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1
Akor, Ambrose. „The media, public opinion and British foreign policy“. Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-media-public-opinion-and-british-foreign-policy(39da87e2-fc03-45df-9481-b278070f42c2).html.
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Are foreign policy officials responsive to policy preferences of the mass media and the public in making their decisions? That question has dogged scholars for decades but there has been little agreement among them on what is the true nature of mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. In terms of mass media impact, there are two media theories which dominate the debate. First, the CNN Effect theory claims that, by their nature, the mass media have the power to compel policy officials to adopt their policy preferences. Second, the Manufacturing Consent theory counters with the claim that foreign policy is too serious a matter for officials to yield to mass media demands. Scholars are similarly divided on the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. Lacking in almost all the known studies is an appreciation that foreign policy emerges out of a process involving policy stages. These policy stages have different characteristics. In addition to the nature of those stages in themselves, relationships between policy actors - including the mass media, the public and officials - are different in those stages. Officials tend to react differently at each stage of policy when pressured by the mass media and public opinion. Therefore, in this study, I propose that we will have a better understanding of mass media and public opinion influence on foreign policy officials if we study official responsiveness or sensitivity at the stages of the foreign policy process - policy initiation, policy implementation and policy review. I further argue that official responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depends largely on the stage of policy. For this research, I carried out a case study of Britain's war with Iraq in 2003 to test my theory. Principally, I tried to answer the question: Does foreign policy officials' responsiveness to mass media and public opinion depend on the stage of policy? I found that official response to the mass media and public opinion was not as precise as suggested by the dominant camps in the debate. More importantly, Official response to mass media and public opinion varied in the stages of policy. Specifically, I found that British officials were most responsive to mass media and public opinion at the policy initiation stage, very unresponsive at the implementation stage and even more unresponsive at the policy review stage. As a result of the variations in official responsiveness at the stages, I argue that there is a need to re-evaluate the way we study mass media- and public opinion-foreign policy link. To better understand the impact of the mass media and public opinion on foreign policy, I conclude that we need to examine how policy actors interact at different stages of the foreign policy process.
2
Thompson, John Mortimer. „The impact of public opinion on Theodore Roosevelt's foreign policy“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265509.
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Theodore Roosevelt is considered by many historians to have been one of the most skilled practitioners of foreign policy in American history. But while he continues to draw � considerable interest from scholars, one facet of his diplomacy continues to be poorly understood: the impact of public opinion. There was a discernable evolution in his relationship with public opinion over the course of his tenure, even if many core ideas and practices were already present when he took office. The President was often discouraged by the state of public opinion. In his view, Congress was often a poor partner in conducting foreign policy; sensationalist newspapers had considerable influence; the ideas and policy preferences of many Eastern elites were usually ill-conceived; and the broader public's ignorance and apathy about international affairs were troublesome. But these concerns were balanced by other factors. He had a better working relationship with the Senate than he was willing to admit. He had more success in gaining favourable newspaper coverage than all but . a few Presidents. And he believed strongly in the American system of governance and had faith in the common sense of most of his countiymen. Given these multifaceted ideas about the nature of American opinion, it is not surprising that Roosevelt placed considerable importance upon shaping and educating it. This was both a means to facilitating his foreign policy goals and a way to build and maintain political supp01t. In fact, the two were closely linked. While he enjoyed considerable success in shaping opinion, he also suffered notable setbacks. In the final analysis, public opinion played a key role in Roosevelt's conduct of foreign policy, though its degree of influence in his decision-making process varied according to circumstances. Three main variables seemed to have shaped his behaviour: the impo11ance of a policy to Roosevelt, his perception about the intensity and sources of opposition to it and the level of suppo11 among the broader public.
3
Mouron, Fernando. „Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.
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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.
4
Yehia, Hanan. „I don't want to pay for that! Representation and the public opinion - foreign policy dynamic: public opinion on U.S. foreign aid spending from 1973 to 2005 /“. CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1961/7001.
