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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Australian political parties“
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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Australian political parties"
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Rhiannon, Lee. „Organising, movements and political parties“. Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, Nr. 2 (26.08.2009): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i2.1114.
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The paper outlines historical and contemporary relationships between political parties and social movements, with a focus on the Australian Greens. It posits some of the limitations and possibilities of this relationship, drawing on Australia-based experience. It argues the relationship is a necessary one, both to social movements seeking to pursue their agendas through the political system, and to political parties needing to be open to broad public participation and to maintain strong links to on-the-ground issues. It concludes that the Australian Greens have sought to strike a balance between party and movement, recognising the limits of both.
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Grimmer, Martin, und Dennis C. Grube. „Political branding: A consumer perspective on Australian political parties“. Party Politics 25, Nr. 2 (25.05.2017): 268–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817710585.
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Why are voters in advanced democracies turning away from established mass parties to take their electoral chances elsewhere? This article draws on concepts from marketing scholarship, specifically branding and brand equity, to apply a ‘consumer’ lens that assesses the major parties in Australia as failing ‘brands’ being left behind by disillusioned voters. An initial sample of 200 voters were asked what words or phrases came to mind when they thought of each of four Australian federal political parties. The strength of associations for each party, elicited from this sample, was then validated on a broader sample of 1015 voters, in addition to whether the association was considered positive, neutral or negative. Data revealed distinct brand associations for each party and the extent of penetration and brand equity across subgroups of voters. We find that Australian mass parties are caught in a downward spiral of negative brand associations and low brand penetration, leading to voter dissatisfaction.
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Gauja, Anika. „Australian Parties Abroad“. PS: Political Science & Politics 54, Nr. 1 (Januar 2021): 119–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520001109.
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Rydon, Joan. „The Federal Structure of Australian Political Parties“. CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 18, Nr. 1 (1988): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330387.
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Smith, Rodney. „Australian Political Parties: Past, Present and Future“. Australian Journal of Political Science 45, Nr. 3 (17.08.2010): 501–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2010.499606.
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Cross, William, und Anika Gauja. „Evolving membership strategies in Australian political parties“. Australian Journal of Political Science 49, Nr. 4 (02.10.2014): 611–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2014.958979.
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Collett, Peter H., Jayne M. Godfrey und Sue L. Hrasky. „International Harmonization: Cautions from the Australian Experience“. Accounting Horizons 15, Nr. 2 (01.06.2001): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch.2001.15.2.171.
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Global harmonization of accounting is a challenging and controversial issue currently confronting accounting standard setters and market regulators internationally. To date, Australia is further along in its international harmonization program than any other country with an established standard-setting regime. While no country's national standard-setting arrangements are likely to be subject to political pressures identical to those recently exerted in Australia, there are lessons to be learned from the Australian events. Given the political nature of standard setting, it is not surprising that the Australian experience indicates that pushes for harmonization are not necessarily what they seem. This paper describes the Australian experience and identifies some of the political drivers of recent standard-setting reform initiatives. It demonstrates how the rhetoric of harmonization can divert attention from politically motivated changes to the fundamental basis of standard setting. Using the harmonization banner to garner support in principle, parties with vested interests can push regulatory agendas that potentially subrogate user needs.
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Lehmann, Caitlyn. „Editorial“. Children Australia 42, Nr. 4 (29.11.2017): 225–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cha.2017.44.
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Among the plethora of minor parties fielding candidates in Australia's 2016 federal election was a relative newcomer called Sustainable Australia. Formed in 2010 and campaigning with the slogan ‘Better, not bigger’, the party's policy centrepiece calls for Australia to slow its population growth through a combination of lower immigration, changes to family payments, and the withdrawal of government agencies from proactive population growth strategies (Sustainable Australia, n.d.). At a global level, the party also calls for Australia to increase foreign aid with a focus on supporting women's health, reproductive rights and education. Like most minor parties, its candidates polled poorly, attracting too few votes to secure seats in the Senate. But in the ensuing months, the South Australian branch of The Greens broke from the national party platform by proposing the aim of stabilising South Australia's population within a generation (The Greens SA, 2017). Just this August, Australian business entrepreneur Dick Smith launched a ‘Fair Go’ manifesto, similarly calling for reductions in Australia's population growth to address rising economic inequality and a “decline in living standards” (Dick Smith Fair Go Group, 2017).
