Dissertationen: „Australian political history“

1

Laughren, Pat. „Picturing Politics: Some Issues in the Documentary Representation of Australian Political and Social History“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366409.

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This submission groups together four 'TV Hour' documentaries - Red Ted and the Great depression 1994, The Legend of Fred Paterson 1996, The Fair Go: Winning the 1967 Referendum 1999, and Stories from the Split: the Struggle for the Souls of Australian Workers 2005 - researched, developed and produced between1990 and 2005. Each of the submitted documentary films treats an event or individual that made a decisive and lasting contribution to Australian political and social history in the course of the 20th Century. The projects also had the good fortune to win support from institutions such as the Australian Film Commission, the Australian Research Council, the Film Finance Corporation, the Australian Foundation for Culture and the Humanities and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. The selected films may be viewed as representing a sustained exploration of the relations between documentary modes and production practices, the uses of oral history, the institution of television, and certain understandings of Australian Politics. Taken together, the works exemplify some significant issues in the documentary representation of Australia political and social history. All the films take their content from the field of Australian political and social history; all work within the limits of the 'Television Hour' - from 51 to 60 minutes for public broadcasters; and all emply a mix of interview and archival materials in their construction. Crucially, the films emphasise the experience, opinions and testimaony of participants and witnesses rather than experts. Each film also employs elements of an approach to compilation filmmaking which can be traced to the montage strategy pioneered by the Soviet filmmaker Esther Shub; celebrated by Jay Leyda in his groundbreaking study 'Films Beget Films' (1964).
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy by Publication (PhD)
Griffith Film School
Arts, Education and Law
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2

Henderson, Peter Charles, University of Western Sydney, of Arts Education and Social Sciences College und School of Humanities. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. THESIS_CAESS_HUM_Henderson_P.xml, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

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3

Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950“. Thesis, View thesis, 2002. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/504.

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This thesis is a narrative history of the major groups and individuals on the Australian extreme right since 1950. It assesses their genesis, growth, successes and failures as well as their origins in regard to Australia’s domestic situation and international influences. Various arguments are put forward: groups that emerged in the post World War 2 period are different than preceding groups; the Social Credit movement is in decline; the ideas of neo-Nazi and fascist groups, while powerful, are generally no longer viable; anti-immigration and racial nationalist groups were an attempt to forge an indigenous movement; the role of individual activists are an important element in extreme right political activity; the Confederate Action Party was destroyed by internecine fighting; the Citizens Electoral Council is representative of a movement with the potential to promote dissent in society and may become one of the more important groups of the extreme right; Pauline Hanson’s movement eventually proved damaging to the extreme right. It is concluded that the extreme right has exerted a significant negative influence over Australian society, influencing both national and international trends

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4

Henderson, Peter Charles. „A history of the Australian extreme right since 1950 /“. View thesis, 2002. http://library.uws.edu.au/adt-NUWS/public/adt-NUWS20030924.134813/index.html.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Western Sydney, 2002.
"A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, December 2002, School of Humanities, University of Western Sydney" Bibliography : p. [419]-451.

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5

Atherton, Hugh. „The potential for political literacy in the Australian curriculum“. Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2020. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/204157/1/Hugh_Atherton_Thesis.pdf.

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This qualitative study investigates the potential for the development of political literacy through the Australian Curriculum subjects of History and Civics and Citizenship. It argues that political literacy is important in the context of the significant challenges facing liberal democracies. Taking a policy trajectory approach, the study analyses the views of curriculum formulators along with its state adaptors and teacher interpreters. Findings indicate acceptance of the importance of political literacy but limited potential for its development. Notably, data indicate the limited implementation of Civics and Citizenship and a disjunction between scholars and teachers over what constitutes political literacy education.

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6

Twomey, Paul Dominic. „Australia and the search for a stable international order, 1919-41“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.258426.

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7

Brown, A. J. (Alexander Jonathan), und n/a. „The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003“. Griffith University. Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20041105.092443.

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Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.

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8

Brown, A. J. (Alexander J. ). „The Frozen Continent: The Fall and Rise of Territory in Australian Constitutional Thought 1815-2003“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365665.

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Through the late 20th century, global society experienced waves of unprecedented political and institutional change, but Australia came to be identified as "constitutionally speaking... the frozen continent", unable or unprepared to comprehensively modernise its own fundamental laws (Sawer 1967). This thesis opens up a subject basic to, but largely unexplored in debate about constitutional change: the territorial foundations of Australian constitutional thought. Our conventional conclusions about territory are first, that Australia's federal system has settled around a 'natural' and presumably final territorial structure; and second, that this is because any federal system such as possessed by Australia since 1901 is more decentralised and therefore more suitable than any 'unitary' one. With federalism coming back into vogue internationally, we have no reason to believe our present structure is not already the best. Reviewing the concepts of territory underpinning colonial and federal political thought from 1815 to the present day, this thesis presents a new territorial story revealing both these conclusions to be flawed. For most of its history, Australian political experience has been based around a richer, more complex and still evolving range of territorial ideas. Federalism is fundamental to our political values, but Australians have known more types of federalism, emerging differently in time and place, than we customarily admit. Unitary values have supplied important symbols of centralisation, but for most of our history have also sought to supply far less centralised models of political institutions than those of our current federal experience. Since the 1930s, in addition to underutilising both federal and unitary lines of imported constitutional theory, Australian politics has underestimated the extent to which our institutional treatment of territory has itself become unique. Despite its recent fall from constitutional discourse, territory is also again on the rise. While political debate has been poorly placed to see it, Australia has experienced a recent resurgence in ideas about territorial reform, offering the promise of a better understanding of the full complexity of our constitutional theory and a new 'unfreezing' of the assumption that territorially, Australia will never change. This thesis seeks to inform these vital new debates.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice and Governance
Faculty of Arts
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9

Hodder, Robert. „Radical Tasmania: Rebellion, reaction and resistance: A thesis in creative nonfiction“. Thesis, University of Ballarat, 2009. http://researchonline.federation.edu.au/vital/access/HandleResolver/1959.17/37979.

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10

Baird, Julia Woodlands. „Housewife superstars : female politicians and the Australian print media, 1970-1990“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/18048.