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5
Saksena, Mita. „Framing Infectious Diseases and U.S. Public Opinion“. FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/516.
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The United States has been increasingly concerned with the transnational threat posed by infectious diseases. Effective policy implementation to contain the spread of these diseases requires active engagement and support of the American public. To influence American public opinion and enlist support for related domestic and foreign policies, both domestic agencies and international organizations have framed infectious diseases as security threats, human rights disasters, economic risks, and as medical dangers. This study investigates whether American attitudes and opinions about infectious diseases are influenced by how the issue is framed. It also asks which issue frame has been most influential in shaping public opinion about global infectious diseases when people are exposed to multiple frames.
The impact of media frames on public perception of infectious diseases is examined through content analysis of newspaper reports. Stories on SARS, avian flu, and HIV/AIDS were sampled from coverage in The New York Times and The Washington Post between 1999 and 2007. Surveys of public opinion on infectious diseases in the same time period were also drawn from databases like Health Poll Search and iPoll. Statistical analysis tests the relationship between media framing of diseases and changes in public opinion.
Results indicate that no one frame was persuasive across all diseases. The economic frame had a significant effect on public opinion about SARS, as did the biomedical frame in the case of avian flu. Both the security and human rights frames affected opinion and increased public support for policies intended to prevent or treat HIV/AIDS. The findings also address the debate on the role and importance of domestic public opinion as a factor in domestic and foreign policy decisions of governments in an increasingly interconnected world. The public is able to make reasonable evaluations of the frames and the domestic and foreign policy issues emphasized in the frames.
6
Hope-Hume, Bob. „Radio, community and the public : Community radio in Western Australia“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/889.
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This thesis examines community radio in Western Australia and its relationship to "the public sphere". The public sphere is that field in which private. persons interact with other private. persons and in so doing construct a 11public". Public opinion is formed through this interaction in the public sphere. The media provide a major part of that interaction. Moreover, the media determine which voices are privileged within the communicative sphere. Drawing from Jurgen Habennas I explore theories of the public sphere arguing that community radio constructs a new form of public sphere in contemporary culture. I explore notions of democratic radio following the theories of Harold Innis to explore how elites have attempted to control communication. I argue that community radio provides a participatory medium which democratises the medium and allows for a more comprehensive formation of public opinion through the creation of informed rational discussion in the public sphere. This thesis provides an overview of broadcasting and the public in Western Australia with background on the history and development of community radio. It examines the notion of the public as a site of struggle and examines how community radio seeks to challenge the status quo in Western Australian culture. as well as seeking to facilitate- ideas on the role of radio as a democratic medium.
7
Wood, Beverley. „Attitudes toward the elderly : a case study of nursing students' attitudes“. Monash University, Faculty of Education, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8808.
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8
Li, Gao Sheng. „Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.
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9
Mead, Jonathan, und mikewood@deakin edu au. „The Australia-Indonesia security relationship“. Deakin University. School of International and Political Studies, 2004. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20051017.144017.
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10
McKillop, Dianne R. „Principles in public reasoning about criminal justice : victim vulnerability, trust, and offender status“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2001. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1035.
