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1
Rhiannon, Lee. „Organising, movements and political parties“. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, Nr. 2 (26.08.2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.
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The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both.
2
Grimmer, Martin, und Dennis C. Grube. „Political branding: A consumer perspective on Australian political parties“. Party Politics 25, Nr. 2 (25.05.2017): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817710585.
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Why are voters in advanced democracies turning away from established mass parties to take their electoral chances elsewhere? This article draws on concepts from marketing scholarship, specifically branding and brand equity, to apply a ‘consumer’ lens that assesses the major parties in Australia as failing ‘brands’ being left behind by disillusioned voters. An initial sample of 200 voters were asked what words or phrases came to mind when they thought of each of four Australian federal political parties. The strength of associations for each party, elicited from this sample, was then validated on a broader sample of 1015 voters, in addition to whether the association was considered positive, neutral or negative. Data revealed distinct brand associations for each party and the extent of penetration and brand equity across subgroups of voters. We find that Australian mass parties are caught in a downward spiral of negative brand associations and low brand penetration, leading to voter dissatisfaction.
3
Gauja, Anika. „Australian Parties Abroad“. PS: Political Science & Politics 54, Nr. 1 (Januar 2021): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520001109.
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4
Rydon, Joan. „The Federal Structure of Australian Political Parties“. CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 18, Nr. 1 (1988): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330387.
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5
Smith, Rodney. „Australian Political Parties: Past, Present and Future“. Australian Journal of Political Science 45, Nr. 3 (17.08.2010): 501–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.499606.
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6
Cross, William, und Anika Gauja. „Evolving membership strategies in Australian political parties“. Australian Journal of Political Science 49, Nr. 4 (02.10.2014): 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2014.958979.
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7
Collett, Peter H., Jayne M. Godfrey und Sue L. Hrasky. „International Harmonization: Cautions from the Australian Experience“. Accounting Horizons 15, Nr. 2 (01.06.2001): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch.2001.15.2.171.
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Global harmonization of accounting is a challenging and controversial issue currently confronting accounting standard setters and market regulators internationally. To date, Australia is further along in its international harmonization program than any other country with an established standard-setting regime. While no country's national standard-setting arrangements are likely to be subject to political pressures identical to those recently exerted in Australia, there are lessons to be learned from the Australian events. Given the political nature of standard setting, it is not surprising that the Australian experience indicates that pushes for harmonization are not necessarily what they seem. This paper describes the Australian experience and identifies some of the political drivers of recent standard-setting reform initiatives. It demonstrates how the rhetoric of harmonization can divert attention from politically motivated changes to the fundamental basis of standard setting. Using the harmonization banner to garner support in principle, parties with vested interests can push regulatory agendas that potentially subrogate user needs.
8
Lehmann, Caitlyn. „Editorial“. Children Australia 42, Nr. 4 (29.11.2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.
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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
9
Ward, Ian. „“Media Intrusion” and the Changing Nature of the Established Parties in Australia and Canada“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, Nr. 3 (September 1993): 477–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003413.
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AbstractMedia intrusion theory holds that the advent of electronic media, especially television, has accelerated or even precipitated party decline. This is evidently borne out by the declining membership of, and weakening support for, the two major Australian parties which each enthusiastically embraced new forms of political communication. However, “media intrusion” has arguably strengthened rather than weakened Canada's already frail brokerage parties. This different experience may be explained by the dissimilar legislative, federal and media environments in which Canadian and Australian political parties operate. Curiously, although the new forms of political communication have had different impacts, these have triggered changes in Australian political parties which have increased their resemblance to their Canadian counterparts.
10
Scarrow, Howard A. „Political Parties and the Law“. American Review of Politics 16 (01.01.1996): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.317-320.
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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent years political scientists have supplemented this traditional focus on the historical impact of state laws on party development with a new focus: the impact on parties of decisions rendered by the judiciary, especially by the United States Supreme Court. It is this later development which inspired the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association to sponsor a workshop on "Parties and the Law" at the 1995 Annual Meeting of the Association. Three of the papers presented at that workshop are included in this issue of The American Review of Politics.
11
Gauja, Anika. „‘Temporarily’ Abroad: Partisan Organisation and Mobilisation outside Australia“. Parliamentary Affairs 73, Nr. 4 (28.07.2020): 874–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsaa042.
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Abstract This article explores the relationship between partisan organisation outside a country of origin and the voting rights and migration patterns of its citizens. Using Australian political parties operating overseas as case studies, it examines the extent to which the electoral context of expatriate voting influences why and how parties establish organisational structures abroad. Electoral law in Australia allows citizens to vote while living overseas only for a limited period—as long as they intend to return to Australia within six years. Because of this relatively limited opportunity, we might expect party organisations abroad to exist primarily to mobilise support at election times in areas where there are high concentrations of Australian expatriate voters, rather than create lasting communities of partisan supporters. The article finds, in line with this expectation, that ‘parties abroad’ are relatively modest, geographically rooted in cities with large expatriate populations and facilitated by online and social media technologies.