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Ward, Ian. „“Media Intrusion” and the Changing Nature of the Established Parties in Australia and Canada“. Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, Nr. 3 (September 1993): 477–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900003413.
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AbstractMedia intrusion theory holds that the advent of electronic media, especially television, has accelerated or even precipitated party decline. This is evidently borne out by the declining membership of, and weakening support for, the two major Australian parties which each enthusiastically embraced new forms of political communication. However, “media intrusion” has arguably strengthened rather than weakened Canada's already frail brokerage parties. This different experience may be explained by the dissimilar legislative, federal and media environments in which Canadian and Australian political parties operate. Curiously, although the new forms of political communication have had different impacts, these have triggered changes in Australian political parties which have increased their resemblance to their Canadian counterparts.
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Scarrow, Howard A. „Political Parties and the Law“. American Review of Politics 16 (01.01.1996): 317–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1995.16.0.317-320.
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Political scientists have long been aware of the relationship between American political parties and the law. That relationship began prior to the turn of the century when states introduced the government-printed Australian ballot, an innovation which required states to determine the standards for parties to gain access to that ballot. Those early laws set the stage for the later Progressive-inspired laws imposing on officially recognized parties a variety of regulations, most notably the requirement that the parties nominate their candidates through the process of primary elections. In recent years political scientists have supplemented this traditional focus on the historical impact of state laws on party development with a new focus: the impact on parties of decisions rendered by the judiciary, especially by the United States Supreme Court. It is this later development which inspired the Political Organizations and Parties Section of the American Political Science Association to sponsor a workshop on "Parties and the Law" at the 1995 Annual Meeting of the Association. Three of the papers presented at that workshop are included in this issue of The American Review of Politics.
Dissertationen zum Thema "Australian political parties"
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Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trendsDoctor of Philosophy (PhD)
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Jackson, Stewart Murdo. „The Australian Greens: between movement and electoral professional party“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/7858.
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Since appearing in the 1970s, Green parties have grown from obscurity to electoral prominence globally. The Australian Greens trace their origins to various social movements in Australia, and could be said to have originally been a movement party. However, as the party has grown and become electorally successful changes have occurred within the structure, organisation and modes of operation. While some of these changes are in response to an increased membership, they also represent a shift towards a new organisational form: the electoral professional party. There is now greater emphasis on the party organisation and electoral success that marks a shift in emphasis from the party in the electorate to the parliamentary party. Have, then, the Greens moved from being a movement party to an electoral professional party? To trace the importance and impact of these changes within the Australian Greens this thesis examines two groups within the party, activists and staff, through survey and interview. The analysis demonstrates that some aspects of movement operations still exist within the party, but views supporting these are more likely to be held by long-term members. In the last ten years there has been a major expansion of the party’s vote and membership. Recently recruited members are more comfortable with changes that move the Greens towards being a professionally organised party that focuses chiefly on electoral success. While staff generally act as interlocutors between the party organization and MPs, they also have divergent positions on party priorities and leadership, with party-based staff advocating far greater membership input into both strategic and leadership discussions. Therefore there is still some ambivalence towards the changes, indicating that the party sits in a unique place in Australian politics somewhere between a movement and electoral professional party.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.
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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
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Mills, Stephen. „Campaign Professionals: party officials and the professionalisation of Australian politics“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11490.
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Australian political parties and election campaigns are often said to have become professionalised, yet the term lacks clear definition and the nature of professionalisation as a process of institutional change is poorly articulated. This thesis elaborates the nature, the timing and the drivers of the changes in Australian elections and political parties, principally through depth interviews with present and former officials of the two major Australian political parties, who occupy the important but long neglected third face in Katz and Mair’s model of political parties. The interview data reveal the distinctive identity of party officials as ‘campaign professionals’, and provide a robust definition of professionalism in a party context: the officials are paid, they have high levels of technical competence, and they are devoted as partisans to the electoral interests of their client, the party. The interviews also provide new evidence about professionalisation as a process of institutional change. The national party officials are central to this process, creating a professional campaign model through centralising campaign authority in their own hands at the expense of state branches and, at times, of the party leaders; through taking responsibility for developing and implementing campaign strategies; and through acquiring the financial and other resources necessary to sustain this new style of campaigning. Over a three-phase process of professionalisation – identified as an emergent phase (from 1945 to 1972), an intensification phase (1973 – 2000) and a phase of diversification and deadlock (from 2001) - this model has come to dominate Australian party campaigning. Political parties are in some senses increasingly embattled, with radically declining party membership, a weakened linkage role, and increased electoral volatility. But in other respects as this thesis demonstrates, their campaigning capacities, with their campaig n professionals as central agents, continue to become better! resourc ed and they remain strongly entrenched and empowered in Australian elections.