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It is popularly assumed that the public is highly punitive toward criminal offenders and that its reasoning about criminal offences is emotionally and morally based. This assumption has been challenged by social scientists who cite influences of news media and methodological flaws in empirical studies as contributing causes. Public sentiment is a basis for law and the increasing responsiveness of legislator to what is perceived to be public opinion on crime means that accurate information on enduring principles in the public's intuitive reasoning about criminal justice is vital. An initial exploratory study (N = 34) presented members of the public with descriptions of emotionally and morally provocative offences, morally indignant reactions and the assignment of punishments that were disproportionate to the objective harm caused by the offences indicated aspects of offences and associated reasoning principles that were worthy of further, experimental investigation. Important principles appeared to be breach of trust by an offender in a position of trust and the vulnerability of victims. A second study (N = 348) examined the influence of these two variables in a 3 x 3 (offender position of trust x victim vulnerability) between-subjects experiment. Findings confirmed that victim vulnerability exacerbates the public's condemnation of offences in a more prosaic offence. However the results also showed that an offender who occupied a highly trusted position in society was not more highly condemned than offenders in less trusted positions. In addition to the finding that the highly trusted offender was perceived to be significantly less in need of a punishment aimed at individual deterrence, this finding led to a hypothesis that his high status may have protected him from public sanction. It was also concluded that the type of trust whose violation the participants of the initial study strongly condemned may have been the trust that is inherent in relationships, rather than in social positions. Survey research (N1 = 192, N2 = 237) provided an empirical basis for unconfounded representations of status and trust in further investigations. Doctors, lawyers and police officers were selected as exemplars of various levels of trust and status. A subsequent experimental study (N = 122) manipulated offenders' trust and status, and the existence of a professional relationship between the offender and victim in a 3 x 2 between-subject design. Results indicated that the existence of a professional trust relationship interacted with the status and position of trust of an offender in their effect on public condemnation. The high status of an offender became a liability in terms of condemnation when that offender also had a professional relationship with his victim, but only when the offender occupied a trusted position in society. The same study indicated that, in an offence where no professional relationship with the victim existed, high status offered a significant degree of protection from a punishment aimed at general deterrence. It was concluded that, although concerns for victim vulnerability are ubiquitous in the public's reasoning about criminal justice, trust is a principle that is applied complexly and which interacts with offender status and offender-victim relationship. The public's responses to criminal offences are both more complex and more rational than is widely believed. The variability found in the data collected for this series of studies indicated that criminal justice researchers must be cautious in assuming consensus in public evaluations of offences and its reasoning about deserved punishment.
11
Wilkinson, Sarah. „Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.
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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
12
Sendziuk, Paul 1974. „Learning to trust : a history of Australian responses to AIDS“. Monash University, School of Historical Studies, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9264.
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13
Broinowski, Alison Elizabeth, und alison broinowski@anu edu au. „About face : Asian representations of Australia“. The Australian National University. Faculty of Asian Studies, 2002. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20030404.135751.
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This thesis considers the ways in which Australia has been publicly represented in ten Asian societies in the twentieth century. It shows how these representations are at odds with Australian opinion leaders assertions about being a multicultural society, with their claims about engagement with Asia, and with their understanding of what is typically Australian. It reviews the emergence and development of Asian regionalism in the twentieth century, and considers how Occidentalist strategies have come to be used to exclude and marginalise Australia. A historical survey outlines the origins of representations of Australia in each of the ten Asian countries, detecting the enduring influence both of past perceptions and of the interests of each countrys opinion leaders. Three test cases evaluate these findings in the light of events in the late twentieth century: the first considers the response in the region to the One Nation party, the second compares that with opinion leaders reaction to the crisis in East Timor; and the third presents a synthesis of recent Asian Australian fiction and what it reveals about Asian representations of Australia from inside Australian society. The thesis concludes that Australian policies and practices enable opinion leaders in the ten countries to construct representations of Australia in accordance with their own priorities and concerns, and in response to their agendas of Occidentalism, racism, and regionalism.
14
LeMaitre, Alfred. „British apologists for Franco, 1936-1939“. Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63832.
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15
Woo, Lai W. „Australia as other in Singapore's media“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 1997. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/888.
