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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „Athenaion politeia“

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Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 4. Juni 2021

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1

Polito, Marina. „Las “otras Politeiai” aristotélicas“. Araucaria, Nr. 49 (2022): 394–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/araucaria.2022.i49.20.

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Es posible que la Escuela de Aristóteles tuviera un modelo ‘amplio’ como punto de partida para redactar la Politeia de una ciudad (momento pre-griego, ktisis, lugares, topónimos, etnónimos, época heroica, arqueología, historia de la comunidad y/o instituciones, leyes y legisladores, antiguos reyes y tiranos, instituciones del siglo IV, monedas, syssitia y symposia, agogai, hábitos y costumbres, productos de la tierra, cultos, mitos, proverbios, poetas, episodios varios, mirabilia, elementos etnográficos). Las diferencias en el carácter y la estructura dependían de las características de cada comunidad y de la documentación disponible. Si bien a través de los excerpta y los fragmentos es evidente la presencia de una tendencia hacia un cierto tipo de estructura, no existía un modelo fijo (del que deriva la definición de ‘modelo atípico’ por la Athenaion Politeia) y su codificación es más bien una tendencia del análisis moderno. Palabras-clave: Politeiai aristótelicas, Athenaion Politeia, modelo, diferencias, comunidad.

2

Hagen, Charles T. „The Composition of Aristotle’s Athenaion Politeia“. Ancient Philosophy 15, Nr. 1 (1995): 263–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil199515158.

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3

Wallace, Robert W., und John J. Keaney. „The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia“. American Journal of Philology 115, Nr. 4 (1994): 613. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295490.

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4

Jones, Nicholas F. „A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia“. Ancient Philosophy 5, Nr. 1 (1985): 117–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil19855137.

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5

Harding, Phillip, und P. J. Rhodes. „A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia“. Phoenix 39, Nr. 4 (1985): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088405.

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6

Avotins, I. „On ἀργúρια in the Athenaion Politeia 60.3“. Classical Quarterly 37, Nr. 1 (Mai 1987): 231–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800031839.

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The London papyrus of the Athenaion Politeia of Aristotle makes this statement about the prizes awarded in the musical contests at the Panathenaic games:It has been generally assumed that the andhere are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver(lines 4–7).In consequence, the here are connected with the prizes offered in the musical contests in IG n2 2311.1–22.For instance the winner in the lyre-playing contest receives a gold crown worth 1000 drachmas as well as 500 drachmas of silver(lines 4–7).In consequence, the,in Aristotle should refer to the cash prize awarded to the winner in the lyre-playing contest.In other words, a sum of silver money would be referred to in Aristotle by the plural

7

LANA, M. „Xenophon's Athenaion Politeia: A Study By Correspondence Analysis“. Literary and Linguistic Computing 7, Nr. 1 (01.01.1992): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/llc/7.1.17.

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8

Simon, Stephen J., und John J. Keaney. „The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia: Observation and Explanation.“ American Historical Review 99, Nr. 1 (Februar 1994): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2166200.

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9

Avotins, Ivars. „Athenaion politeia 56.6 and the protection of the weak“. Classical Quarterly 54, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2004): 461–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/clquaj/bmh052.

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10

Krentz, Peter. „The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia: Observation and Explanation“. History: Reviews of New Books 21, Nr. 3 (April 1993): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1993.9948698.

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11

González de la Red, Orencia. „La elección de arcontes en Arist., Athenaion Politeia 22.5“. Emerita 53, Nr. 2 (30.12.1985): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.1985.v53.i2.673.

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12

Rocher, Laura Sancho. „Athenaion Politeia 34, 3, about Oligarchs, Democrats and Moderates in the Late Fifth Century Bc“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 24, Nr. 2 (2007): 298–327. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000119.

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The prevailing historiographic reconstruction of the political struggle in Athens during the last years of the fifth century originates from the discovery of the text of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia [Ath.]. According to this reconstruction, three political options and three political programmes were in effect. These were, on the one hand, traditional democracy and opposing oligarchy; on the other, a new third way, that of ‘the moderates’, who under the leading of Theramenes represents a solution to the stasis. The political program of themoderates is supposed to include the following fundamental items: a return to an ancient constitution (patrios politeia), the reduction of the number of citizens and their political rights, the sovereignty of law, and the recuperation of accord (homonoia) between citizens. This paper tries to highlight the weakness of this interpretation by analysing the difficulties in grasping from the sources this whole program and their adscription to a leader and to a distinctive political group. The misinterpretation was already implicit in the author of the Athenian Constitution, perhaps a disciple of Aristotle. He wrote influenced by the Aristotelian political theory and thereby he interpreted all that he had read about Theramenes, the Five Thousand and the patrios politeia as if the Aristotelian ideals of the mesotes (as a virtue) and of mese politeia (as the best possible constitution) were actually proposed and temporally achieved in Athens by the efforts of Theramenes and his supporters.