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This thesis focuses on the relationship between female politicians and the press in Australia - how they were interviewed and reported on, and how their public image was shaped, between 1970 and 1990. Making use of frame analysis, it examines the way the media framed women elected to parliament, and reveals a pattern of coverage which consistently portrayed women as outsiders in a male political realm. However, it also reveals that the coverage changed over time. There were four major frames through which female politicians were viewed. The ‘iron lady’ frame involved a search for Australia’s first woman Prime Minister, and compared femininity to the exercise of power or authority. The ‘housewife’ frame focused on women politician’s domestic responsibilities, and sprang from an anxiety about the impact of women’s participation in the public sphere on the private sphere. The ‘body’ frame drew attention to women’s weight, appearance and sex lives, often to either explain or query their political success. Finally, the ‘feminist’ frame centered on questions which asked women MPs to define themselves as feminists, and sought their opinions only on narrowly defined women’s issues. Frames were determined by the hook, the headline, and the choice of photograph as well as the narrative of newspaper articles, and repetition of descriptive words. Each frame evolved over time, and each has been shaped by female politician’s criticisms of their treatment at the hands of the press. This thesis shows the previously unexamined relationship between female politicians and the Australian print media is not static or unilateral, but symbiotic, dialogic and constantly changing. As a forum for a broader societal debate about the role of women, the major metropolitan newspapers sustained and shaped, but also undermined a separate spheres ideology. The print media was not monolithic, and competing viewpoints were aired in editorials, articles, comment and opinion pieces. Female journalists in particular played a critical role in introducing and sustaining a debate about a gender bias in political reporting, in the press. I argue analyses must incorporate the agency of women politicians in order to understand the complexities of the women’s responses and resistance to their portrayal as ‘housewife superstars’ in the press, as well as the possibilities for change.

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11

Benvenuti, Andrea. „The end of the affair : Britain's turn to Europe as a problem in Anglo-Australian relations (1961-72)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:4cdd0762-669b-4370-9ceb-b93dfe4336b1.

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This thesis is an historical account based on primary sources in Australia and Britain. It seeks to explain why Anglo-Australian relations underwent radical change during the 1960s and why the ties of empire which had once bound Australia and Britain, became, for all practical purposes, inconsequential by the early 1970s. It is the main contention of the thesis that this radical change can be broadly attributed to what has been described as Britain's turn to Europe. In the 1960s Britain's foreign, defence and trade policies underwent a profound revision as Britain endeavoured to redefine its emerging post-imperial role. British policy-makers gradually turned away from an imperial and global focus and their orientation became increasingly more European. This process of reorientation can be seen principally in the series of policies implemented by successive British governments during the 1960s and early 1970s: the three applications for EEC membership between 1961 and 1972 and the decision taken in 1967-68 to withdraw from east of Suez. Both the EEC applications and the withdrawal from east of Suez brought about an irreconcilable conflict of interest between the two countries. The relationship suffered under the strains imposed by Britain's reassessment of its imperial policy-making. This thesis explains how Australia perceived these challenges, the manner of its response to them and the policies successive Australian governments implemented to minimise their impact. The thesis argues that, anxious not to antagonise Britain for fear it would drift further away, Australian policy-makers avoided too confrontational a stance. They gradually accepted the developing new realities and sought to diversify their country's trading options away from its traditional markets in Britain towards the Asia-Pacific region, while also cautiously redefining its strategic priorities in Asia.

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12

Stevenson, Brian F. „Queensland's Cold War Warrior: The Turbulent Days of Vincent Clair Gair, 1901-1980“. Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367090.

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Vincent Gair (1901 – 1980) former Queensland Premier This thesis is a historiography of controversial Queensland politician Vincent Gair, detailing his career from railway clerk to Queensland Premier, Senator of the Democratic Labor Party and his controversial appointment as Ambassador to Ireland in 1974. Specific attention is paid to Gair’s premiership years between 1952 and 1957, in particular focus on the Labor split in Queensland and the breach between the organisational and parliamentary wings of the Labor party in Queensland. The thesis concludes with an assessment of Gair’s role in Queensland and Australian political history.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
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13

Gow, John F. „The Construction of Hegemony: a World-Historical Study of Australian Politics and External Relations 1932-1988“. Thesis, Griffith University, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367664.

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Despite a wide recognition that external relationships are a significant force in shaping the pattern of Australian economic and political history, available theories for analysing the interplay of external and internal processes -- political sociology, dependency and world systems theory -- do not provide a reliable basis for coming to tenns with this aspect of Australia's historical experience in a contemporary setting. The world-historical perspective, as developed in an Australian context by McMichael, does addresses this problem usefully, but it is of limited contemporary utility since it largely focuses on the colonial period of the first half of the nineteenth century when Australia's economic structure and political institutions were relatively undeveloped. Two major areas of theoretical debate are addresed in chapters two and three. Chapter Two critically re-evaluates the utility of political sociology for a world-historical approach by analysing debates about nation-state territoriality. In Chapter Three the discussion considers dependency and world system perspectives, as well as couurent debates within international relations through a critical a~sessment of their approach to the historical development of the nation-state system. The thesis then proposes a re-evaluation of the applicability of the notion of hegemony to the study of relationships between nation-states, and a conception of a regime-governed international order as an alternative to the current approaches. Within this conceptual framework, the thesis focuses on a case study of the establishment, consolidation and decline of United States hegemony, and the concomitant decline of British power, in the Asia-Pacific region, and Australia's active engagement with this historical process. The ways in which this external program of United States regime-building impinged upon Australian domestic politics and established an external source of state legitimacy for both Labor and conservative governments is analysed in chapters Five and Six. These chapters also discuss the effects on the economic and political transformation of Australia from the l930s to the 1950s and continuing problems which follow the aftermath of the defeat of the 'Western alliance' in Vietnam and the onset of the global recession. The concluding chapter consolidates the linkage between the empirical and theoretical content of the thesis in order to propose a conceptual approach to the study the relationships between nation-states and the international order and to apply this approach to a consideration of the future prospects for Australia.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Division of Humanities
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14

Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. „Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.

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In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.

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15

Thoday, Heather Frances. „Lived spaces of representation : thirdspace and Janette Turner Hospital's political praxis of postmodernism /“. Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pht449.pdf.

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16

Cirino, Gina. „American Misconceptions about Australian Aboriginal Art“. Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1435275397.

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17

McCarthy, Dayton S. History Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. „The once and future Army : an organizational, political and social history of the Citizen Military Forces, 1947-1974“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. History, 1997. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38747.