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Since the late eighteenth century, the Western observation of the East has been based on shared ontological and epistemological assumptions made by the West of the East as different and as the "Other''. Said's concept of Orientalism revolutionized Western understanding of non-Western cultures by showing how Western projected images shaped the Occidental view of the Orient. Although much has been written about the West's perception of the East as "Other'' (Eg. Said and Schirato), to date, little has been written dealing with the West from, the "Eastern" viewpoint. This thesis will examine the concepts of Orientalism (the perception of the Orient as Other) and Occidentalism, which Yao views as Orientalism in reverse, and apply it to the study of Australian I Singapore relations. It will specifically look at the way in which Australia is reported in Singapore's main English newspaper, The Straits Times. Australian events are perceived to be of importance not only to the Singaporean reader but to Australian/Singapore relations. Although the notion of the "Other" can mean different things to different people., I have chosen, for the purpose of this thesis to use Said's definition, which has to do with Western perception of the East as Other. The principle question that arises from the situation of Othering is, quite simply, why does The Straits Times, and by implication the Singapore government, choose to "Other" Australia in a remarkably consistent manner?
16
Callister, Graeme. „Public opinion and foreign policy : British and French relations with the Netherlands, 1785-1815“. Thesis, University of York, 2013. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5304/.
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This thesis examines the interplay of public opinion, national identity and foreign policy during the period 1785-1815, focusing on three consistently interconnected countries: the Netherlands, France and Great Britain. The Netherlands provides the centrepiece to the study, which considers how the Dutch were perceived as a nation, a people and as a political entity, at both governmental and popular levels, in the three countries throughout the period. Public opinion is theorised as a two-part phenomenon. Active public opinion represents the collated thoughts and responses of a certain public to an event or set of circumstances. Latent public opinion represents the sum of generally-accepted underlying social norms, stereotypes or preconceptions; the perceptions and representations latently present in unconscious mentalités. The thesis examines how perceptions and representations of the Netherlands in all three countries fed into public opinion and, ultimately, into national identity either of the self or the ‘other’. It then investigates the extent to which the triangular policies of Britain, France and the various incarnations of the Dutch state were shaped by popular perceptions, identities and opinion. While active opinion is shown to have generally been of negligible importance to the policy-making process, it is argued that the underlying themes of latent opinion often provided the conceptual background that politicians from all three countries used to make policy. The influence of latent opinion was often as much unconscious as deliberate. Latent opinion was rarely the inspiration for foreign policy, but it frequently provided the boundaries of expectation within which policy was formed.
17
Jennings, William J. „Public policy, implementation and public opinion : the case of public celebrations (Canada 1967, U.S.A. 1976, Australia 1988 and the U.K. 2000)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408179.
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18
Odams, Helen Jean Rachel. „British perceptions of the Ottoman Empire, 1876-1908“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e71bd343-edf5-419f-b769-65460065d044.
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The title of this thesis is 'British Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire (1876-1908). The thesis explores the 'cultural dimension1 of relations between the Ottoman Empire and Britain in this period, involving an examination of ideas about and representations of Ottoman society and its peoples. The overall aim is to stress the importance of these representations in in influencing and affecting relations between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Nineteenth-century writings about the Ottoman Empire produce strong images of Ottoman society and steroetypes of the Turkish and Christian populations. These images are reconstructed and their significance examined. The approach is contextual and perceptions are analysed in the historical, material and cultural framework of late Victorian Britain. Descriptions of Ottoman society are treated as representations of that complex reality, with varying degrees of accuracy and inaccuracy, reflecting or distorting conditions in the Empire. In addition the relationship between older ideas and ideas developing at a new historical conjuncture of late nineteenth-century imperialism are considered important factors in determining the overall image of the Ottoman Empire in the late Victorian mind. In these ways the conclusion stresses the importance of, and the relationship between ideas about the Ottoman Empire, and the concrete factors of inter-state relations of which they are part. As such the subject contributes to an understanding of the multi-dimensional nature of nineteenth-century relations between a weak and strong state in the International system, and the degree to which culture and ideas are informed by these relationships of power. The study contributes to a greater understanding of the Eastern question and sheds light on many of the ideas that have come to influence modern historiography about the Ottoman past and the appreciation of Ottoman and European diplomatic history.