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Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /“. View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.
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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002."A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.
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Kramer, Gregory J. „The apathetic country: Are Australians interested in politics and does it matter?“ Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2018. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/118186/2/Gregory%20Kramer%20Thesis.pdf.
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This thesis is focused on Australian citizens who are not interested in politics and finds that there are at least twenty percent of Australians who are politically uninterested. The major finding is that uninterested voters determined the outcome of the 1987, 1993 and 2010 elections in favour of Labor. They also decide around eight House of Representative seats at each election. We are all affected as major political parties focus on uninterested swinging voters in order to attract their attention resulting in fringe issues hijacking politics.
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Gibson, Tanya Melissa. „Political extremism in Australia : social and political responses to parties of the extreme left and right /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg451.pdf.
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Crowe, Shaun. „Political Parties and Australia’s Migration Program, 1972-2010: A Partisan Difference?“ Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8285.
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This thesis examines the historical relationship between political parties and Australia’s permanent migration program. Whilst the existing empirical literature has often compared the decisions of specific, consecutive governments (for instance, the work comparing the Fraser, Hawke-Keating and Howard administrations) it has not yet viewed the parties themselves as central units of analysis. In practice, this means that it has not yet explicitly tested whether, over multiple administrations, the Labor and Liberal parties have supported distinct or coherent permanent intakes. This thesis explores this precise question. From 1972-2010, it examines whether Australia’s major parties have promoted programs of a different size or composition. Throughout this analysis, the paper recognises the influence of external factors in limiting and framing party autonomy. In particular, it acknowledges employment’s historical impact on migration decisions. Because of this, the thesis’ empirical analysis attempts to both acknowledge and control for the labour market. Ultimately, whilst not suggesting one single, overarching narrative about specific parties and migration outcomes, the paper emphasises the often distinct ways in which (because of both different responses to economic imperatives and different partisan motivations) Australia’s political parties have shaped the migration program’s size, composition and trajectory.
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Del-Grosso, Marc-Olivier. „The perception of islam by political parties : a comparative analysis of the rhetorical and perceptive schemes used in Australia and France“. Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0003.
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La perception de l'islam dans les deux pays s'inscrit dans deux contextes historiques très différents, qui ont forgé des systèmes de contraintes et de ressources propres. Les dynamiques de ces contextes sont de deux natures, endogène et exogène. Endogène, d'abord, pour l'histoire migratoire et les conditions d'installation spécifiques des populations musulmanes dans les deux pays. Les dynamiques exogènes découlent de la prise en charge par les autorités publiques. En analysant l'islam sous ce prisme multidimensionnel, cette thèse sert trois objectifs respectivement épistémologique, méthodologique et heuristique. D'un point de vue théorique, la thèse montre que la perception de l'islam par les partis politiques illustre la nécessité d'articuler des processus de surdétermination structurelle et des modalités d'objectivation dans l'approche sociologique. En termes pratiques, cela implique l'exploration de nouvelles manières de trianguler les outils qualitatifs et quantitatifs pour combiner les dimensions microsociologiques, mésosociologiques et macrosociologiques, de même que diachronicité et synchronicité des constats empiriques. Ce faisant, la comparaison examine comment deux "types" de traditions légales-politiques ont modelé différentes réponses à la question de l'intégration des musulmans dans les cadres cognitifs et axiologiques du pays, et permet de mettre en perspective des discours et des représentations sur la période 2001-2015. La thèse montre la pertinence limitée de dualismes traditionnels comme l'opposition droite/gauche sur cette question et suggère des postures alternatives pour dépasser ces biaisThe perception of Islam in France and Australia revolves around two very different socio-historical contexts, which produced differentiated systems of constraints and resources for political parties. The structuring dynamics of these contexts are both endogenous and exogenous. The endogenous ones include the migratory history and the specific conditions of settlement of Muslim populations in both countries. The exogenous dynamics ensue from the public authorities' management. In analysing Islam under this multidimensional prism, this thesis serves three purposes: an epistemological one, a methodological one and a heuristic one. From a theoretical point of view, it shows that the perception of Islam by political parties epitomises the necessity of articulating structural overdetermination processes and modalities of objectivation in the sociological approach. In practical terms, this involves exploring new ways to triangulate qualitative and quantitative tools for combining microsociological, mesosociological and macrosociological dimensions, as well as the diachronicity and synchronicity of empirical observations. In doing so, the comparison examines how two "types" of legal-political traditions have shaped different answers to the same question of integrating Muslims within the axiological and cognitive frameworks of the country, and further enables putting into perspective party discourses and representations on the period 2001-2015. It shows the limited relevance of traditional dualisms like the Left/Right opposition on this issue and suggests alternative analytical stances to overcome their biases
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Dann, Christine R. „From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics“. Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.