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This thesis examines the Citizen Military Forces (CMF) from 1947 until it ceased to exist under that name with the release of the report of the Millar Inquiry in 1974. This thesis examines three broad areas: the organizational changes that the CMF adopted or had imposed upon it; the political decision-making surrounding the CMF; and a social analysis of the CMF which questions the viability and validity of a number of the CMF???s long held precepts. The thesis will show that the majority of circumstances and decisions surrounding the CMF were beyond its control. For example, the CMF could not change the prevailing military thought of the post-war period which emphasized increasingly the role of smaller, professional, readily-available armies. The first three chapters recount the CMF???s ???heyday??? in which the Army, assisted by National Service after 1950, was based around it and its influence at the highest levels was strongest. The next two chapters chronicle the background to Australia???s adoption of the ???Pentropic??? organization and the repercussions this had on the CMF. Chapters Six and Seven examine the consequences of the introduction of a second compulsory service scheme and the concomitant result which precluded the CMF from operational service in Vietnam. Chapters Eight and Nine deal with the Millar Inquiry, which offered the CMF a new hope, but in some regards, brought forth little beneficial gains for the CMF. The final chapters analyze some of the characteristics unique to the CMF, such as territorial affiliation, high turnover rates amongst the rank and file and the concept of the ???brilliant amateur???. This thesis concludes that, despite the mixed performance of the CMF, there is still a place for the citizen soldier in contemporary warfare, but far more consideration at the highest political and military levels must be given to the peculiar and difficult, but by no means insurmountable, problems citizen soldiering encounters in Australia.

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18

Woodpower, Zeb Joseph. „The Australian National History Curriculum: Politics at Play“. Thesis, Department of History, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/10246.

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In 2006, Prime Minister John Howard’s call for the root and renewal of Australian history initiated an ideologically driven process of developing an Australian national history curriculum which was completed by the Labor Government in 2012. Rather than being focussed on pedagogy, the process was characterised by the use of the curriculum as an ideological tool. This thesis provides accounts of the some of the key events during this period and engages with the conceptual debates that underlie the history curriculum being invested with such potent cultural authority.

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19

Windsor, Carol A. „Industry policy, finance and the AIDC : Australia from the 1950s to the 1970s“. Thesis, University of Queensland, 2009. http://espace.library.uq.edu.au/view/UQ:189307.

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This thesis, conceived within a Marxist framework, addresses key conceptual issues in the writing and theorising on industry policy in post second world- war Australia. Broadly, the thesis challenges the way that industry policy on the left of politics (reflected in the social democratic and Keynesian positions) has been constructed as a practical, progressive policy agenda. Specifically, the thesis poses a direct challenge to the primacy of the ‘national’ in interpreting the history of industry policy. The challenge is to the proposition that conflicts between national industry and international finance arose only from the mid 1980s. On the contrary, as will be seen, this is a 1960s issue and any interpretation of the debates and the agendas surrounding industry policy in the 1980s must be predicated on an understanding of how the issue was played out two decades earlier. As was the case in the 1960s, industry policy in the 1980s has been isolated from two key areas of interrogation: the role of the nation state in regulating accumulation and the role of finance in industry policy. In the 1950s and more so in the 1960s and early 1970s there was a reconfiguration of financing internationally but it is one that did not enter into industry policy analysis. The central concern therefore is to simultaneously sketch the historical political economy on industry policy from the 1950s through to the early 1970s in Australia and to analytically and empirically insert the role of finance into that history. In so doing the thesis addresses the economic and social factors that shaped the approach to industry finance in Australia during this critical period. The analysis is supported by a detailed examination of political and industry debates surrounding the proposal for, and institution of, a key national intervention in the form of the Australian Industry Development Corporation (AIDC).

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20

Clark, Anna. „Teaching the nation : politics and pedagogy in Australian history /“. Connect to thesis, 2004. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000860.

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21

Tapsell, Ross. „A history of Australian journalism in Indonesia“. School of History and Politics, Faculty of Arts, 2009. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3028.

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This thesis examines the changing professional practice of Australian journalists since they began reporting in Indonesia from 1945. Existing literature on the Australian media in Indonesia has emphasised the problem of biased and troublesome Australian journalists who have deliberately caused bilateral relations disturbances between Australia and Indonesia. It is argued that the existing literature overstates the agency of Australian journalists, and downplays the attitudes and roles of governments and news forces in the shaping of journalists’ professional practice. This thesis will show how Australian journalists and their Indonesian staff have attempted to report what they saw as the ‘truth’ from the archipelago, yet have been subjected to numerous pressures and vii constraints that hinders their professional practice and limits their autonomy. In particular, Indonesian staff working for Australian news agencies have been subjected to numerous pressures from a hierarchical system of newsgathering and from their own government. The Indonesian Government and military have attempted to control the flow of news through often crude and violent tactics to hinder journalists’ professional practice. The Australian Government, which supports the notion of a free press, has also limited Australian journalists’ professional practice in Indonesia. The news system requirement for journalists to seek elite sources and the improvements in communications technology have also hindered the freedoms for Australian journalists as they operate from Indonesia. Thus, it is argued that Australian journalists in Indonesia and their local staff have worked under a range of constraints and have been pressured to serve a variety of competing masters in reporting from the archipelago. Their work has to be understood as a complex artefact crafted in response to this range of insistent and intrusive pressures.

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22

McCarthy, Dayton. „The once and future army an organizational, political, and social history of the Citizen Military Forces, 1947-1974/“. Connect to this title online, 1997. http://www.library.unsw.edu.au/~thesis/adt-ADFA/public/adt-ADFA20020722.120746/.

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23

Attard, Bernard. „The Australian High Commissioner's Office : politics and Anglo-Australian relations, 1901-1939“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7ab289a0-0ab1-4a3a-8f26-8bd3c791ee3f.

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The thesis is a history of the office of Australian High Commissioner in London from its creation in 1909 to the eve of the Second World War. It tests the validity of the conventional view that the office was invariably used as a political reward and, prior to the 1930s, marginal to the conduct of Anglo-Australian relations. It sets the office in the context of colonial representation in London since the 1850s, and notes the limits to the position of the High Commissioner created by the Agents- General of the Australian States and the institutions established by the Imperial government for the conduct of Anglo-Dominion relations. The careers of the first five High Commissioners are examined with reference to the principal issues in Anglo- Australian relations during their High Commissionerships, and their roles are analysed in terms of their relations with the Commonwealth government, the British authorities and, to a lesser extent, the Agents-General. The thesis argues that there was always scope for a High Commissioner to play a diplomatic role within Anglo- Australian relations, and that the post also gradually acquired functions in a more general system of inter-imperial consultation which mirrored the wider political development of the Dominions. The Australian government, however, was also hampered by a limited choice of candidates and invariably appointed senior politicians, as exercises in patronage, but also because they were the most eligible representatives. Yet, reflecting underlying values in Australian political culture, legislators were determined to create a non-political High Commissionership. The combination of political appointments and a non-political office, however, meant that High Commissioners often found it difficult to adapt to the demands of their new position and did not enjoy the full confidence of the government.