19
Sadleir, Christopher. „On the Frontier : Australia's policy approach to foreign direct investment 1968 - 2004 as a case study in globalisation, national public policy and public administration /“. full text via ADT database, 2007. http://erl.canberra.edu.au/public/adt-AUC20080304.145454/index.html.
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20
Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. „This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903“. Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.
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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.
21
Frost, Meera Alice Christine. „Changing representations of pagan Indians in Italian culture c.1300 to c.1600“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610820.
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22
Leslie, Stuart T. „The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness“. Thesis, Boston College, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383.
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Thesis advisor: James CroninThis paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: History
Discipline: College Honors Program
23
Hucker, D. J. „The role of public opinion in the formulation of British and French foreign policy, 1938-1939“. Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.516164.
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24
Copsey, Nathaniel. „Informed public opinion in south-eastern Poland and Western Ukraine and the making of foreign policy“. Thesis, University of Sussex, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.439029.
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Goodman, Joshua L. „A cry for justice public opinion, U.S. foreign policy, and the Treaty of Locarno, 1925-1926 /“. Tallahassee, Fla. : Florida State University, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/fsu/lib/digcoll/undergraduate/honors-theses/341808.
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Lu, Mei-hui. „Changes in the concept of reading in English and in the use of reading strategies among ESL learners identified before and after ESL reading instruction /“. Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7906.
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Reitzig, Andreas, und n/a. „Trans-Tasman defence perceptions in the post-ANZUS era“. University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2009. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20091105.131723.
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Throughout history, Australia and New Zealand have developed a special relationship due to their close geographic proximity and their similar cultural and colonial backgrounds. Ever since 1986, when New Zealand was suspended from the trilateral Security Treaty Between Australia, New Zealand, and the United States of America (ANZUS), Australia has been New Zealand's closest ally. As a result, the thesis specifically focuses on trans-Tasman defence relations after 1986, with a particular emphasis on attitude trends towards the bilateral defence relationship. Overall, the thesis aims to find out whether there has been a drift in the bilateral defence relationship between Australia and New Zealand since 1986. In this regard, it examines two main questions: first, is the Australian-New Zealand defence relationship is less close today than it was in 1986? The thesis findings show that there has indeed been a visible drift in trans-Tasman defence relations. In both countries, the relationship is much less talked about today than it was in 1986. Second, do Australians and New Zealanders view the bilateral defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986? As the results show, the disagreement over defence spending, New Zealand's decision to restructure the New Zealand Defence Force (NZDF) as well as the ANZUS split were the main factors that have brought about some distance between both countries' defence policies and priorities. However, beside the downs in the bilateral defence relationship, there have also been ups embodied by the sometimes rather elusive Anzac spirit, the optimism that surrounded the creation of Closer Defence Relations (CDR) in the 1990s and, most notably, enhanced trans-Tasman cooperation in peacekeeping, primarily in the immediate regional neighbourhood. Importantly, Australians and New Zealanders do not see the defence relationship any more negatively today than they did in 1986. Indeed, opinion trends at all societal levels have been remarkably constant over the last two decades. Based on these findings, the thesis concludes that the bilateral defence relationship may well become closer again in the future, especially if both countries continue their close cooperation in regional peacekeeping. This appears to be the most promising way ahead for the Anzac defence relationship in the 21st century.
28
Martini, Nicholas Fred. „The role of ideology in foreign policy attitude formation“. Diss., University of Iowa, 2012. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/3347.