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Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.
Bücher zum Thema "Australian political parties"
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Marian, Simms, und Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia., Hrsg. The paradox of parties: Australian political parties in the 1990s. St. Leonards, NSW: Allen & Unwin in association with the Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia, 1996.
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Contemporary Australian political party organisations. Clayton, Vic: Monash University Publishing, 2015.
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1955-, Kuhn Rick, Hrsg. Labor's conflict: Big business, workers and the politics of class. Port Melbourne, Vic: Cambridge University Press, 2011.
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The Australian form of government. South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1985.
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Oakes, Laurie. Power plays: The real stories of Australian politics. Sydney, N.S.W: Hachette Australia, 2009.
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The making of a party system: Minor parties in the Australian Senate. Clayton, Victoria, Australia: Monash University Publishing, 2015.
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Lucy, Richard. The Australian form of government: Models in dispute. 2. Aufl. South Melbourne: Macmillan, 1993.
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Duncan, Graeme Campbell. The Australian Labor Party: A model for others? London: Fabian Society, 1989.
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Dyrenfurth, Nick. A little history of the Australian Labor Party. Kensington, N.S.W: University of New South Wales Press, 2011.
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O'Lincoln, Tom. Into the mainstream: The decline of Australian communism. Sydney: Stained Wattle Press, 1985.
Den vollen Inhalt der Quelle findenBuchteile zum Thema "Australian political parties"
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McAllister, Ian, Malcolm Mackerras und Carolyn Brown Boldiston. „Political parties“. In Australian Political facts, 39–64. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15196-7_2.
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Simms, Marian. „Political Parties“. In The Australian Study of Politics, 186–200. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230296848_14.
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Jaensch, Dean. „Minor Parties“. In The Politics of Australia, 317–30. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15148-6_13.
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Bean, Clive. „Parties and elections“. In New Developments in Australian Politics, 102–24. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-15192-9_6.
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Gauja, Anika. „The Presidentialization of Parties in Australia“. In The Presidentialization of Political Parties, 160–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137482464_9.
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Halpin, D. R. „Farm protest and militancy in Australia: supporting or undermining interest-group politics?“ In Rural protest groups and populist political parties, 145–62. The Netherlands: Wageningen Academic Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3920/978-90-8686-807-0_7.
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Moutselos, Michalis, und Georgia Mavrodi. „Diaspora Policies, Consular Services and Social Protection for Greek Citizens Abroad“. In IMISCOE Research Series, 227–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-51245-3_13.
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Abstract The policies of the Greek state vis-à-vis Greek citizens residing abroad are better developed in some areas (pension, cultural/education policy), but very embryonic in others (social protection, family-related benefits). The institutions representing and aggregating the interests of the Greek diaspora, such as the General Secretariat for Greeks Abroad and the World Council of Hellenes abroad of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reflect earlier periods of Greek migration during the post-war period, but meet less adequately the needs of recent migrants, especially following the post-2010 Greek economic crisis. At the same time, political parties continue to play an active role in the relationship between diaspora and the homeland. The policies of the Greek state, especially when exercised informally or with regard to cultural and educational programs, are also characterized by an emphasis on blood, language and religious ties, and are offshoots of a long-standing history of migration to Western Europe, North America and Australia. Possible developments, such as the long-overdue implementation of the right to vote from abroad, an official registrar for Greek citizens residing abroad, new programs of social protection in Greece and new economic incentives for return might change the diaspora policies of the Greek state in the next decades.
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Crowley, Kate, und Cath Hughes. „Minority Government in Australia“. In Minority Governments in Comparative Perspective, 283–305. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192871657.003.0014.