12
Cross, William, und Anika Gauja. „Designing candidate selection methods: Exploring diversity in Australian political parties“. Australian Journal of Political Science 49, Nr. 1 (02.01.2014): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2013.873769.
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13
Johns, Gary. „Party Democracy: An Audit of Australian Parties“. Australian Journal of Political Science 35, Nr. 3 (November 2000): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713649350.
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14
Tham, Joo-Cheong, und David Grove. „Public Funding and Expenditure Regulation of Australian Political Parties: Some Reflections“. Federal Law Review 32, Nr. 3 (September 2004): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.22145/flr.32.3.4.
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15
Tham, Joo-Cheong, und David Grove. „Public Funding and Expenditure Regulation of Australian Political Parties: Some Reflections“. Federal Law Review 32, Nr. 3 (September 2004): 397–424. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x0403200304.
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16
McCrea, Rod, Zoe Leviston, Iain Walker und Tung-Kai Shyy. „Climate Change Beliefs Count: Relationships With Voting Outcomes at the 2010 Australian Federal Election“. Journal of Social and Political Psychology 3, Nr. 1 (05.05.2015): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v3i1.376.
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Climate change is a political as well as an environmental issue. Climate change beliefs are commonly associated with voting behaviour, but are they associated withswingsin voting behaviour? The latter are arguably more important for election outcomes. This paper investigates the predictive power of these beliefs on voting swings at the 2010 Australian federal election after controlling for a range of other related factors (demographic characteristics of voters, different worldviews about nature and the role of government, and the perceived opportunity cost of addressing climate change). Drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys of voters and data from the Australian Electoral Commission, this paper investigates relationships between climate change beliefs and voting swings at both the individual and electorate levels. At an individual level, a hypothetical 10% change in climate change beliefs was associated with a 2.6% swing from a conservative Coalition and a 2.0% swing toward Labor and 1.7% toward the Greens party, both left on the political spectrum. At the electorate level, this equates to a shift of 21 seats between the two main political parties (the Coalition and Labor) in Australia’s 150 seat parliament, after allocating Green preferences. Given many seats are marginal, even modest shifts in climate change beliefs can be associated with changes in electoral outcomes. Thus, climate change is expected to remain a politically contested issue in countries like Australia where political parties seek to distinguish themselves, in part, by their responses to climate change.
17
Zernetsky, Pavlo, und Olena Kucherova. „Cognitive maps of discourses of British conservative and Australian liberal political manifestos“. Language: classic - modern - postmodern, Nr. 7 (24.11.2021): 35–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/lcmp2522-9281.2021.7.35-49.
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The research endeavors to study and determine the influence of cognitive maps on production of political manifestos discourse. The research has been conducted in the framework of Sociocognitive Discourse Studies. The results show that discourse cognitive structure of British Conservative Party and Australian Liberal Party manifestos is characterized by different sets of cognitive maps on the level of communicative strategies and somewhat similar sets of cognitive schemas on the level of communicative tactics. Applying the method of interpropositional semantic analysis, the communicative strategy and communicative tactic of comparison was identified in Australian Liberal Party manifesto. Despite the close affinity between political discourses of the UK and Australia, there are significant differences in patterns of information organization in online manifestos of the ruling parties to engage the community and enhance persuasion.
18
Ng, Yee-Fui. „Political Constitutionalism: Individual Responsibility and Collective Restraint“. Federal Law Review 48, Nr. 4 (10.09.2020): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955100.
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Australia’s Constitution has been shaped by a blend of legal and political constitutionalism; yet there is limited attention given to political mechanisms of control in Australia. With the recent developments in the United Kingdom and the turmoil of Brexit that shifted the balance between legal and political constitutionalism, it is timely to examine how political constitutionalism has evolved in Australia. This article argues that Australian political constitutionalism is distinct from the United Kingdom as it is shaped not by internal conflict about the nature of the constitution but rather by the significant evolutionary development of fundamental institutions. In particular, it is argued that there are three critical junctures for political constitutionalism in Australia: the foundations of the Commonwealth, the formation of disciplined political parties and the rise of oversight bodies. It is contended that Australia may be reaching a new critical juncture due to the fragmentation of responsible government from privatisation and outsourcing and the rise of ministerial advisers.
19
Nugus, Peter. „Rhetorical strategies of political parties and organized movements“. Journal of Sociology 45, Nr. 3 (20.08.2009): 307–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783309335649.
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Research on the Australian monarchy—republican debate has considered arguments for and against the republic, the 1999 referendum and interpretations of the republic. Little attention has been paid to the debate’s discursive construction. Therefore, this article analyzes the rhetorical strategies with which political parties and organized movements sought to persuade the public to adopt their position in the debate in the 1990s. The article discerns and analyzes various rhetorical strategies in terms of the patterns in their use among these elites. In contrast to the cognitive bias of much research in political communication, the article accounts for the embeddedness of these strategies in their public political, national-cultural and popular democratic contexts. It shows that the use of such strategies is a function of the socio-political context of actors’ statuses as parties or movements. The article recommends combining deliberative democracy with discourse analysis to comprehend the dynamics of public political language.