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I examine the formation of a "foreign policy" ideology and how it shapes the preferences and decisions of individuals during foreign policy events. Following from earlier research on the structure of a foreign policy ideology, two dimensions are identified as important determinants of individual preferences: a militant dimension and a cooperative dimension. To understand the determinants of an individual's ideology, a bottom-up, value driven approach is employed that explores influences that are both psychological (values, beliefs, traits) and sociological (groups, environment). As to the impact of ideology on preferences, I explore how ideology influences preferences in the context of support for military intervention, leader evaluation during times of war, and casualty tolerance. Beyond simply shaping preferences, one novel aspect of my research is exploring if ideology can modify the impact of external stimuli, such as elite cues and environmental context, on individual preferences. Following from research on "motivated reasoning" my theory argues that ideology colors the way new information is interpreted and accepted. In essence, ideology can filter the influence exerted by partisan/elite cues and environmental context (i.e. casualties, mission purpose).
29
James, Richard 1949. „Public opinion and the British Legion in Spain, 1835-1838“. Thesis, McGill University, 1996. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=23848.
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This thesis examines public opinion towards the participation opinion of the British Auxiliary Legion in the Spanish Civil War. It is based on an analysis of British newspapers, periodicals and political discussion between 1835 and 1838. It suggests that, although there was some degree of support for the foreign policy of Lord Palmerston in sending the legion to aid liberalism in the Peninsula, yet that support declined rapidly. In spite of Palmerston's eventual claim that intervention in Spain had been worthwhile, public opinion was not to reflect the view that his policy had been a right one, or that the British Auxiliaries had been indispensable to the cause of Spanish constitutionalism.
30
Jennings, Reece. „The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /“. Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
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Lawrence, Joyce (Joyce Marie). „Enlightened self-interest : how the national economy, ideology, and anti-Americanism influence public opinion on foreign investment“. Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/88381.
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Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, February 2014."February 2014." Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 64-66).
Despite the benefits of economic globalization, popular opposition to foreign investment continues to influence policy debates. What explains opposition to foreign investment? Standard political economy theories suggest that support for international trade, immigration, and investment all depend on the impact these policies have on potential earnings in the labor market. According to standard models, those who stand to benefit economically from international exchange are expected to be more supportive than those who will face increased competition and declining wages. An analysis of four cross-national surveys from 57 countries provides empirical evidence that public opinion on foreign investment is not determined by economic self-interest, but rather by evaluations of the national economy, political ideology, and attitudes about the United States. These findings have implications for understanding the debate over globalization policy and domestic support for further liberalization around the world..
by Joyce Lawrence.
S.M.
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Richardson, Erin L. „SANE and the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963 mobilizing public opinion to shape U.S. foreign policy /“. Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1257556741.
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Pavlock, Sarah. „Public opinions role in the formation of policy in the foreign and domestic spheres“. Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1474.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Lyne, Kay. „Perceptions of Spain and the Spanish, and their effect on public opinion in Britain at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War“. Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.683130.
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Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, und mikewood@deakin edu au. „Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest“. Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
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Wu, Su Ya. „Presidential Use of Divine Election Cues in Foreign Policy Crises“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1437565094.
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Sampson, Anthony J. „Prioritizing efforts to improve foreign public opinion of America applying a business model to discover and create customer value“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FSampson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Information Operations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Jansen, Erik. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on Jan. 18, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 93-103). Also available in print.
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Pohlkamp, Elli-Katharina [Verfasser], und Robert [Akademischer Betreuer] Horres. „Public Opinion and Japanese Foreign Policy Decision-Making Processes During the Koizumi Administration / Elli-Katharina Pohlkamp ; Betreuer: Robert Horres“. Tübingen : Universitätsbibliothek Tübingen, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1162971568/34.
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Odeh, Rana Kamal. „The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.
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Wang, Xiuli. „Winning American hearts and minds : country characteristics, public relations and mass media“. Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.
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Charpentier, Marc 1965. „Columns on the march : Montreal newspapers interpret the Spanish Civil War 1936-1939“. Thesis, McGill University, 1992. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=61149.