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Abstract In Australia’s two-party dominant Westminster system, federal minority government is rare, however this chapter argues that, as the two-party vote declines, there will be more frequent incidences. It explains minority government in the Australian political context, where single-party federal majority government has been the norm. Crucially, the major parties expect to win elections and govern alone, and, at the federal level, have offered only policy tradeoffs rather than cabinet posts to their supporters. In Australia, the formation of a minority government is affirmed by testing the will of the house with a parliamentary vote, and by the endorsement of the Crown, represented by the Governor General. The minority government is sustained by independents, and at times by minor parties, backing all budget (supply) bills, and by not partaking in votes of no confidence sufficient to bring it down. This chapter reviews the experience of the 2010–13 Labor minority government, the most substantive federal minority government to date. It never lost a vote, ran full term, and was a reformist government, and Australia’s most legislatively successful federal government; but it failed to be re-elected and its supporters largely suffered in its aftermath. Nevertheless, the lessons offered in this chapter are that, while Australian federal minority government is rare, it can form, govern, and deliver, and may in future include power sharing despite its Westminster context.
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Jeremy, Kirk. „Part IV Practice and Process, Ch.22 Justiciability“. In The Oxford Handbook of the Australian Constitution. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198738435.003.0023.
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This chapter examines the notion of ‘justiciability’ in Australia. In this chapter, justiciability is understood as referring to issues considered appropriate and capable of being subject to judicial resolution and relief. The primary function of courts is to resolve legal disputes. Constitutional law questions, of their nature, tend to overlap with political, social, moral, and economic issues. Disputes in these areas may raise issues which courts are not well-suited to resolve. Further, there may be a concern about whether a case presents a real controversy for determination which is in dispute between the parties before the court, which is appropriately raised by those parties, and/or which is capable of being quelled in whole or part by judicial remedy. Such issues are linked in the Australian constitutional context to the interwoven requirements that there be a ‘matter’ before the court capable of determination by exercise of the ‘judicial power of the Commonwealth’.
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Weller, Patrick, Dennis C. Grube und R. A. W. Rhodes. „Australia: Traditions and Practices“. In Comparing Cabinets, 46–55. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198844945.003.0003.
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The chapter describes the conventions and practices of Australian government. A variant of the Westminster system, it has a number of characteristics that define its workings and conventions: a written constitution, a federal system with potentially powerful state governments, and a High Court that can interpret that constitution. It also has a brutal political culture. These characteristics explain the ways in which Australian cabinet government differs from the English model from which it was derived, and the vulnerability of Australian prime ministers to removal by their own parties. These factors lead to a different form of parliamentary government with distinctly different practices.
Konferenzberichte zum Thema "Australian political parties"
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Shroff, Meherzad B., und Amit Srivastava. „Hotel Australia to Oberoi Adelaide: The Transnational History of an Adelaide Hotel“. In The 38th Annual Conference of the Society of Architectural Historians Australia and New Zealand. online: SAHANZ, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55939/a3996p40wb.
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In the decades following the war, the spread of international luxury chain hotels was instrumental in shaping the global image of modernity. It was not simply the export of modernist architecture as a style, but rather a process which brought about an overall transformation of the industry and culture surrounding modern domesticity. For Adelaide, well before the arrival of large brand hotel chains like Hilton and Hyatt, this process was initiated by the construction of its first international style hotel in 1960 – Australia Hotel. The proposed paper traces the history of this structure and its impact not only on local design and construction industries but also on domestic culture and lifestyle after the shadow period of recovery after the war. This paper looks at three specific enduring legacies of this structure that went well beyond the modernist aesthetics employed by its original designers, the local firm of Lucas, Parker and Partners. The hotel was one of the first to employ the new technology of lift-slab construction and was recognised by the Head of Architecture at the University of Adelaide, Professor Jensen, as the outstanding building of 1960. It is argued that it was the engagement with such technological and process innovations that has allowed the building to endure through several renovation attempts. In her study of Hilton International hotels, Annabelle Wharton argues how architecture was used for America’s expansion to global economic and political power. Following on from her arguments, this paper explores the implications of the acquisition of the Australia Hotel by the Indian hotel chain Oberoi Hotels in the late 1970s when it became Oberoi Adelaide. The patronage of Indian hotelier Mohan Singh Oberoi came alongside the parallel acquisition of Hotel Windsor in Melbourne, heralding a new era of engagement with Asia. Finally, the paper also highlights the broader impact of this hotel, as a leisure venue for the burgeoning middle class, on the evolving domestic culture of Adelaide.