20
DEEMING, CHRISTOPHER, und PAUL SMYTH. „Social Investment after Neoliberalism: Policy Paradigms and Political Platforms“. Journal of Social Policy 44, Nr. 2 (19.11.2014): 297–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279414000828.
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AbstractThe concept of the ‘social investment state’ refocuses attention on the productive function of social policy eclipsed for some time by the emphasis on its social protection or compensation roles. Here we distinguish between different social investment strategies, the Nordic ‘heavy’ and the Liberal ‘light’, with particular reference to the inclusive growth approach adopted in Australia. In 2007, social democrats in Australia returned to government with a clear mandate to reject the labour market deregulation and other neoliberal policies of its predecessor, and to tackle entrenched social and economic disadvantage in Australian society. For the last five years, social investment and inclusive growth has been at the centre of the Australian social policy agenda. Against this background, the article examines and critically assesses the (re)turn to ‘social investment’ thinking in Australia during Labor's term in office (2007–13). Analysis focuses not just on what was actually achieved, but also on the constraining role of prevailing economic and political circumstances and on the processes that were used to drive social investment reform. In many ways, the article goes some way to exposing ongoing tensions surrounding the distinctiveness of ‘social investment’ strategies pursued by leftist parties within the (neo)liberal state.
21
, Spinnbarkeit. „The Australian Trench flows southby Spinnbarkeit (Dr)“. Faculty Dental Journal 6, Nr. 3 (Juli 2015): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.1308/rcsfdj.2015.156.
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22
F. Recher, Harry. „Australian Elections, Wilderness and the Lost Billions“. Pacific Conservation Biology 4, Nr. 3 (1998): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc980177.
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As I write this editorial, Australia is in the final week of national elections. Apart from the appearance of a strongly nationalistic, and minority, party which the media has promoted as racist, it is unlikely that Australia's election has received much notice outside Australia. Yet there are aspects to this election which should disturb anyone interested in achieving global ecological sustainability and the conservation of global biodiversity. First, there has been a conspicuous silence from the major political parties concerning environmental issues. To be sure, the sitting conservative government has rolled out the pork barrel and grandly announced funding for local conservation initiatives ? especially in marginal seats ? but there has been no debate on issues nor have environmental policies been afforded even a small fraction of the attention given to the economy, unemployment, health or education. Moreover, the projects funded do nothing to resolve the underlying causes of Australia's declining environmental quality (e.g., land clearing, unsustainable logging practices, over grazing, and excessive demands on fresh water). This is despite the fact that respondents to polls continue to list the environment among the most important issues concerning Australians.
23
Macnamara, Jim, und Gail Kenning. „E-Electioneering 2010: Trends in Social Media Use in Australian Political Communication“. Media International Australia 139, Nr. 1 (Mai 2011): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1113900104.
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In the wake of the ‘turning point’ 2004 US presidential election, the Obama campaign of 2008, the 2010 UK election and e-democracy movements globally, Australians went to the polls in 2010 in a media-hyped flurry of tweeting, YouTube videos, Facebook befriending and ‘liking’, blogging and other social media activities. Following a study showing that the 2007 Australian election was not a ‘YouTube election’, as claimed by many media and commentators, and that social media use in the campaign was mostly non-interactive promotional messaging, a study was undertaken during the 2010 federal election campaign to gain comparative data and updated insights. This article reports quantitative and qualitative content analysis of social media use by 206 federal political candidates and the two major political parties during the 2010 Australian election to identify trends in the volume of e-electioneering content and activity, as well as the main ways in which social media are being used in political communication.
24
Bennett, India. „Political Barriers to Reform: Analysing Australia’s Legitimation of Its Guardianship Framework“. Journal of Refugee Studies 35, Nr. 1 (30.12.2021): 615–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feab108.
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Abstract The guardianship of unaccompanied asylum-seeker children is a contentious aspect of Australian asylum-seeker law and policy. The current legislative framework for guardianship is curtailed by migration legislation and policy and is ineffective for realizing the rights of these children under international law. This paper contributes to existing scholarship on guardianship by critically examining political discourse on child asylum seekers. It combines the discourse-historical approach with doctrinal analysis to uncover the historical and political context and outcomes of the legislation. Critical discourse analysis examines statements made by politicians from both major Australian political parties and the parliamentary report rejecting the most recent attempt at reform. This paper reveals that, to reject reform and justify maintaining the status quo, the government has rationalized the detention of child asylum-seekers as essential to the success of deterrence measures, and moralized these measures by framing them as necessary to protect the lives of those attempting to reach Australia by boat.
25
Gauja, Anika, Stephen Mills, Narelle Miragliotta, Joo-Cheong Tham, Zim Nwokora und Malcolm Anderson. „The Impact of Political Finance Regulation on Party Organisation“. Parliamentary Affairs 73, Nr. 1 (12.07.2018): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsy028.