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This thesis examines Quebec public opinion towards the Spanish Civil War. It is based on a systematic analysis of editorials and articles from ten Montreal-based newspapers, representing divergent points of view. It suggests that, contrary to the popular interpretation, Quebec francophones did not unanimously support General Franco during the war; nor did all of the province's anglophones endorse the cause of the Spanish Popular Front. Support for General Franco and the Spanish Republic in Montreal transcended linguistic lines, and cleavages other than language, such as religion, ideology and social class, influenced public opinion towards the war.
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Farzaneh, Farzin. „The French Popular Front, the first Blum government and events in Switzerland as seen by the Vaudois Press, 1934-1937 /“. Thesis, McGill University, 1987. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=64075.
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Mosia, Serame R. „Post apartheid politics and issues of race : the views and position of political parties in South Africa on the crisis in Zimbabwe“. Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/53554.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Race has been used as an instrument of domination and separation of the South African population for a long time. The dawn of the democratic dispensation in 1994marked a shift from the policy of racial separation to the creation of the non-racial democratic South Africa. However, political parties in this country have constantly re-politicised race in the post apartheid era mainly for political gain. The purpose of this study will be to describe, explain and analyse how political parties in South Africa use the crisis in Zimbabwe to racialise politics in this country. The study will show that the dilemma facing political parties in South Africa is that they cannot avoid focusing on racial issues. The focus is on four main political parties, the ANC, the PAC, the NNP and the DA. The study specifically looked at the following issues in Zimbabwe: the Land crisis, the 2003 March presidential elections and the economic crisis to see how they have influenced political discourse in South Africa. As anticipated, predominantly black parties have shown some empathy with Robert Mugabe's government, while predominantly white parties have called for a more confrontational measure against Mugabe's government. Nonetheless, this study found no conclusive evidence to suggest that the crisis in Zimbabwe has fuelled race conflict in this country. But that race is politicised by parties in South Africa for political gain.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In Apartheld-Suid-Afrika was rasse verskille gebruik as 'n instrument van onderdrukking en skeiding van die bevolking. Met die totstandkoming van demokrasie in 1994 het 'n verskuiwing van 'n rasse-beleid na 'n nie-rassige, demokratiese Suid-Afrika gelei. Politieke partye politiseer egter steeds ras in post-Apartheid Suid-Afrika vir politieke gewin. Die doel van hierdie studie is om te beskryf, verduidelik en te analiseer hoe politieke partye die krisis in Zimbabwe gebruik om politiek in Suid-Afrika steeds gebonde ras te hou. Hierdie studis al aandui dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika nie die fokus van ras identiteite kan vermy nie. 'n Moontlike rede hiervoor is dat politieke partye in Suid-Afrika 'nsolidariteit met hul kiesers wil behou. Die studie fokus op vier van die mees prominente politieke partye in Suid-Afrika naamlik: ANC, PAC, NNP en die DA. Om elke party se stand-punt op hierdie onderwerp te verstaan, gaan die studie fokus op die volgende punte in Zimbabwe: grondhervorming, die 2003Presidensiële verkiesing en die impak wat die ekonomiese krisis in Zimbabwe op die politieke gebied gehad het. Soos verwag, het partye met histories oorheersende swart oortuigings empatie met Robert Mugabe se regering betoon. Mugabe word gesien as 'n slagoffer van onsimpatieke wit settelaars wat vasklou aan hul eertydse voorregte. Terwyloorwegende wit partye vra vir strenger optrede teenoor die regering van Robert Mugabe. Nie te min, het hierdie studie geen uitsluitende bewyse gevind wat aandui dat die krisis in Zimbabwe konflik rasse in Suid- Afrika aangespoor het nie. Dit is egter belangrik om in ag te neem dat die politisering van ras grootliks deur partye gebruik word om ondersteuning te werf.
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Myers, Teresa A. „Bringing it Home: A Natural Experiment Testing the Effect of Casualties on Local Opinion“. The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1275417147.
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Beaudoin, Christopher E. „International knowledge and attitudes : their measurement and antecedents /“. free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2001. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3025600.