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24

Castleman, Beverley Dawn, und mikewood@deakin edu au. „Changes in the Australian Commonwealth departmental machinery of government: 1928-1982“. Deakin University, 1992. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050815.095625.

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The Commonwealth departmental machinery of government is changed by using Orders in Council to create, abolish or change the name of departments. Since 1906 governments have utilised a particular form of Order in Council, the Administrative Arrangements Order (AAO), as the means to reallocate functions between departments for administration. After 1928 successive governments from Scullin to Fraser gradually streamlined and increasingly used the formal processes for the executive to change departmental arrangements and the practical role of Parliament, in the process of change, virtually disappeared. From 1929 to 1982, 105 separate departments were brought into being, as new departments or through merger, and 91 were abolished, following the merger of their functions in one way or another with other departments. These figures exclude 6 situations where the change was simply that of name alone. Several hundred less substantial transfers of responsibilities were also made between departments. This dissertation describes, documents and analyses all these changes. The above changes can be distilled down to 79 events termed primary decisions. Measures of the magnitude of change arising from the decisions are developed with 157.25 units of change identified as occurring during the period, most being in the Whitlam and Fraser periods. The reasons for the changes were assessed and classified as occurring for reasons of policy, administrative logic or cabinet comfort. 47.2% of the units of change were attributed to policy, 34.9% to administrative logic, 17% to cabinet comfort. Further conclusions are drawn from more detailed analysis of the change and the reasons for the changes.

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25

Wigman, Albertus. „Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.

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26

Wang, Kang Ning. „Sino‐Australian Nomads: Identity Politics And The Art Of Migrants“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/15088.

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Description of my artwork My MFA creative work consists of a body of work of 14 pieces of various sized abstract paintings that will be exhibited at one of the galleries in the February Postgraduate Examination Exhibition at the Sydney College of the Arts. The entire project consists of works on paper using the medium of ink, gouache, acrylics, pencil and digital data. Entitled ‘Forms from the Twilight Zone ’ this body of work is largely an experimentation aimed at using mixed medium to project globalised features of identity arts such as oriental style painting meeting western styles; resulting in a combined style influenced by my personal circumstances. Abstract of research paper My research paper is designed to explore the issues of identity. Artists and their works mostly have their genesis in and are influenced by their cultural identities with global politics playing an additional crucial role affecting these arts. My research led to the discovery that Chinese cultural identity artists create art that, due to its political characteristics, has become known and popular in the West, and that these characteristics generate identity issues to both these Chinese artists and to the West. In the research process, theories involving modern arts form a trajectory to my approach of the art world of the 21st century while an ongoing investigation of the situation of visual arts, in both international and domestic dimensions, provides facts for synthesis of these theories. The conclusion of my research is based on the fact that a combination of styles is part of art history. The nature of this combination depends on the ideas and the beliefs that an artist is subjected to in the approach to his or her own art.

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27

Orchard, Lionel. „Whitlam and the cities : urban and regional policy and social democratic reform“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1987. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09pho641.pdf.

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28

Nesadurai, Helen Sharmini. „The political economy of the ASEAN Free Trade Area : the dynamics of globalisation, developmental regionalism and domestic politics“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2001. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36396/.

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This study examines how the interaction between globalisation and domestic politics shaped the evolution of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) between 1991 and 2000. Previous studies have argued that AFTA, a project of open regionalism, was adopted to attract foreign direct (FDI) investment to the region. Accurate to a degree, this dissertation argues that the concern with FDI is only part of the AFTA story, albeit an important part. The FDI explanation is unable to explain why market access and national treatment privileges were offered to national (domestic) investors from the ASEAN countries at least ten years ahead of foreign (non-ASEAN) investors in AFTA's investment liberalisation programme. The dissertation explains this departure from open regionalism, which has yet to be accounted for in the literature, by advancing the notion of 'developmental' regionalism. Underwritten by strategic trade theory rather than neoclassical economics, developmental regionalism emphasises the nurturing of domestic capital by using the expanded regional market and temporary protection or privileges for domestic capital as the means to build up domestic firms capable of meeting global market competition. Unlike existing models of the globalisation-regionalism relationship, which do not integrate domestic politics or do so in a limited way, the model of developmental regionalism considers domestic capital to be a key analytical variable, and takes seriously its location within domestic politics and society. Using documentary research and elite interviews, and guided by these theoretical insights, the study shows that AFTA encompasses the features of both open and developmental regionalism due to the political significance of both foreign and domestic capital in the ASEAN economies. While both forms of regionalism were driven by the imperative of growth, distributive concerns were weaved into the concern with growth in developmental regionalism, as governments sought to nurture those segments of domestic capital that were important in sustaining elite rule.

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29

Miguda, Edith Atieno. „International catalyst and women's parliamentary recruitment : a comparative study of Kenya and Australia 1963-2002 /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm6362.pdf.

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30

Griffiths, William Rhys. „Deep Time Dreaming: Uncovering Ancient Australia“. Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17562.

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This thesis charts the development of the modern discipline of Aboriginal archaeology and the shifting cultural and political climate in which it has emerged. It is a history of the people, places and ideas that have shaped our understanding of ancient Australia. Each chapter explores an individual’s relationship with an archaeological site or region, beginning with John Mulvaney’s excavation at Fromm’s Landing (Tungawa) and Isabel McBryde’s field surveys across New England. These interwoven portraits reveal the changes within the discipline from the 1950s through to the era of the Mabo and Wik decisions of 1992 and 1996. They also offer an episodic view of how archaeological insights have filtered into the public sphere. The chapters explore the controversy that engulfed Rhys Jones with the release of the film The Last Tasmanian and the tragic repercussions of Richard and Betsy Gould’s ethno-archaeological work in the Western Desert. They reflect on the place of the Willandra Lakes, Arnhem Land and the Franklin River in the national imagination and the powerful roles played by Aboriginal leaders such as Alice Kelly, Frank Gurrmanamana and Rosalind Langford in shaping research in these regions. The chapters also address the early history of rock art research in Australia, debates about social change over millennia and the discovery of Pleistocene dates for colonisation. Interspersed throughout are short ‘interludes’ that analyse the institutional development of the discipline and the rise of the parallel field of Aboriginal history. Although influenced by international ideas, Australian archaeology is distinctive for its close engagement with the culture and politics of the first Australians and their histories of invasion, dispossession, adaptation and self-determination. This thesis argues that the richness of Indigenous history is to be found not only in its depth, but also in its dynamism and diversity over time. It makes the case for the immense archaeological story that has been uncovered and interpreted over the past sixty years to be recognised as the opening chapters of Australian history.

