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1
Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
2
Jackson, Stewart Murdo. „The Australian Greens: between movement and electoral professional party“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7858.
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Since appearing in the 1970s, Green parties have grown from obscurity to electoral prominence globally. The Australian Greens trace their origins to various social movements in Australia, and could be said to have originally been a movement party. However, as the party has grown and become electorally successful changes have occurred within the structure, organisation and modes of operation. While some of these changes are in response to an increased membership, they also represent a shift towards a new organisational form: the electoral professional party. There is now greater emphasis on the party organisation and electoral success that marks a shift in emphasis from the party in the electorate to the parliamentary party. Have, then, the Greens moved from being a movement party to an electoral professional party? To trace the importance and impact of these changes within the Australian Greens this thesis examines two groups within the party, activists and staff, through survey and interview. The analysis demonstrates that some aspects of movement operations still exist within the party, but views supporting these are more likely to be held by long-term members. In the last ten years there has been a major expansion of the party’s vote and membership. Recently recruited members are more comfortable with changes that move the Greens towards being a professionally organised party that focuses chiefly on electoral success. While staff generally act as interlocutors between the party organization and MPs, they also have divergent positions on party priorities and leadership, with party-based staff advocating far greater membership input into both strategic and leadership discussions. Therefore there is still some ambivalence towards the changes, indicating that the party sits in a unique place in Australian politics somewhere between a movement and electoral professional party.
3
Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
4
Mills, Stephen. „Campaign Professionals: party officials and the professionalisation of Australian politics“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11490.
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Australian political parties and election campaigns are often said to have become professionalised, yet the term lacks clear definition and the nature of professionalisation as a process of institutional change is poorly articulated. This thesis elaborates the nature, the timing and the drivers of the changes in Australian elections and political parties, principally through depth interviews with present and former officials of the two major Australian political parties, who occupy the important but long neglected third face in Katz and Mair’s model of political parties. The interview data reveal the distinctive identity of party officials as ‘campaign professionals’, and provide a robust definition of professionalism in a party context: the officials are paid, they have high levels of technical competence, and they are devoted as partisans to the electoral interests of their client, the party. The interviews also provide new evidence about professionalisation as a process of institutional change. The national party officials are central to this process, creating a professional campaign model through centralising campaign authority in their own hands at the expense of state branches and, at times, of the party leaders; through taking responsibility for developing and implementing campaign strategies; and through acquiring the financial and other resources necessary to sustain this new style of campaigning. Over a three-phase process of professionalisation – identified as an emergent phase (from 1945 to 1972), an intensification phase (1973 – 2000) and a phase of diversification and deadlock (from 2001) - this model has come to dominate Australian party campaigning. Political parties are in some senses increasingly embattled, with radically declining party membership, a weakened linkage role, and increased electoral volatility. But in other respects as this thesis demonstrates, their campaigning capacities, with their campaig n professionals as central agents, continue to become better! resourc ed and they remain strongly entrenched and empowered in Australian elections.
5
Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /“. View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002."A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
6
Kramer, Gregory J. „The apathetic country: Are Australians interested in politics and does it matter?“ Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/118186/2/Gregory%20Kramer%20Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis is focused on Australian citizens who are not interested in politics and finds that there are at least twenty percent of Australians who are politically uninterested. The major finding is that uninterested voters determined the outcome of the 1987, 1993 and 2010 elections in favour of Labor. They also decide around eight House of Representative seats at each election. We are all affected as major political parties focus on uninterested swinging voters in order to attract their attention resulting in fringe issues hijacking politics.
7
Gibson, Tanya Melissa. „Political extremism in Australia : social and political responses to parties of the extreme left and right /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg451.pdf.
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8
Crowe, Shaun. „Political Parties and Australia’s Migration Program, 1972-2010: A Partisan Difference?“ Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8285.