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Abstract Political finance regulations require political parties to engage with a complex and multi-faceted regulatory environment. This article develops a framework to understand how political finance regulation impacts on party organisation and applies it to a diverse grouping of six parties from the Australian State of New South Wales. We find that all parties seek to capture the benefits of compliance, and minimise their exposure to the risks of non-compliance, by centralising and professionalising their organisation. However, the intensity of these responses is moderated by party characteristics, including levels of institutionalisation, party family type and incumbency status. The research thus highlights the intended and unintended consequences of regulation on party organisation, and illuminates the mechanisms through which change occurs.
26
Jakubowicz, Andrew. „Empires of the Sun“. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 3, Nr. 1 (24.03.2011): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v3i1.1850.
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“The Chinese” have been Australia’s Other since before Federation, and a major driver behind both the creation and abolition of White Australia. The complex and multiple layers of engagement of the Chinese (an omnibus term with many strands and contested perspectives which the paper will explicate) in the Australian political system, from the government to government machinations, to their involvement in a wide range of political parties, indicates something important occurring that transcends the problematic of multiculturalism. The paper argues they help us understand the challenges of globalised post-multicultural politics.
27
Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson und Sarah Mosseri. „Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019“. Journal of Industrial Relations 62, Nr. 3 (18.03.2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.
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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.
28
WARE, ALAN. „Anti-Partism and Party Control of Political Reform in the United States: The Case of the Australian Ballot“. British Journal of Political Science 30, Nr. 1 (Januar 2000): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400000016.
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This article examines critically an explanation, first propounded by Austin Ranney, as to the causes of party reform in the United States. Ranney argued that there is an ambivalent attitude to parties in the United States; while there is evidence of popular support for parties, the political culture is also infused by anti-party values. Periodically this has facilitated the enactment of legislation, promoted by anti-party reformers, constraining parties. Focusing on the Australian Ballot, the article argues that its rapid adoption in the United States resulted from its seeming to solve problems facing party elites in the 1880s – problems that arose from the erosion of a face-to-face society. Despite opposition from anti-party reformers, parties in most states legislated for types of ballot that preserved party control of the electorate. Moreover, during the Progressive era the parties generally continued to preserve a type of ballot that favoured them. The ability of parties to defend their interests against anti-party reformers was possible when it was clear where those interests lay. With other reforms, including the direct primary, this was much less evident, and it was then far more difficult for the parties to defend themselves.
29
Winger, Richard. „How Ballot Access Laws Affect the U.S. Party System“. American Review of Politics 16 (01.01.1996): 321–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.321-350.
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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent years political scientists have supplemented this traditional focus on the historical impact of state laws on party development with a new focus: the impact on parties of decisions rendered by the judiciary, especially by the United States Supreme Court. It is this later development which inspired the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association to sponsor a workshop on "Parties and the Law" at the 1995 Annual Meeting of the Association. Three of the papers presented at that workshop are included in this issue of The American Review of Politics.
30
Colvin, R. M., und Frank Jotzo. „Australian voters’ attitudes to climate action and their social-political determinants“. PLOS ONE 16, Nr. 3 (24.03.2021): e0248268. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0248268.
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Australia is a relative laggard on climate policy, amidst social and political fractures despite rising support for climate policy in opinion polls. In the 2019 Australian federal election, which was dubbed the ‘climate election’, the opposition campaigned on comparatively ambitious climate action but the government was returned on a status quo policy. We explore the social-political determinants of climate attitudes and how they are positioned in relation to voting behaviour, in the context of the 2019 election. We use a large nationally representative survey of Australian voters (n = 2,033), and employ univariate and multivariate ordinal logistic regression models to uncover correlates. We find that a large majority of voters think it is important for Australia to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. However, the importance given to emissions reductions is sharply divided along lines of political party preference. Holding pro-climate action attitudes consistently correlates with voting for progressive political parties and having higher levels of education. We also find a strong age cohort divide, with younger people holding stronger pro-climate attitudes than older people, raising the question whether we are seeing the emergence of a new generation expressing strong pro-climate action and progressive political attitudes that will persist over time. We conduct population ageing scenarios to project changes to public opinion, by age group, into the future. These indicate that strong support for climate action would increase by about four percentage points over the coming decade as younger voters replace the old, if attitudes within cohorts remained fixed. We conclude that while cleavages in climate attitudes in Australia are set to continue, efforts to promote climate delay are bound to have a limited shelf life as a growing majority of voters accepts the need for climate action.
31
Nelson, Tim. „Australian climate change policy—where to from here?“ APPEA Journal 55, Nr. 2 (2015): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj14053.
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In the past decade, Australia’s approach to climate change policy has been erratic. Both major political parties announced support for a domestic emissions trading scheme (ETS) in 2007, but bipartisan agreement evaporated in 2009. An ETS was established in 2011, but was repealed in 2014. The Commonwealth Government has subsequently introduced a Direct Action climate change policy. There is absence of bipartisan agreement about the best long-term policy approach. This extended abstract provides some insights for future Australian climate change policy using the lessons provided from previous policies and international experience. Strategically, Australia would be well placed to consider how best to manage the risks associated with potential substitution of coal and gas in power generation globally, given the strategic importance of these export industries for Australia.