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31

Metcalf, Mark Leslie. „Warring states political rhetoric and the Zhanguo ce persuasions“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278770.

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The persuasive speeches of the Zhanguo ce, "The Intrigues of the Warring States," are considered by many to have been written for the purpose of training Warring States political advisers in the rhetorical style of the Zongheng rhetorical school. In contrast to earlier Chinese persuasive styles, the persuasions of the Zhanguo ce were apparently crafted to incorporate manipulative techniques in order to improve the effectiveness of the presentations. This thesis analyzes persuasive speeches from Zhanguo ce in order to identify the types of rhetorical devices used by Warring States rhetors. It also evaluates another reputed Warring States text, the Guiguzi, that openly advocates the use of psychological manipulation in persuasions. Lacking evidence that the received Guiguzi is a valid Warring States text, this thesis compares the Guiguzi teachings and Zhanguo ce persuasions to identify similarities that may indicate general Warring States attitudes toward using psychological manipulation in political persuasions.

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Featherstone, Lisa. „Breeding and feeding: a social history of mothers and medicine in Australia, 1880-1925“. Australia : Macquarie University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/38533.

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Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Division of Humanities, Department of Modern History, 2003.
Bibliography: p. 417-478.
Introduction: breeding and feeding -- The medical man: sex, science and society -- Confined: women and obstetrics 1880-1899 -- The kindest cut? The caesarean section as turning point -- Reproduction in decline -- Resisting reproduction: women, doctors and abortion -- From obstetrics to paediatrics: the rise of the child -- The breast was best: medicine and maternal breastfeeding -- The deadly bottle and the dangers of the wet nurse: the "artificial" feeding of infants -- Surveillance and the mother -- Mothers and medicine: paradigms of continuity and change.
The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries saw profound changes in Australian attitudes towards maternity. Imbibed with discourses of pronatalism and eugenics, the production of infants became increasingly important to society and the state. Discourses proliferated on "breeding", and while it appeared maternity was exulted, the child, not the mother, was of ultimate interest. -- This thesis will examine the ways wider discourses of population impacted on childbearing, and very specifically the ways discussions of the nation impacted on medicine. Despite its apparent objectivity, medical science both absorbed and created pronatalism. Within medical ideology, where once the mother had been the point of interest, the primary focus of medical care, increasingly medical science focussed on the life of the infant, who was now all the more precious in the role of new life for the nation. -- While all childbirth and child-rearing advice was formed and mediated by such rhetoric, this thesis will examine certain key issues, including the rise of the caesarean section, the development of paediatrics and the turn to antenatal care. These turning points can be read as signifiers of attitudes towards women and the maternal body, and provide critical material for a reading of the complexities of representations of mothers in medical discourse.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
478 p

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33

Nishiyama, Hidefumi. „Race, biometrics, and security in modern Japan : a history of racial government“. Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/77741/.

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This thesis is an historical study of biopolitical relations between racism and biometric identification in Japan since the late nineteenth century to the present day. Adopting Foucault’s historical method, it challenges progressive accounts of the history of racism and that of biometrics. During the nineteenth century, practices of biometric identification emerged as constitutive of the knowledge of race wherein imperial power relations between superior and inferior races were enabled. Progressive accounts proclaim that colonial practices of biometrics were not scientific but politically intervened, which has since been discredited and replaced by a ‘true’ science of biometrics as individualisation. Contra progressivist claims on postraciality, the thesis concretely historicises the ways in which subjectification and control of race is conducted through the interplay between the epistemic construction of race and the technology of identification in each historical and geographical context. It analyses three modalities of racial government through biometrics in Japan: biometrics as a biological technology of inscribing race during Japanese colonialism; biometrics as a forensic technology of policing former colonial subjects in post-WWII Japan; and contemporary biometrics as an informatic technology of controlling a newly racialised immigrant population. The thesis concludes that despite a series of de-racialising reforms in the twentieth century, biometrics persist as a biopolitical technology of race. Neither racism nor biometrics as a technology of race is receding but they are continuously transforming in a way that a new mechanism of racial government is made possible. Race evolves, it is argued, not in the sense of social Darwinism but because the concept of race itself changes across time and space wherein a new model of racism is empowered. The thesis contributes to existing literature on the biopolitics of security and biometrics by extending the scope of analysis to a non-Western context, explicating historical relations between racism and biometrics, and problematising biometric rationality at the level of racialised mechanism of knowing and controlling (in)security. It also makes contributions to Foucaultian studies by advancing the analysis of biopolitical racism beyond Foucault’s original formulation and by offering a critique of rationality in the field of biometrics.

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Taffe, Sue (Sue Elizabeth) 1945. „The Federal Council for the Advancement of Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders : the politics of inter-racial coalition in Australia, 1958-1973“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8964.

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35

Fang, Zihan 1962. „Chinese city parks: Political, economic and social influences on design (1949-1994)“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/278614.

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This thesis is an attempt to understand the purposes of modern Chinese park design. The goal of this work was to identify the social, economic, and political factors influencing contemporary park design. The primary approach was analysis of case studies. By analyzing characteristics of parks constructed at different stages in urban park history and in the cultural history of China, the results provide strong support for important political, economic, and social influences on park design.

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Schluessel, Eric T. „The Muslim Emperor of China: Everyday Politics in Colonial Xinjiang, 1877-1933“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493602.

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This dissertation concerns the ways in which a Chinese civilizing project intervened powerfully in cultural and social change in the Muslim-majority region of Xinjiang from the 1870s through the 1930s. I demonstrate that the efforts of officials following an ideology of domination and transformation rooted in the Chinese Classics changed the ways that people associated with each other and defined themselves and how Muslims understood their place in history and in global space. Chinese power is central to the history of modern Xinjiang and to the Uyghur people, not only because the Chinese center has dominated the area as a periphery, but because of the ways in which that power intervened in society and culture on the local level. The processes and ramifications of the Chinese government in late-Qing and early Republican Xinjiang demonstrates strong parallels with colonialism in the context of European empire. This dissertation does not focus on the question of typology, however, but instead draws on methods from colonial history to explore the dynamics of a linguistically and religiously heterogeneous society. In order to do so, I draw on local archival documents in Chinese and Turkic and place them into dialogue with the broader Turkic-language textual record. This dissertation thus proceeds from the inception of the ideology that drove the civilizing project, through its social ramifications, to the innovations that emerged in Islamicate literature and history in Xinjiang in this period.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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37

Lovric, Ivo Mark. „Ghost Wars : the Politics of War Commemoration“. Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150317.