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This thesis examines the historical relationship between political parties and Australia’s permanent migration program. Whilst the existing empirical literature has often compared the decisions of specific, consecutive governments (for instance, the work comparing the Fraser, Hawke-Keating and Howard administrations) it has not yet viewed the parties themselves as central units of analysis. In practice, this means that it has not yet explicitly tested whether, over multiple administrations, the Labor and Liberal parties have supported distinct or coherent permanent intakes. This thesis explores this precise question. From 1972-2010, it examines whether Australia’s major parties have promoted programs of a different size or composition. Throughout this analysis, the paper recognises the influence of external factors in limiting and framing party autonomy. In particular, it acknowledges employment’s historical impact on migration decisions. Because of this, the thesis’ empirical analysis attempts to both acknowledge and control for the labour market. Ultimately, whilst not suggesting one single, overarching narrative about specific parties and migration outcomes, the paper emphasises the often distinct ways in which (because of both different responses to economic imperatives and different partisan motivations) Australia’s political parties have shaped the migration program’s size, composition and trajectory.
9
Del-Grosso, Marc-Olivier. „The perception of islam by political parties : a comparative analysis of the rhetorical and perceptive schemes used in Australia and France“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0003.
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La perception de l'islam dans les deux pays s'inscrit dans deux contextes historiques très différents, qui ont forgé des systèmes de contraintes et de ressources propres. Les dynamiques de ces contextes sont de deux natures, endogène et exogène. Endogène, d'abord, pour l'histoire migratoire et les conditions d'installation spécifiques des populations musulmanes dans les deux pays. Les dynamiques exogènes découlent de la prise en charge par les autorités publiques. En analysant l'islam sous ce prisme multidimensionnel, cette thèse sert trois objectifs respectivement épistémologique, méthodologique et heuristique. D'un point de vue théorique, la thèse montre que la perception de l'islam par les partis politiques illustre la nécessité d'articuler des processus de surdétermination structurelle et des modalités d'objectivation dans l'approche sociologique. En termes pratiques, cela implique l'exploration de nouvelles manières de trianguler les outils qualitatifs et quantitatifs pour combiner les dimensions microsociologiques, mésosociologiques et macrosociologiques, de même que diachronicité et synchronicité des constats empiriques. Ce faisant, la comparaison examine comment deux "types" de traditions légales-politiques ont modelé différentes réponses à la question de l'intégration des musulmans dans les cadres cognitifs et axiologiques du pays, et permet de mettre en perspective des discours et des représentations sur la période 2001-2015. La thèse montre la pertinence limitée de dualismes traditionnels comme l'opposition droite/gauche sur cette question et suggère des postures alternatives pour dépasser ces biaisThe perception of Islam in France and Australia revolves around two very different socio-historical contexts, which produced differentiated systems of constraints and resources for political parties. The structuring dynamics of these contexts are both endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones include the migratory history and the specific conditions of settlement of Muslim populations in both countries. The exogenous dynamics ensue from the public authorities' management. In analysing Islam under this multidimensional prism, this thesis serves three purposes: an epistemological one, a methodological one and a heuristic one. From a theoretical point of view, it shows that the perception of Islam by political parties epitomises the necessity of articulating structural overdetermination processes and modalities of objectivation in the sociological approach. In practical terms, this involves exploring new ways to triangulate qualitative and quantitative tools for combining microsociological, mesosociological and macrosociological dimensions, as well as the diachronicity and synchronicity of empirical observations. In doing so, the comparison examines how two "types" of legal-political traditions have shaped different answers to the same question of integrating Muslims within the axiological and cognitive frameworks of the country, and further enables putting into perspective party discourses and representations on the period 2001-2015. It shows the limited relevance of traditional dualisms like the Left/Right opposition on this issue and suggests alternative analytical stances to overcome their biases
10
Dann, Christine R. „From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics“. Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
11
King, Thomas Francis. „The Rise and Fall of Minor Political Parties in Australia“. Master's thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/147961.
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This thesis contributes to the political science
literature by exploring why minor parties arise and decline.