32
Goodman, James. „Organising for power: solidarities and transformation“. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, Nr. 2 (26.08.2009): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1087.
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Political and social movements are both empowering and power-seeking: they seek both to mobilize civil society and overwhelm state institutions. As organisations they mobilize collective power, generating solidarities and transforming social structures. As such, political organisations both challenge power and exercise power. This article addresses organizational vehicles for political change in Australia, drawing out limits and possibilities. Three organizational forms are discussed - the political party, the non-government organization (NGO), and the social movement - in terms of their capacity and limits. The social solidarities and social structures that frame political organization are debated, highlighting the impact of political conflicts over ecological change. The article ends with a discussion of the proceeding four articles, drawing out shared themes and implications in terms of the relationships post-Howard, between the Australian state, political parties, NGOs and movements.
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Warner, David. „Shale gas in Australia: a great opportunity comes with significant challenges“. APPEA Journal 53, Nr. 2 (2013): 476. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/aj12087.
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Australia could have shale gas resources several times bigger than the existing conventional gas resource base, which is estimated at about 5,300 BCM (190 TCF) by Geoscience Australia (GA). The Australian Government has no estimate of potential shale gas resources. The US Department of Energy (EIA) in 2011 estimated Australian shale gas resources to be 400 TCF. The quantity of this estimate is supported by an Australian study—which estimates resources of 600 TCF—conducted by Advanced Well Technologies (AWT) in conjunction with DSWPET. While there are significant technical differences between the shale gas plays in the US and Australia, it is too early to tell if the technical differences are barriers. There are also significant differences in the commercial landscape. The lack of capacity in Australia has lead to much higher costs for drilling and fracture stimulation than in the US. The size of the domestic gas market is much greater in the US and its existing infrastructure allows for production to come onstream quickly. In Australia this infrastructure is not present in most areas and the domestic market cannot support another large gas development. Perhaps the greatest challenge to this great opportunity is politics. There is a public, hence political,perception that all gas sources have the same gasland problems. These perceptions can be changed. First, the petroleum industry and governments need to understand the potential size of the gas resource and the possible strategic opportunity for Australia. Also these parties need to recognise that the shale gas resources are often located away from areas of high social and environmental impact. Once these factors are understood by these parties, factual information about the environmental impact of shale gas plays in comparison with coal seam methane and other alternative gas supplies can be factored into gas resource planning.
34
Cunningham, Christine, und Stewart Jackson. „Leadership and the Australian Greens“. Leadership 10, Nr. 4 (13.03.2014): 496–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715013498407.
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This paper examines the inherent tension between a Green political party’s genesis and official ideology and the conventional forms and practices of party leadership enacted in the vast bulk of other parties, regardless of their place on the ideological spectrum. A rich picture is painted of this ongoing struggle through a case study of the Australian Greens with vivid descriptions presented on organisational leadership issues by Australian state and federal Green members of parliaments. What emerges from the data is the Australian Green MPs’ conundrum in retaining an egalitarian and participatory democracy ethos while seeking to expand their existing frame of leadership to being both more pragmatic and oriented towards active involvement in government.
35
Lewis-Beck, Michael S., und Peverill Squire. „The Politics of Institutional Choice: Presidential Ballot Access for Third Parties in the United States“. British Journal of Political Science 25, Nr. 3 (Juli 1995): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007274.
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During the nineteenth century, a presidential voter actually selected a party-prepared candidate list, casting it in full view of others. The ‘Australian’ ballot, adopted in nearly all states by 1900, took away party preparation of the ballot. State officials now prepared overall candidate lists from which the voter picked in secret. The introduction of the Australian ballot was heralded as a blow against political corruption and for ‘good government’. But practical questions arose. With the state itself responsible for the ballot, how should it decide which candidates to list? Some barriers to entry seemed necessary, otherwise the list would be unwieldy. Each of the states began to pass laws restricting ballot access, often aimed at third parties.
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Brenton, Scott. „Policy traps for third parties in two-party systems: the Australian case“. Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 51, Nr. 3 (Juli 2013): 283–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.805538.
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Junaid Ghauri, Muhammad. „‘Political Parallelism’ and the Representation of Islam and Muslims in the Australian Press: A Critical Discourse Analysis“. International Journal of Crisis Communication 2, Nr. 2 (31.12.2018): 38–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31907/2617-121x.2018.02.02.01.