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Ghost Wars: the politics of war commemoration: research into dissenting views to war and other aspects of the Australian experience of war that are marginalised by the Australian War Memorial. A study taking the form of an exhibition of a filmic (video) essay, which comprises the outcome of the Studio Practice component, together with the Exegesis which documents the nature of the course of study undertaken, and the Dissertation, which comprises 33% of the Thesis.

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Kwon, Shinyoung. „From colonial patriots to post-colonial citizens| Neighborhood politics in Korea, 1931-1964“. Thesis, The University of Chicago, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3595935.

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This dissertation explored Korean mass politics through neighborhood associations from the late 1930s to 1960s, defining them as a nationwide organization for state-led mass campaigns. They carried the state-led mass programs with three different names under three different state powers -Patriotic NAs by the colonial government and U.S. occupational government, Citizens NAs under the Rhee regime and Reconstruction NAs under Park Chung Hee. Putting the wartime colonial period, the post liberation period and the growing cold war period up to the early 1960s together into the category of "times of state-led movements," this dissertation argued that the three types of NAs were a nodal point to shape and cement two different images of the Korean state: a political authoritarian regime, although efficient in decision-making processes as well as effective in policy-implementation processes. It also claimed that state-led movements descended into the "New Community Movement" in the 1970s, the most successful economic modernization movements led by the South Korean government.

The beginning of a new type of movement, the state-led movement, arose in the early 1930s when Japan pushed its territorial extension. The colonial government, desperate to reshape Korean society in a way that was proper to the Great East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere and wartime mobilization, revised its mechanism of rule dependent on an alliance with a minority of the dominant class and tried to establish a contact with the Korean masses. Its historical expression was the "social indoctrination movement" and the National Spiritual General Mobilization Movement. Patriotic NAs, a modification of Korean pre-modern practice, were the institutional realization of the new mechanism. To put down diverse tensions within a NA, patriarchal gatherings made up of a male headman and male heads of household were set up.

Central to their campaigns—rice collection, saving, daily use of Japanese at home, the ration programs and demographic survey for military drafts—was the diverse interpretation of family: the actual place for residence and everyday lives, a symbolic place for consumption and private lives, and a gendered place as a domestic female sphere. The weakest links of the imperial patriarchal family ideology were the demands of equal political rights and the growing participation of women. They truly puzzled the colonial government which wanted to keep its autonomy from the Japanese government and to involve Korean women in Patriotic NAs under the patriarchal authority of male headmen.

The drastic demographic move after liberation, when at least two million Korean repatriates who had been displaced by the wartime mobilization and returned from Japan and Manchuria, made both the shortage of rice and inflation worse. It led the U.S. military occupational government not only to give up their free market economy, but also to use Patriotic NAs for economic control—rice rationing and the elimination of "ghost" populations. Although the re-use of NAs reminiscent of previous colonial mobilization efforts brought backlash based on anti-Japanese sentiment, the desperation over rice control brought passive but widespread acceptance amongst Koreans.

Whilst renaming Patriotic NAs as Citizens NA for the post-Korean War recovery projects in the name of "apolitical" national movements and for the assistance of local administration, the South Korean government strove to give it historical legitimacy and to define it as a liberal democratic institution. They identified its historical origins in Korean pre-modern practices to erase colonial traces, and at the same time they claimed that Citizens NAs would enhance communication between local Koreans and the government. After the pitched political battle in the National Congress in 1957, Citizens NAs got legal status in the Local Autonomy Law. The largest vulnerability to Citizens NAs lied in their relation to politics. While leading "apolitical" national movements as well as assisting with local administration tasks, they were misused in elections. Consequently, they were widely viewed as an anti-democratic institution because they violated the freedom of association guaranteed by the Constitution and undermined local autonomous bodies. In the end, they lost their legal status in Local Autonomy Law, with Rhee regime collapsed.

When Park Chung Hee succeeded in his military coup in 1961, he resuscitated NAs in the name of Reconstruction NAs for the "Reconstruction" movement with the priority being placed on economic development. However, civilians were against the re-use of NAs, with the notion that the governments politically abused them. Finally, the arbitrary link between state power and the NAs waned throughout the 1960s, passing its baton to the "New Community Movement" which began in 1971and swept through Korean society until the 1980s. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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39

Kwon, J. Jihae. „Drastic choices and extreme consequences| Concerning Korea 1945-1953“. Thesis, Corcoran College of Art + Design, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1556120.

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Decisions have both short and long-term consequences. Sometimes we cannot see the consequences and do not know the outcomes, but we take a step and make a choice. Some after-effects are irrevocable, and some are fixable. Some decisions affect us immediately and exclusively while others have consequences that are global. When we make decisions, we sometimes doubt our decisions and ask ourselves what might have happened if another choice was made. We make choices daily, small or great, for good or bad. After World War II, South Korean president Rhee Syngman put many alleged Communists in a rehabilitation program known as the National Guidance League. Many of them were executed between 1945 and 1953 to prevent them from joining the Communist north. Rhee's decision affected many families including my own. What we choose to do has intentional and unintentional consequences. Extreme choices produce dire consequences that can subsequently influence future generations and, on a larger scale, an entire nation for decades.

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40

Cantzler, Julia Miller. „Culture, History and Contention: Political Struggle and Claims-Making over Indigenous Fishing Rights in Australia, New Zealand and the United States“. The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1306269394.

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41

Keliher, Macabe. „The Manchu Transformation of Li: Ritual, Politics, and Law in the Making of Qing China, 1631-1690“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:17467208.