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Ayeni, Anthony. „Content Analysis Study of ABC News Presentations on Nigeria as an Example of Third World News Coverage“. Thesis, North Texas State University, 1986. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500790/.
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The purpose of this study is to inquire if there are dispositions of any type. of newscast carried by ABC News about Nigeria and if these newscasts are positively or negatively inclined. The analysis quantified and verified that while the broadcast content of ABC News presentations on Nigeria have been objectively covered, the newscasts have taken stereotypical patterns. This, thereby establishes the need for ABC News, being an example of American network news, to diversify and cover stories of social and human interest in Nigeria and other Third World countries. The study concludes that a true maxim of news coverage is needed as a guide to unbiased, unslanted or cliched news presentations.
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Schnitzer, Shira Danielle. „Imperial longings and promised lands : Anglo-Jewry, Palestine and the Empire, 1899-1948“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:61db8aca-0ade-422f-9ba4-5afcbc1f3d25.
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This thesis concentrates on two discrete contexts in which Jewish and imperial concerns converged: the Boer War and the British Mandate for Palestine. For Britain's Jews, the Boer War represented a rare and uncomfortable moment in which the Jewish Question achieved relative prominence. However the war also generated a different set of 'Jewish questions', leading the Anglo-Jewish establishment to refine its own understanding of patriotic and imperial duty. The case of Palestine, by contrast produced less straightforward and predictable outcomes. Ottoman entry into World War I, which prompted both British and Zionist considerations into the merits of a Jewish homeland as part of the imperial system, created an acute conflict for British Jewry's communal leadership. Although not negating the advantages of a British-Jewish Palestine either to the Empire or to Jews in need of refuge, its decision to oppose the Balfour Declaration privileged at some cost a distinctive reading of Jewish interests over a more obvious synthesis of national and sectarian goals. Despite continued objections to Zionism's ideological outlook and its pursuit of statehood, the Anglo-Jewish establishment located in the interwar development of a British-Jewish Palestine a means to advance both Jewish communal and imperial agendas. As the alliance between the Zionists and Britain unravelled in the final decade of the Mandate, British Jews eager to safeguard their position as well as their vision of Palestine's future would persist in defending this relationship. In its exploration of the evolution of Anglo-Jewish attitudes towards Britain, the Empire and Mandatory Palestine, this thesis aims to address both thematic and chronological gaps in the historiography of Anglo-Jewry. By drawing attention to the uniqueness of Anglo-Jewry's imperial connection to Palestine and to the domestic impact of British involvement, my work also contributes to scholarship on Zionism and the Mandate Finally, it offers a framework for considering the impact of, and relationship to, Empire of minority groups residing in Britain.
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Bouse, Kirstin Leigh. „Community attitudes and the role of the victim offender relationship in child sexual abuse cases“. Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2000. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/1364.
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Past research has illustrated that communily attitudes tend not to be reflected in crime legislation particularly when considering the victim-offender relationship and perceived seriousness of child sexual abuse. This study examined the effects of 4 different victimoffender relationships and the degree of trust within these relationships on perceptions of offence seriousness and emotional and physical harm, for the offence of indecently dealing with a 14-year old girl. One hundred and sixty community members used a 7- point scale to rate the degree of trust within these relationships, the seriousness of the offence and the emotional and physical harm suffered by the victim. Four two-way ANOVAs and one correlation were perfonned. Results showed that the victim-offender relationship failed to influence perceptions of offence seriousness, emotional and physical harm. Although the ratings of trust differed across the 4 relationship types, trust failed to significantly influence perceptions of offence seriousness, emotional and physical harm. Women were found to rate the offence as more serious and harmful than men. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed.
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Dieck, Hélène. „The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War“. Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.
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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de casRecent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations
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Yılmaz, Ferruh. „Ethnicized ontologies from foreign worker to Muslim immigrant : how Danish public discourse moved to the right through the question of immigration /“. Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310006.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 366-373).