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Recent studies have evidenced that the coverage of Islam and Muslims is widely influenced by the ideological leanings of the newspapers. This paper is set to explore whether the ideological differences of the Australian newspapers are reflected in the coverage of Islam and Muslims during January 1, 2016 to March 31, 2017. Employing Van Dijk’s (1998) ideological square and lexicalization approaches within the CDA paradigm this study examined editorials from two leading Australian newspapers. The findings have validated the existence of the ‘political parallelism’ phenomenon in the editorial contents of the selected newspapers representing Islam and Muslims. The findings showed that The Australian, which is a ‘rightist/conservative’ newspaper, toed the line of ‘right-wing’ political parties and politicians such as Ms. Pauline and Mr. Turnbull, portrayed Islam and Muslims in an overwhelmingly negative way, appreciated anti-immigration policies, criticized those who support accepting refugees, highlighted violence in Muslims countries, and collectivized Muslims while commenting on terrorist attacks in the West. On the other hand, The Age, which is a ‘leftist’/‘centre-left’ newspaper, criticized the ‘far-rights’ for appreciating and supporting the ‘rightist/conservative’ policies against Muslims, advocated the ‘leftist/progressive/liberal’ stance, portrayed Islam and Muslims in a positive, supportive and balanced way, and advocated ‘understanding’, ‘harmony’ and ‘cohesion’ in Australia. Keywords: Political parallelism, Representation, Islam, Muslims, Critical discourse analysis, ideological square, lexicalization.
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Bruns, Axel. „Tweeting to save the furniture: the 2013 Australian election campaign on Twitter“. Media International Australia 162, Nr. 1 (26.09.2016): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16669001.
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Past years have seen continuing experimentation in the use of social media for political campaigning. By the time of the 2013 Australian federal election, social media of various forms had become comparatively mainstream in Australia and were widely used by members and candidates: more than 350 candidates operated Twitter accounts during the campaign, for instance. This article explores the key patterns both in how politicians and their parties campaigned on Twitter during the 2013 federal election campaign and in how the public responded to and engaged with these campaigns. It documents significant, systematic differences between the major party blocs and interprets these as reflecting the Coalition’s ‘small target’ strategy and Labor’s last-ditch attempts to ‘save the furniture’, respectively.
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Moon, Jeremy, und Greg Harvey. „State budget outcomes and Australian state politics revisited: The impact of parties“. Australian Journal of Political Science 25, Nr. 2 (November 1990): 241–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323269008402121.
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Liu, Feifei, und Susan Hood. „Rhetorical strategies of political persuasion: The play of irrealis and realis meaning in re/aligning readers in newspaper editorials“. Text & Talk 39, Nr. 5 (25.09.2019): 589–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2019-2041.
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Abstract Newspaper editorials are acknowledged as having a significant role to play in shaping public opinion on social and political issues. In studies of their persuasive power, the language of these texts is always the focus to some extent. Across a spectrum of methodological approaches, relatively few studies take a dynamic perspective to consider the interaction of linguistic choices in the construction of rhetorical strategies in the flow of meaning in texts. This study draws on Systemic Functional Linguistic (SFL) theory in its analysis and interpretation of the dynamic construction of recurring rhetorical strategies in a set of 11 editorials culled from The Australian, a politically conservative broadsheet newspaper in Australia. We explore how choices in interpersonal and ideational meaning collaborate and interact dynamically in these data to consistently disaffiliate a putative readership with one of the two major political parties. We identify in particular the critical interaction of realis and irrealis meanings in the configuration of this strategy. The analyses provide a complementary means to explore the discourse of persuasion within the field of news media.
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Griffen-Foley, Bridget. „Talkback Radio and Australian Politics since the Summer of 1967“. Media International Australia 122, Nr. 1 (Februar 2007): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0712200114.
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This article explores the intersections between Australian party politics and commercial talkback radio from 1967 to 1983. It considers the eagerness of individual politicians such as John Gorton and R.W. Askin to exploit the possibilities of ‘dial-in’ radio, addresses how political parties came to view the usefulness (and the dangers) of talkback radio, and assesses the political interventions of Brian White, Ormsby Wilkins and John Laws. In doing so, the article traces the radio industry's campaign against the ban on pre-election comment, the evolution of the Fairness Code for Broadcasters, and the relationship between media monitoring and talkback radio.
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Monro, Dugald. „Populism? Minor parties and independents in the Australian Federal Parliament, 1945–2016“. Policy Studies 40, Nr. 2 (26.02.2019): 225–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01442872.2019.1581157.
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Renouf, Emilia. „Children contact centres in France“. Children Australia 22, Nr. 1 (1997): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s103507720000804x.
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This paper addresses the issue of contact centres, which have evolved to address the needs of children and parents affected by separation and divorce. The author notes the emergence of contact services in Australia and the establishment of the Australian and New Zealand Association of Children’s Contact Services (ANZACCS). The bulk of the paper outlines the development of children contact centres in France, summarises findings from the evaluation of 10 centres, and describes examples of three different French contact centre models. Brief summaries are also included of the situation in the UK and the USA. Some suggestions for Australian services are made, including the need for multi-disciplinary working parties in each State and Territory to advise programs.
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Jackman, Simon. „Measuring Electoral Bias: Australia, 1949–93“. British Journal of Political Science 24, Nr. 3 (Juli 1994): 319–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006888.