This thesis explores the rise of Australian minor parties in
Australia from the time of the Labor ‘Split’ in 1955 that led
to the formation of the DLP through to the rise and continuing
rise of the Australian Greens in the 1990s and beyond. In that
time the Australian Democrats emerged in 1977 and in 1996 and
1997 Pauline Hanson’s One Nation first appeared. The thesis
goes behind these parties to explore and analyses the underlying
factors that caused these parties to be established in the first
place and succeed electorally, before, in the case of three of
the parties, meeting their decline. The Australian Greens have
not declined to any significant degree and One Nation has
experienced a political resurrection. The four parties
considered in this thesis were the minor parties that were in the
Federal parliament as at 1 January 2009 or had being in the
Federal parliament and had lost all of their seats in parliament
before that that date.
12
Encel, John Daniel. „National factions in the Australian Labor Party“. Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148652.
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13
Leithner, Christian. „An econometric analysis of the Australian Country Party, 1922-1928“. Master's thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125185.
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This study identifies the formation, in the years immediately following the First World War, of agrarian
parties in Australia, Canada and New Zealand as a relevant and unresolved problem for comparative
political science research. It constructs a formal theory of agrarian party formation, electoral support and
dissolution, assembles a set of electoral, census and agricultural economic data, specifies a set of statistical
models and estimates these models’ parameters at the Australian (Commonwealth) elections of 1922,
1925 and 1928.
Its results are consistent with its principal hypothesis: the formation and electoral support, in the years
immediately following the First World War, of agrarian parties such as the Australian Country Party was
a consequence of (1) maladjustments in primary producers’ output of agricultural and pastoral commodities
and (2) the collapse, between 1921 and 1922, in the price of many agricultural and pastoral
commodities below the average variable cost of production. The recovery of commodity prices after
1922, together with producers’ adjustment of their average variable cost of commodity production,
weakened the Country Party’s electoral support and thereby engendered its partial dissolution.
This study thus tentatively resolves this problem for research. It also contributes to a greater understanding
of major and non-major political parties, party systems and voter alignments, and the relationship
between economic conditions and electoral behaviour.
14
Abate, Tony. „A fight for Labor? The foundation of the Democratic Labor Party“. Thesis, 1992. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32987/.
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The following thesis is about the formation of the Democratic
Labor Party(DLP). Its prime aim will be to show that ideology was
the overriding factor which brought about the DLP's existence. In
attempting to prove this contention the following thesis will be
subdivided into three parts.
Firstly, an emphasis will be placed on outlining the lack of
historiographical consensus concerning the DLP's formation. Three
main schools of thought will be identified. It is hoped the
inconsistencies within each group will allow the reader to see the
scope that exists for a new argument.
Secondly, this thesis will argue that the DLP's existence was
d i r e c t l y related to the Catholic Social Studies Movement
(Movement) and ALP Industrial Groups. This connection will be
highUghted by drawing together DLP policy, Movement/Industrial
Group directives, populist ideals and views from contemporaries
associated with Democratic Labor. Issues concerning the family,
economics, social decentralisation and patriotism will all be used
to illustrate and reinforce this link.
Thirdly, this thesis will introduce some key Catholic activists
and discuss their definition of "true" Labor ideals. By bringing
forward this final point, the following thesis will seek to complete
the argument that ideology was at the heart of the DLP's genesis
and existence.
15
Hamilton, Graeme Andrew. „New politics and old party persistence : party adaptation in Australia, Britain, and the United States“. Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/124497.
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Over the past three decades the notion that western party-systems remain frozen
has been challenged by the apparent onset of post-industrial trends which threaten
the support base of old political parties. In particular, scholars rejecting the
freezing proposition have identified a rise in aggregate electoral volatility, a decline
in group voting loyalties and the emergence of a New Politics. This study argues
that the party systems of Australia, Britain and the United States remain
characterised by aggregate electoral stability, despite a weakening in the extent to
which electoral choice is structured by long-term political predispositions. In
addition long-term electoral stability has occurred despite considerable social and
attitudinal changes with the potential to alter significantly the underlying balance
of party support. Through the use of national election studies collected between
the mid 1960s and early 1990s in each country, it is argued that the adaptive
strategies of political parties represent an intervening variable in the extent to
which societal change is translated into electoral change. The study concludes that
the so-called dealigning trends, such as the decline of group voting loyalties and the
emergence of a New Politics, are an outcome, in part, of the strategic decisionmaking
of old party leaders seeking to preserve their party's long-term persistence.
