the “thingness” of its depiction: “if you buy a painting you also buy a look of the thing that it represents” (83). He finds, therein, an “analogy between possessing and a way of seeing which is incorporated in oil painting” (83) and which, as he later explains, becomes tied to “the tangibility, the texture, the lustre, the solidity of what it depicts” (88). The textural qualities of oil painting, which for Berger construe the “real” as that which can be materially conveyed or indexed as commodity, might be compared to the gestural residue that is contained within the selfie. While oil painting construed the materiality of things – and hence, the commodifiable nature of any particular relation – the selfie might be seen to depict the self in the process of its own self-labour: the material gesture of taking the image necessitates that the self becomes an agent who then becomes the immaterial self of transmission. The selfie is in this way a depiction of the self in a form of capital relation to itself.While the selfie – as a digital composition – is not materially “real” in the same way that oil painting is, the indexical nature of the arm that reaches out beyond the image frame to point to the inherent transmissibility – and hence capital value – of the image, might be. While the baby selfie imitates these capacities, I suggest here that it also traces a compositional logic that further complicates that which Frosh charts. This is because in the very moment that the spectator of the image is confronted with the baby selfie’s call to “see me showing you me” (1609-10), the spectator is also confronted with the figure of the infant as an autonomous agent capable of their own image-constitution. In essence, the baby selfie posits a question around the baby’s innate ability to knowingly generate its image-frame, even as that very image-frame is what casts the infant into the spreadable contexts within which it will then operate – or, indeed, become ‘knowable’.In its heightened self-referentiality but tenuously depicted sense of rhetorical agency, the baby selfie then faces us with what we think we know, or do not know, about the figure of the child. This central ambivalence inherent to the compositional makeup of the baby selfie in this way both depicts and disrupts the economics of circulation that are intrinsic to selfies more broadly, pointing to a decomposing of the parameters by which a selfie is interpreted and understood. Further, it enables us to question relationships between ways of seeing and ways of being – how does the baby selfie envision the figure of the chid? What sort of human does it become? While there are valid discussions to be had around the absence of “direct self-representational agency” (Leaver) and moral rights or wrongs of the parental management of children’s image-work in online spaces, the baby selfie also opens up questions around how we understand the very contours of infantile agency, how we perceive rhetorical knowingness, and what we mean to mean by the relentless circulation of this imagery of the viral child. Indeed, as Wendy S. Hesford writes, it can be helpful to shift an understanding of agency from being an “individual enterprise” to being understood as that which is “enabled and constrained by cultural discourses and material forces” that compel it into material circulation (156).Here, I am not aiming to foreclose debates about the role of infants (or children more broadly) living with and in digital cultures. Neither do I aim to cast judgement upon on those image practices which enfold child subjects within them. I rather aim to circumvent those important debates to find – following Berger – a trace of how the image cultures that co-constitute digital infancies operate to formulate as well as depict a new field of vision that is predicated upon a seemingly impossible but nonetheless compelling logic of the contradictory impulses of the viral child. That is, it challenges us to think more carefully about what we think we know about children as well as about how we come to know them.ReferencesAbidin, Crystal. “#familygoals: Family Influencers, Calibrated Amateurism, and Justifying Young Digital Labor.” Social Media + Society (Apr.-June 2017): 1–15.Aries, Philippe. Centuries of Childhood: A Social History of Family Life. Trans. Robert Baldick. 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