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Electoral systems translate citizens' votes into seats in the legislature, and are thus critical components of democracies. But electoral systems can be unfair, insulating incumbents from adverse electoral trends, or biasing the mapping of votes to seats in favour of one party. I assess methods for measuring bias and responsiveness in electoral systems, highlighting the limitations of the popular ‘multi-year’ and ‘uniform swing’ methods. I advocate an approach that incorporates constituency-level and jurisdiction-wide variation in party's vote shares. I show how this method can be used to elaborate both the extent and consequences of malapportionment. I then present election-by-election estimates of partisan bias and responsiveness for ninety-three state and federal elections in Australia since 1949. The empirical results reported show that the coalition parties have generally ‘out-biased’ the Australian Labor party, despite some notable pro-ALP biases. The overall extent of partisan bias in Australian electoral systems, however, has generally diminished in magnitude over time.
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Gomes, Catherine. „Living in a Parallel Society“. Journal of International Students 10, Nr. 1 (15.02.2020): xiii—xv. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jis.v10i1.1850.
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Whenever I write an opinion piece in any online media outlet about international students in Australia, I brace myself for the responses that appear in the comments section below the article. Often, a repeated complaint is that international students refuse to engage with local culture and society and hence keep to themselves by hanging out with co-nationals and speaking their native languages. While the general public in Australia does not engage in open conflict with international students over such grievances, they will instead discuss these anonymously online and with each other. Often these grievances have public airing through the media (e.g., Australian Broadcasting Corporation’s Four Corners episodes “Degrees of Deception,” 2015, and “Cash Cows,” 2019) or for political point scoring by Australian politicians (e.g., Senator Pauline Hanson of the right-wing, nationalist and anti-immigration party One Nation; Kainth, 2018).
However, the reception international students receive in terms of the attitudes of the citizenry unsurprisingly does not assist in any way in helping them feel a sense of belonging to their host country Australia. In 2013 I interviewed 47 Asian international students in the Australian city of Melbourne on their self-perceived identities, social networks, and engagements with media and communication technologies, in order to understand how they create a sense of belonging for themselves while overseas (Gomes,2015, 2017). The results revealed that international students create a parallel society with other international students in order to cope with living in a foreign country without the familiarity of family or loved ones who they left behind. While this parallel society allows international students to create a sense of community in Australia, its side effect is a perceived distancing from local society.
An International Student Parallel Society
International students strongly identify themselves more so as international students than their nationality. A student from India, for instance, explained that while in Australia, he prefers to be identified as an international student rather than by his nationality. Taking this point further, a student from Vietnam explained that while he is proud of his nationality, he prefers not to reveal that he is from Vietnam for fear of any negative assumptions the citizenry make about Vietnamese people. These negative assumptions he felt, would then be translated into ways the citizenry might treat him.
At the same time, the Asian international students also revealed that they did not consider ethnicity as significant to them. This was played out interestingly in how they viewed Asian Australians. Here the students felt that they had very little in common with Asians who were born or grew up in Australia. An international student from China explained that Australians of ethnic Chinese descent or ABCs (Australian-born Chinese) as she called them, were more Australian than they were Chinese. Meanwhile an Indian student undertaking postgraduate study vividly explained that he thought Indian-Australians were “not true Indians.” He said that while they may look like him, they were significantly different because he considered Indian-Australians culturally Australian and not culturally Indian. These responses are not surprising. In a separate study where colleagues and I surveyed 6,699 international students in Australia on who made up their friendship circles, we found that less than 1% of international students were friends with Australians who were of the same ethnicity as them (Gomes et al., 2015).
International students identifying themselves according to their status as foreigners studying in Australia also provides itself to be a beacon for the development of friendships with other international students. The Asian international students interviewed revealed that their friendship circles were made up of fellow international students who were co-nationals in the first instance, which was followed by international students from the Asian region, and then, to a lesser extent, international students from elsewhere. These friendship circles contribute to the parallel society international students inhabit where they exist, occupy, and mimic Australian communities but do not integrate with them. For instance, international students may adopt and recreate Australian cultural practices that involve their friendship circles (e.g., having backyard barbeque parties) but do not integrate with Australian societies (e.g., the backyard barbeque parties are made up solely of fellow international students).
In addition, forming friendships with fellow international students rather than with local communities has practical benefits. For instance, international students revealed that their local peers were unable to advise them on the everyday challenges they faced especially when they first arrive to Australia such as how to open bank accounts and where to find dependable Asian grocery shops. Clearly being friends with international students is important, if not necessary.
Conclusion
The significance of international student friendships during their study experience is enduring, if not complex. While international students may form a parallel society, they do so in order to feel a sense of belonging in Australia rather than to Australia. Though this is unsurprising, the challenge that emerges affects those international students wanting to stay longer through further study, work, or permanently reside. Not integrating somewhat into Australian society may have consequences for students in terms of their long-term plans (e.g., employment) primarily because they have not tapped into local networks.
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dela Rama, Marie J., Michael E. Lester und Warren Staples. „The Challenges of Political Corruption in Australia, the Proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission Bill (2020) and the Application of the APUNCAC“. Laws 11, Nr. 1 (13.01.2022): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/laws11010007.