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Fatima Hajizada, Fatima Hajizada. „SPECIFIC FEATURES OF THE AMERICAN VERSION OF THE BRITISH LANGUAGE“. In THE FIRST INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC – PRACTICAL VIRTUAL CONFERENCE IN MODERN & SOCIAL SCIENCES: NEW DIMENSIONS, APPROACHES AND CHALLENGES. IRETC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/mssndac-01-10.
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English is one of the most spoken languages in the world. A global language communication is inherent in him. This language is also distinguished by a significant diversity of dialects and speech. It appeared in the early Middle Ages as the spoken language of the Anglo-Saxons. The formation of the British Empire and its expansion led to the widespread English language in Asia, Africa, North America and Australia. As a result, the Metropolitan language became the main communication language in the English colonies, and after independence it became State (USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand) and official (India, Nigeria, Singapore). Being one of the 6 Official Languages of the UN, it is studied as a foreign language in educational institutions of many countries in the modern time [1, 2, s. 12-14]. Despite the dozens of varieties of English, the American (American English) version, which appeared on the territory of the United States, is one of the most widespread. More than 80 per cent of the population in this country knows the American version of the British language as its native language. Although the American version of the British language is not defined as the official language in the US Federal Constitution, it acts with features and standards reinforced in the lexical sphere, the media and the education system. The growing political and economic power of the United States after World War II also had a significant impact on the expansion of the American version of the British language [3]. Currently, this language version has become one of the main topics of scientific research in the field of linguistics, philology and other similar spheres. It should also be emphasized that the American version of the British language paved the way for the creation of thousands of words and expressions, took its place in the general language of English and the world lexicon. “Okay”, “teenager”, “hitchhike”, “landslide” and other words can be shown in this row. The impact of differences in the life and life of colonists in the United States and Great Britain on this language was not significant either. The role of Nature, Climate, Environment and lifestyle should also be appreciated here. There is no officially confirmed language accent in the United States. However, most speakers of national media and, first of all, the CNN channel use the dialect “general American accent”. Here, the main accent of “mid Pppemestern” has been guided. It should also be noted that this accent is inherent in a very small part of the U.S. population, especially in Nebraska, Iowa, and Illinois. But now all Americans easily understand and speak about it. As for the current state of the American version of the British language, we can say that there are some hypotheses in this area. A number of researchers perceive it as an independent language, others-as an English variant. The founder of American spelling, American and British lexicographer, linguist Noah Pondebster treats him as an independent language. He also tried to justify this in his work “the American Dictionary of English” written in 1828 [4]. This position was expressed by a Scottish-born English philologist, one of the authors of the “American English Dictionary”Sir Alexander Craigie, American linguist Raven ioor McDavid Jr. and others also confirm [5]. The second is the American linguist Leonard Bloomfield, one of the creators of the descriptive direction of structural linguistics, and other American linguists Edward Sapir and Charles Francis Hockett. There is also another group of “third parties” that accept American English as a regional dialect [5, 6]. A number of researchers [2] have shown that the accent or dialect in the US on the person contains significantly less data in itself than in the UK. In Great Britain, a dialect speaker is viewed as a person with a low social environment or a low education. It is difficult to perceive this reality in the US environment. That is, a person's speech in the American version of the British language makes it difficult to express his social background. On the other hand, the American version of the British language is distinguished by its faster pace [7, 8]. One of the main characteristic features of the American language array is associated with the emphasis on a number of letters and, in particular, the pronunciation of the letter “R”. Thus, in British English words like “port”, “more”, “dinner” the letter “R” is not pronounced at all. Another trend is related to the clear pronunciation of individual syllables in American English. Unlike them, the Britons “absorb”such syllables in a number of similar words [8]. Despite all these differences, an analysis of facts and theoretical knowledge shows that the emergence and formation of the American version of the British language was not an accidental and chaotic process. The reality is that the life of the colonialists had a huge impact on American English. These processes were further deepened by the growing migration trends at the later historical stage. Thus, the language of the English-speaking migrants in America has been developed due to historical conditions, adapted to the existing living environment and new life realities. On the other hand, the formation of this independent language was also reflected in the purposeful policy of the newly formed US state. Thus, the original British words were modified and acquired a fundamentally new meaning. Another point here was that the British acharism, which had long been out of use, gained a new breath and actively entered the speech circulation in the United States. Thus, the analysis shows that the American version of the British language has specific features. It was formed and developed as a result of colonization and expansion. This development is still ongoing and is one of the languages of millions of US states and people, as well as audiences of millions of people. Keywords: American English, English, linguistics, accent.