The extent to which parties succeed or fail is not a system determined factor, but
rather an outcome of the ability of a party organisation to adapt to societal changes
which threaten its traditional support base.
16
„Pauline, Politics and psychoanalysis theorising racism in australia“. Click here for electronic access to document, 1999. http://dtl.unimelb.edu.au/R/YCAQJ6UBK36DL42KGQRLQVUR1K1LUAKHESSBL31TJGJG8UJAHV-04847?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66997&pds_handle=GUEST.
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17
Taflaga, Marija. „Politics, Policy Development and Political Communication during Opposition:The Federal Liberal Party of Australia 1983 – 1996 and 2007– 2013“. Phd thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/112342.
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This thesis argues that opposition is an opportunity to study our major political parties in the ‘raw’. Parties without the support of government departments and the resources of incumbency must rely on their own internal structures and the skill set of their Senators and Members of Parliament. It is in opposition that we can truly examine and assess how well party processes function and their capabilities. The Liberal Party of Australia (LPA) represents an interesting case study for parties in opposition because its inexperience at opposition offer political scientists a rare opportunity to observe a party attempting to learn new skill sets. Through an historical comparative study this thesis examines the LPA (and to some extent its coalition partner) in opposition between 1983-1996 and 2007-2013. It examines how, over time, the LPA attempted to prepare itself for government by examining its approach parliament, internal party management, its policy-making processes and political communication strategies. The study draws on several methodological approaches in order to triangulate results — interviews with key actors, private papers maintained by leading Liberal party actors, as well as publicly available documentation and media reports.
This study finds that the practice of opposition in intensely political, contrary to most common conceptualisations in the literature. It argues for a more complex understanding of the LPA’s leadership ethos — one that recognises the expectations of shadow ministers and the backbench and the reciprocal nature of the leadership in the LPA. The study also finds evidence of increasing professionalism in the LPA’s use of media since 1983 and the mediatisation of politics. It explores why political parties become mediatised, arguing that the reason lies in party actors’ assumptions about what will help them capture office.
The study argues that for most of the 1980s, the LPA aspired to be a credible alternative government and a constructive opposition with thought-out policy proposals. Policy was central to political actors’ assumptions about effective political communication, even if it struggled to achieve this and its resources often proved inadequate to the task. Not until losing the ‘unlosable election’ in 1993 did the LPA abandon policy advocacy as its idealised key strategy for attempting to win office. By contrast, the opposition between 2007 and 2013 (and particularly 2010 to 2013) pursued an overwhelmingly negative approach to opposition designed to destroy the Gillard government’s credibility rather than build up its own.Political actors’ assumptions about the purpose of policy had dramatically altered. Policy was no longer a vital tool to build-up credibility and win office. Instead, actors believed that strategically managing issues in the media was more important. As a result of the hung parliament and the lessons learned from the 1980s, the emphasis of the post-2007 Opposition had shifted to capturing office, because this was considered the most effective way to make political change.
Thus, the study demonstrates how the party became increasingly mediatised between 1983 and 1996 and argues that between 2007 and 2013 that the party had internalised ‘media logics’ to the extent where the opposition invested only minimally in policy development during this period and political success was used as a justification for limiting the amount of information given to voters about their intentions for government. This study raises important implications about whether or not parties are adequately preparing for government in opposition.
18
Del, Grosso Marc-Olivier. „The perception of islam by political parties : a comparative analysis of the rhetorical and perceptive schemes used in Australia and France“. Thesis, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0003.