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Political corruption affects each nation-state differently, but the outcomes are nominally the same: a deficit of public trust, weakened government institutions and undermined political systems. This article analyzes issues of political corruption in Australia by framing them within a national integrity ecosystem (NIE) and addressing them against the proposed Commonwealth Integrity Commission (CIC) 2020 bill. It also discusses prevalent ‘grey’ areas of Australian politically-corrupt behavior where they interact with the private sector: the revolving door, political donations, and lobbying; and the state of Australia’s implementation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention. This article argues for their inclusion within the mandated scope of the proposed CIC. There is a need for strong legislation, both domestic and international, to fight corruption. This article then discusses the application of the provisions of the draft Anticorruption Protocol to the UN Convention Against Corruption (APUNCAC) that may apply with respect to these ‘grey’ issues, and how an International Anti-Corruption Court may provide another institutional model for Australia to follow. Finally, this article links these proposals to the 2021 UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on Corruption and the 9th Conference of States Parties on the UNCAC (COSP9). These events illustrate multilateral momentum and progress on anti-corruption. As a country that has historically supported the UN multilateral framework and its institutions, this article recommends a proactive approach for Australia so that the passing of a strong domestic anticorruption initiative will contribute to the adoption, and eventual ratification, of the APUNCAC.
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Atie, Rosalie, Kevin Dunn und Mehmet Ozalp. „Religiosity, Attitudes on Diversity and Belonging Among Ordinary Australian Muslims“. Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 2, Nr. 1 (09.04.2017): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v2i1.27.
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Islamic incompatibility is a core discourse of fringe political parties, mostly from the right of the political spectrum, who have agitated against religious diversity and also against immigration of Muslims, especially from certain parts of the world. Smaller scale political alliances, against mosque developments, private Islamic schools or halal certification, also draw heavily on this pre-supposition. Despite the preponderance of such despondent commentary, there is surprisingly little by way of empirical analysis of this assumption of incompatibility. This paper draws on a community survey (n:585) and the results show high rates intercultural mixing in workplaces, educational settings and socially, with little evidence for separatism. These Australian Muslims have very positive views about cultural diversity, most perceive there to be consistency between Islam and Australian norms, and they see themselves as Australian. Those with stronger levels of religiosity have even more positive views on diversity and consistency. We offer two explanations, one based on official multiculturalism, and the other on tenets of Islamic thinking on toleration and moderation.
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Monnox, Chris. „“Men, money, and motors”: The motor car as an emerging technology in Australian Federal Election Campaigns, 1903–31“. Journal of Transport History 40, Nr. 2 (27.02.2019): 232–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619831396.
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The appearance of the car in early twentieth-century Australia significantly re-shaped election campaigns. Political parties used cars to bring voters to polling places, and some voters took advantage of elections by making their voting contingent on these free rides. Politicians and other campaigners took exception to the cost of supplying cars and to the attitudes evident in demands for rides. Some saw compulsory voting as a way of forcing voters to provide for their own transportation. Introduced mostly in the 1920s, compulsory voting’s impact was initially muted. But over time it did change how cars were used in Australian politics. One hundred years on compulsory voting remains in force in Australia, and cars are still seldom used on election day. This serves as an enduring example of how new technologies could have a disruptive impact on campaigning prior to the advent of radio and television.
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Russell, Cherie, Mark Lawrence, Katherine Cullerton und Phillip Baker. „The political construction of public health nutrition problems: a framing analysis of parliamentary debates on junk-food marketing to children in Australia“. Public Health Nutrition 23, Nr. 11 (17.01.2020): 2041–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980019003628.
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AbstractObjective:Junk-food marketing contributes significantly to childhood obesity, which in turn imposes major health and economic burdens. Despite this, political priority for addressing junk-food marketing has been weak in many countries. Competing interests, worldviews and beliefs of stakeholders involved with the issue contribute to this political inertia. An integral group of actors for driving policy change are parliamentarians, who champion policy and enact legislation. However, how parliamentarians interpret and portray (i.e. frame) the causes and solutions of public health nutrition problems is poorly understood. The present study aimed to understand how Australian parliamentarians from different political parties frame the problem of junk-food marketing.Design:Framing analysis of transcripts from the Australian Government’s Parliamentary Hansard, involving development of a theoretical framework, data collection, coding transcripts and thematic synthesis of results.Settings:Australia.Participants:None.Results:Parliamentarian framing generally reflected political party ideology. Liberal parliamentarians called for minimal government regulation and greater personal responsibility, reflecting the party’s core values of liberalism and neoliberalism. Greens parliamentarians framed the issue as systemic, highlighting the need for government intervention and reflecting the core party value of social justice. Labor parliamentarians used both frames at varying times.Conclusions:Parliamentarians’ framing was generally consistent with their party ideology, though subject to changes over time. This project provides insights into the role of framing and ideology in shaping public health policy responses and may inform communication strategies for nutrition advocates. Advocates might consider using frames that resonate with the ideologies of different political parties and adapting these over time.
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Eccleston, Richard, und Ian Marsh. „The Henry Tax Review, Cartel Parties and the Reform Capacity of the Australian State“. Australian Journal of Political Science 46, Nr. 3 (September 2011): 437–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2011.595699.
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