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Ossoff, Will, Naz Modirzadeh und Dustin Lewis. Preparing for a Twenty-Four-Month Sprint: A Primer for Prospective and New Elected Members of the United Nations Security Council. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, Dezember 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/tzle1195.
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Under the United Nations Charter, the U.N. Security Council has several important functions and powers, not least with regard to taking binding actions to maintain international peace and security. The ten elected members have the opportunity to influence this area and others during their two-year terms on the Council. In this paper, we aim to illustrate some of these opportunities, identify potential guidance from prior elected members’ experiences, and outline the key procedures that incoming elected members should be aware of as they prepare to join the Council. In doing so, we seek in part to summarize the current state of scholarship and policy analysis in an effort to make this material more accessible to States and, particularly, to States’ legal advisers. We drafted this paper with a view towards States that have been elected and are preparing to join the Council, as well as for those States that are considering bidding for a seat on the Council. As a starting point, it may be warranted to dedicate resources for personnel at home in the capital and at the Mission in New York to become deeply familiar with the language, structure, and content of the relevant provisions of the U.N. Charter. That is because it is through those provisions that Council members engage in the diverse forms of political contestation and cooperation at the center of the Council’s work. In both the Charter itself and the Council’s practices and procedures, there are structural impediments that may hinder the influence of elected members on the Security Council. These include the permanent members’ veto power over decisions on matters not characterized as procedural and the short preparation time for newly elected members. Nevertheless, elected members have found creative ways to have an impact. Many of the Council’s “procedures” — such as the “penholder” system for drafting resolutions — are informal practices that can be navigated by resourceful and well-prepared elected members. Mechanisms through which elected members can exert influence include the following: Drafting resolutions; Drafting Presidential Statements, which might serve as a prelude to future resolutions; Drafting Notes by the President, which can be used, among other things, to change Council working methods; Chairing subsidiary bodies, such as sanctions committees; Chairing the Presidency; Introducing new substantive topics onto the Council’s agenda; and Undertaking “Arria-formula” meetings, which allow for broader participation from outside the Council. Case studies help illustrate the types and degrees of impact that elected members can have through their own initiative. Examples include the following undertakings: Canada’s emphasis in 1999–2000 on civilian protection, which led to numerous resolutions and the establishment of civilian protection as a topic on which the Council remains “seized” and continues to have regular debates; Belgium’s effort in 2007 to clarify the Council’s strategy around addressing natural resources and armed conflict, which resulted in a Presidential Statement; Australia’s efforts in 2014 resulting in the placing of the North Korean human rights situation on the Council’s agenda for the first time; and Brazil’s “Responsibility while Protecting” 2011 concept note, which helped shape debate around the Responsibility to Protect concept. Elected members have also influenced Council processes by working together in diverse coalitions. Examples include the following instances: Egypt, Japan, New Zealand, Spain, and Uruguay drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2016 on the protection of health-care workers in armed conflict; Cote d’Ivoire, Kuwait, the Netherlands, and Sweden drafted a resolution that was adopted in 2018 condemning the use of famine as an instrument of warfare; Malaysia, New Zealand, Senegal, and Venezuela tabled a 2016 resolution, which was ultimately adopted, condemning Israeli settlements in Palestinian territory; and A group of successive elected members helped reform the process around the imposition of sanctions against al-Qaeda and associated entities (later including the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant), including by establishing an Ombudsperson. Past elected members’ experiences may offer some specific pieces of guidance for new members preparing to take their seats on the Council. For example, prospective, new, and current members might seek to take the following measures: Increase the size of and support for the staff of the Mission to the U.N., both in New York and in home capitals; Deploy high-level officials to help gain support for initiatives; Partner with members of the P5 who are the informal “penholder” on certain topics, as this may offer more opportunities to draft resolutions; Build support for initiatives from U.N. Member States that do not currently sit on the Council; and Leave enough time to see initiatives through to completion and continue to follow up after leaving the Council.