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In 1631, Manchu state-makers set up an administrative apparatus that included a ministry for implementing and legislating li (often translated as rites or ritual), the Board of Li. Over the next sixty years the Board of Li helped develop the rules and regulations of the Manchu state, which were codified in an administrative code in 1690. This dissertation looks at the role of li and the Board of Li in early Manchu state-making efforts, and finds that li was more than simply rituals and ceremonies, it was intimately tied to the formation of politics and administration. The dissertation argues that from 1631 to 1690, state-makers developed the practices of li as sociopolitical and cultural systems that made possible a unified political order that embraced disparate ethnic groups and facilitated the conquest and rule of a multiethnic empire, the Qing, which ruled China and parts of Eurasia from 1636 to 1911. It finds that contrary to conventional understanding, the Manchu practices of li were not copied from the Ming, nor were they inherently Chinese; rather, in response to the immediate political and social circumstances of the time, the Manchus remade and reimagined li through ritual, politics, and law. This argument is made in three parts. Part one demonstrates the indeterminate nature of li and how it could be employed for different state building projects in different periods of Chinese history; part two looks at the Manchu transformation of li through political struggles for power, and the process of the formation of laws and practices to regulate the political settlements; part three takes up the codification of li, and examines the emergent system of political order and administrative law. These three parts further build upon recent insights into the nature of the Qing as a multiethnic, expansionist empire, and show that the Manchus developed li in their construction of an inclusive political culture and administrative apparatus that enabled the Qing to succeed where previous conquest dynasties had failed in the building and running of a multiethnic empire.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

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Luo, Yinan. „Ideas in Practice: the Political Economy of Chinese State Intervention During the New Policies Period (1068-1085)“. Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226107.

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I take the New Policies period (1068-1085) to be a critical juncture in Chinese history during which, for the first time, the Chinese state initiated systematic intervention into the market. This period witnessed the failure of plans to shape the collective action of bureaucrats and coordinate market actors through a host of organizing mechanisms. I explain why the policy makers in this historical process failed to incorporate and organize the ideas and interests of social actors, political elites and relevant bureaucracies into the state’s authoritative action. I argue that this failure was an outcome of the interaction between the political philosophy of the drafters of the New Policies and their historical context. In particular, it was a result of the incapacity of the drafters’ worldview to correctly explain and resolve unexpected problems in the policy environment, including the influence of political philosophies that were in fundamental conflict with the ideas of Wang Anshi, as well as the reaction of political elites to the New Policies, the rationales and behavioral modes of bureaucrats in financial markets and state monopolies, and unpredictable changes in the marketplace that bedeviled bureaucrats.

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43

Maynard, John. „Fred Maynard and the awakening of Aboriginal political consciousness and activism in twentieth century Australia“. Thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/1312505.

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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
This study examines the origins and early development of organised Aboriginal political activism of the twentieth century. The importance of the study has two aspects; it reveals a significant but missing chapter in the history of the continent and it is fundamental in understanding the flaws in the imperial metaphor of historical discourse. The historical evaluation of the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association contained in this thesis is of critical importance to the revision of Australian Aboriginal history. Within that construct, it is intended to critique the nature of history. Why and how is it constructed? History in the Western sense is fundamentally about power and control. The research process of this study will examine the constructed Aboriginal place in history. Throughout the course of this study the methods used for the research process will be under continual review. The questions will be raised: is there a tangible Aboriginal research methodology? If so, what are the guidelines in such an approach? From the outset of European occupation, Aboriginal history in traditional European accounts was denigrated and distorted to that of myth, legend, fable and even fairy-tale. This was followed in the contemporary setting by writing about an Aboriginal presence as being completely outside of the mainstream Australian historical landscape. The Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association is today being recognised as the precursor of the Aboriginal political movement. Yet, for several decades the deeds and struggles of the Association were largely ignored, misunderstood, forgotten and hidden, their memory and legacy fading into temporary oblivion. The narrative to be unraveled through this study unashamedly holds important personal significance for me: firstly, from the perspective of an Aboriginal viewpoint of Australian history, and secondly because the study revolves around my grandfather Frederick Maynard. In these respects I openly declare that the matter is close to my heart. The passion and intensity of my desire is to see the story told. My grandfather was President of the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association and he died sadly eight years before my birth, so I never had the opportunity of meeting this remarkable Aboriginal patriot. The story is of unquestionable importance to my own family as it highlights the high levels of commitment and sacrifice that my grandfather and his compatriots as well as their families made in their constant battle to improve Aboriginal conditions at a particularly difficult and challenging time in Aboriginal history. This study will reveal that Aboriginal resistance to imperial domination has been ongoing since Cook and the Endeavour first appeared over the horizon. Opposition to the British invasion of the country is not some new-found strength and ideology that Aboriginal people have suddenly discovered or stumbled upon. It did not spring from the Mabo decision or the Native Title Act, nor was its birth a result of the vibrant 1960s, which culminated in the establishment of the famous Aboriginal tent embassy of 1972 in Canberra. The formation of the first fully politically organised and united Aboriginal activist group, the Australian Aboriginal Progressive Association (AAPA) began in 1924 and was from the beginning under the leadership of Frederick Maynard. This group proved a revelation and inspiration to Aborigines both then, and into the future. The work of the AAPA saw Aboriginal people for the first time voicing their disapproval in public in a well-organised way, holding effective street rallies, conducting well-attended and publicised meetings and conferences, using newspaper coverage in a skilful way and writing letters and petitions to Government at all levels. One member even petitioned the aid of the ruling English Monarch, King George V in 1926, about the injustice and inequality forced upon Aboriginal life. This was to be a form of resistance and organised action that has endured over seventy years, gaining in momentum and strength with each passing year. However, until recently, little was known of the AAPA itself or its leader Fred Maynard. To appreciate the legacy of and the momentum created by the AAPA, it is vitally important to examine not only the formation of the AAPA, the platform it took and the people involved, but why the AAPA was stopped by political forces.

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44

O'Connell, Declan. „Post-mortem rituals and party reform: Australian Labor debates, 1963-1981“. Phd thesis, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109355.