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La perception de l'islam dans les deux pays s'inscrit dans deux contextes historiques très différents, qui ont forgé des systèmes de contraintes et de ressources propres. Les dynamiques de ces contextes sont de deux natures, endogène et exogène. Endogène, d'abord, pour l'histoire migratoire et les conditions d'installation spécifiques des populations musulmanes dans les deux pays. Les dynamiques exogènes découlent de la prise en charge par les autorités publiques. En analysant l'islam sous ce prisme multidimensionnel, cette thèse sert trois objectifs respectivement épistémologique, méthodologique et heuristique. D'un point de vue théorique, la thèse montre que la perception de l'islam par les partis politiques illustre la nécessité d'articuler des processus de surdétermination structurelle et des modalités d'objectivation dans l'approche sociologique. En termes pratiques, cela implique l'exploration de nouvelles manières de trianguler les outils qualitatifs et quantitatifs pour combiner les dimensions microsociologiques, mésosociologiques et macrosociologiques, de même que diachronicité et synchronicité des constats empiriques. Ce faisant, la comparaison examine comment deux "types" de traditions légales-politiques ont modelé différentes réponses à la question de l'intégration des musulmans dans les cadres cognitifs et axiologiques du pays, et permet de mettre en perspective des discours et des représentations sur la période 2001-2015. La thèse montre la pertinence limitée de dualismes traditionnels comme l'opposition droite/gauche sur cette question et suggère des postures alternatives pour dépasser ces biaisThe perception of Islam in France and Australia revolves around two very different socio-historical contexts, which produced differentiated systems of constraints and resources for political parties. The structuring dynamics of these contexts are both endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones include the migratory history and the specific conditions of settlement of Muslim populations in both countries. The exogenous dynamics ensue from the public authorities' management. In analysing Islam under this multidimensional prism, this thesis serves three purposes: an epistemological one, a methodological one and a heuristic one. From a theoretical point of view, it shows that the perception of Islam by political parties epitomises the necessity of articulating structural overdetermination processes and modalities of objectivation in the sociological approach. In practical terms, this involves exploring new ways to triangulate qualitative and quantitative tools for combining microsociological, mesosociological and macrosociological dimensions, as well as the diachronicity and synchronicity of empirical observations. In doing so, the comparison examines how two "types" of legal-political traditions have shaped different answers to the same question of integrating Muslims within the axiological and cognitive frameworks of the country, and further enables putting into perspective party discourses and representations on the period 2001-2015. It shows the limited relevance of traditional dualisms like the Left/Right opposition on this issue and suggests alternative analytical stances to overcome their biases
19
Bray, Barbara (Barbara Dorothee). „Chinese-Australian relations from 1969 to 1983, with special emphasis on the role played by the two major Australian parties“. 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phb8266.pdf.
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20
Wayte, Mark J. „Populist voting demographics in Australia and New Zealand : an aggregate level analysis“. Thesis, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.7/uws:69017.
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Do populist supporters in Australia and New Zealand (ANZ) share commonalities or does each country possess its own unique form of populist supporter? To consider this question this study uses aggregate level data to create a quantitative analysis of populist support in ANZ and is divided into five sections. Section 1 establishes what populism is in a theoretical context and Section 2 addresses the factors that cause and sustain populism. Section 3 applies these principles to four political parties deemed to be populist in ANZ; Pauline Hanson’s One Nation, United Australia Party, Association of Consumers and Taxpayers and New Zealand First. Section 4 uses simple linear regression to compare vote share from the 2019 Australian Federal election and the 2020 New Zealand General election to the most recent census data in each country determining demographic support. Multiple regression models then present the strongest demographic variables supporting each party. Section 5 discusses two significant findings. First, there is no single variable determining populist support across ANZ but there are commonalities within the variable categories of education and employment type. Second, two distinct types of populism are present in New Zealand compared to a single competing populist presence in Australia.
21
Bozinovski, Robert. „The Comintern, the Communist Party of Australia and illegality“. Thesis, 2003. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/32983/.
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This thesis examines the Communist Party of Australia's (CPA) period of illegality
between 1940 and 1942. This thesis also examines the CPA's relationship to the
Comintern during, and before, World War II. A grasp of that relationship is essential for
understanding the causes of the CPA's proscription.
22
Stech, Zorian. „Une confrontation comme nulle autre dans le Pacifique : la France, la Grande-Bretagne et la vie politique au condominium franco-britannique des Nouvelles-Hébrides (1945-1980)“. Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20472.
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