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After election defeats, parties usually engage in post-mortem rituals. These can take a wide variety of forms. Committees of inquiry may be established. 'Rankand- file' members may be given opportunities to have their say about 'what went wrong'. Parliamentary leaders may attempt to convince voters that the party has mended its ways. Within the party, matters of organisational structure, programme and ideology may be debated, although post-mortems are often effectively confined to a narrow range of topics. Post-mortem ritual talk generally includes reference to more effective campaigning, intra-party democracy and 'adaptation' to 'social change'. 'Managerial' discourses, emphasising electoral success, efficiency and party professionalism jostle with the 'participatory' discourses embodying activists' aspirations (emphasising the party's mission, 'rank-and-file' rights and 'educating' the electorate). Commentators often dismiss these rituals as meaningless exercises, interesting only insofar as they provide a backdrop for vealpolit-ik power plays about who is to be 'blamed' for the defeat. However, if we analyse postmortem rituals seriously, we have a useful vantage point for examining what goes on within political parties. Both 'managerial' and 'participatory' forms of 'rationalistic idealism' may be little more than camouflage for realpolitik manoeuvre and machination. However, party reform involves the crystallisation of new meanings as well as factional struggles. 'Rationalistic idealism' may help new meanings to crystallise and a new self-understanding to emerge within a party. Of course, the connections between post-mortem rituals and party reform are contingent. Post-mortems may, or may not, lead to party reform. They take place at a time when party leaders have suffered a loss of confidence. The study of post-mortem rituals allows us to examine intraparty processes when, at least potentially, they are in a state of flux. By comparing different post-mortems in the same party over time, we can also address the vexed question of 'social change' and party 'response'. The literature on parties abounds with generalisations about the 'effects' of 'social change'. Such generalisations often rely on little more than hunches about what goes on within parties. This thesis explores post-mortem rituals in the Australian Labor Party in two periods, 1963-67 and 1977-81. In each of these periods, there were some connections between the postmortems and attempts at party reform. Comparison of the two cases can help us appreciate some of the complexities involved in the relationship between changes in Australian society and changes in the ALP. In contrast with previous arguments about the 'middle-classing' of the ALP in a 'middle-class' society, distinctions are drawn between the emergence of Australian Social Democracy, Mark 1 as a model for 'new' Labor practice in the 1960s and the conflicts between Australian Social Democracy, Mark 2 and Labor Managerialism in 1977-81. Changes in ALP practice cannot simply be derived from changes in Australian society. They require analysis in their own right.

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Pawson, Isla J., und Department of Political Economy. „The Political Economy of Australian Housing Policy : Beyond the Vaunted History of Ideas“. Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16651.

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Given the growing presence and multidimensional nature of housing problems in Australia, it is important to critically reflect upon the ways in which scholars have analysed the origins of housing problems and the policies designed to tackle them. In mainstream debates, housing is viewed as a technical problem potentially solved through isolated measures such as better construction technology, fewer planning laws or different zoning regulations. This thesis argues that this view overlooks the systemic character of housing problems, and the forces that shape the state’s policy responses. The thesis combines a number of state-theoretical insights with historical and contemporary investigations of housing policy development, and highlights the importance of using theory to improve strategies for housing reform.

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46

Leithner, Christian. „An econometric analysis of the Australian Country Party, 1922-1928“. Master's thesis, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/125185.

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This study identifies the formation, in the years immediately following the First World War, of agrarian parties in Australia, Canada and New Zealand as a relevant and unresolved problem for comparative political science research. It constructs a formal theory of agrarian party formation, electoral support and dissolution, assembles a set of electoral, census and agricultural economic data, specifies a set of statistical models and estimates these models’ parameters at the Australian (Commonwealth) elections of 1922, 1925 and 1928. Its results are consistent with its principal hypothesis: the formation and electoral support, in the years immediately following the First World War, of agrarian parties such as the Australian Country Party was a consequence of (1) maladjustments in primary producers’ output of agricultural and pastoral commodities and (2) the collapse, between 1921 and 1922, in the price of many agricultural and pastoral commodities below the average variable cost of production. The recovery of commodity prices after 1922, together with producers’ adjustment of their average variable cost of commodity production, weakened the Country Party’s electoral support and thereby engendered its partial dissolution. This study thus tentatively resolves this problem for research. It also contributes to a greater understanding of major and non-major political parties, party systems and voter alignments, and the relationship between economic conditions and electoral behaviour.

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47

Thabran, Yulhenli. „Humour in cross-cultural context : Indonesian and Australian responses to Indonesian political jokes“. Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150581.

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48

Hawkins, John Robert. „The Australian treasurers: managers and reformers in an evolving role“. Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117526.

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If the prime minister is ‘first among equals’, then arguably the treasurer is now ‘second among equals’. And the treasurer is increasingly the minister most likely to later become prime minister. Yet there is no collective biography of the 39 Australian federal treasurers, such as the volume edited by Michelle Grattan on Australian prime ministers or that by Roy Jenkins on British chancellors. Nor is there a book analysing the office itself. This thesis fills that gap. Inspired by Plutarch’s Parallel Lives, chapters Four to Seven compare and contrast four pairs of contemporary treasurers with similar backgrounds but divergent careers. As the academic literature on political leadership boils down to distinguishing two essential types -- managers and reformers -- the pairs contain one of each. Bookending these core chapters are introductory chapters, providing context, and analytical chapters, drawing lessons from the eight lives studied in depth and the other treasurers. In this way, the thesis is a comparative biography but also a work of political history with implications for political science. The treasurer’s job has changed greatly over time, although some initial responsibilities persist. The thesis traces the development, identifying six eras. Initially the treasurer presided over a book-keeping department, reflecting the Gladstonian tradition of fiscal conservatism. This ended with the Great Depression and the Premiers’ Plan saw a second era where the federal government attempted to regain macroeconomic stability. The White Paper on Full Employment ushered in a third, Keynesian, era which lasted until the mid-1970s oil shocks and subsequent stagflation. A short-lived fourth era of monetarism was followed by the fifth era of economic rationalism. The global financial crisis may have seen a shift to a sixth ‘new Keynesian’ era. This analysis of eras is brought together with the distinction between managers and reformers by adapting Skowronek’s model of ‘political time’ whereby major reformers overthrow the old paradigm, fortunate managers then operate it and unfortunate managers preside over its collapse. The main argument of this thesis is that good treasurers need to be effective and influential and many factors produce these qualities. The job is onerous and complex and what counts as success may be unclear at the time. Treasurers (like prime ministers) need a measure of luck. But three key features stand out as crucial. First, an effective treasurer needs immense political skills and the support of his/her prime minister. The combinations of Curtin/Chifley and Hawke/Keating, and to a lesser extent Bruce/Page, were particularly productive of economic reform. The second crucial relationship is with their department, where treasurers need to harness the technical expertise of its senior officials who may lack political acumen. Successful treasurers build an effective relationship to both develop and accomplish the treasurer’s agenda. The third key element is a matter of timing. Some treasurers such as Theodore and Swan are faced with downturns in the global economy making their job much more difficult. Some treasurers, however, have turned adversity into opportunity and enhanced their reputations in crises – Chifley, and perhaps Keating.

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49

Beer, Chris. „Imagining and practising a national capital city : political geographies of Canberra“. Phd thesis, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/151330.

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Schaap, Robert Wout. „Privatising the public : an international political economy perspective on contexts and comparisons in Australian Institutional Telecommunications Policy 1972-1997“. Phd thesis, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150702.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Australian political history“

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