13

SEALEY, RAPHAEL. „ARISTOTLE, ATHENAION POLITEIA 57.4: TRIAL OF ANIMALS AND INANIMATE OBJECTS FOR HOMICIDE“. Classical Quarterly 56, Nr. 2 (Dezember 2006): 475–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838806000474.

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14

Todd, S. C. „The Athenaion Politeia - J. J. Keaney: The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia: Observation and Explanation. Pp. xii + 191. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Cased, £32.50.“ Classical Review 44, Nr. 1 (April 1994): 24–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00290239.

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15

Jordan, Borimir. „Witnesses in the Assembly: Thucydides 6. 14 and [Xenophon] Athenaion Politeia 2. 17“. Classical Philology 81, Nr. 2 (April 1986): 133–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366971.

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16

Rihll, T. E. „Εκτημοροι: partners in crime?“ Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631890.

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In or around 594 BC Solon was given extraordinary powers as διαλλακτὴς καὶ νομοθέτης, mediator and lawgiver, to try to solve a crisis in archaic Athenian society. His solution was termed the σεισάχθεια, disburdenment; it was a liberation of the land and the people.The primary literary evidence on this most important episode in Athenian history is Solon's own testimony. For more information recourse must be had to authors who were writing not less than one hundred and fifty years—or five (30-year) generations—after Solon's reforms were enacted. The most important of these later sources is the author of the Athenaion Politeia, henceforth AP, who was writing about two hundred years after the event.

17

Sealey, Raphael. „Ath. Pol. 25.2 and Lys. fr. 178: ‘additional’ functions of the Areopagite Council“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631905.

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The author of the Athenaion Politeia, whether Aristotle or a pupil of his, said that in 462/1 Ephialtes took from the Areopagite Council ‘the additional functions (epitheta), through which it had guardianship of the constitution’, and gave some of these to the council of five hundred but others to the assembly and the courts (25.2). The author did not specify the functions given to the recipient bodies; the reason may well be that he did not know what they were. But many readers have supposed that in calling those functions ‘additional’ the author followed the view taken by the reformers of 462/1. This explanation suggests that the author drew, directly or indirectly, on sources contemporary with the reform.

18

Rihll, T. E. „Lawgivers and Tyrants (Solon, Frr. 9–11 West)“. Classical Quarterly 39, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1989): 277–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800037344.

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Solon's fragments 9–11 (West) are preserved in three late authors: frr. 9 and 11 by Diodoros Sikelos (fl. 60–30 B.C.), 9.20.2, Plutarch (fl. A.D. 46–127), Solon 3.6 and 30.3 respectively, and Diogenes Laertios (fl. early third century A.D.), 1.50 and 1.51 respectively; and fr. 10 by Diogenes Laertios alone, 1.49. They are all quoted in the context of Solon's reaction to Peisistratos. Stories on this theme were circulating by the time of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia (AP), and Rhodes' scepticism about them is well founded. Its author did not garnish (Rhodes' very apt term) his version of events with these poems, nor indeed with any Solonian utterance, and he explicitly states that myth-making on this subject had already resulted in two stories about Solon and Peisistratos which were chronologically impossible (17.2).

19

Hansen, Mogens Herman. „Review Article: The History of the Athenian ConstitutionA Commentary on the Aristotelian "Athenaion Politeia". P. J. Rhodes“. Classical Philology 80, Nr. 1 (Januar 1985): 51–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/366900.

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20

Van Wees, Hans. „Demetrius and Draco: Athens' property classes and population in and before 317 BC“. Journal of Hellenic Studies 131 (November 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426911000073.

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AbstractThe nature of the census figures produced by Demetrius of Phaleron, crucial evidence for the size of the Athenian population, has been misunderstood. The census categories were not ‘native Athenians, foreign residents and slaves’, but ‘citizens above the property qualification, residents without political rights and members of households’. The property qualification of 1,000 drachmas associated with Demetrius' regime was the requirement for holding the highest offices; the property requirement for citizenship rights was lower, as it was in the spurious constitution of Draco described in Athenaion Politeia 4, which was probably invented and inserted during Demetrius' reign. In the light of this reinterpretation of the evidence for the structure of the Athenian population under Demetrius, a reconsideration of the evidence for the size of the Athenian population in 322 BC suggests that there were ca. 30,000 adult male citizens and far fewer metics than generally assumed, probably ca. 5,000. The distribution of property among the citizen population was very uneven, with the richest 30% of the population owning about 80% of the wealth. According to Demetrius’ census as reinterpreted here, slaves outnumbered free residents by ‘only’ about 3:1, which still seems an implausibly high figure, but needs to be taken seriously as a government estimate rather than a rhetorical exaggeration.

21

MacDowell, Douglas M. „The length of the Speeches on the Assessment of the Penalty in Athenian Courts“. Classical Quarterly 35, Nr. 2 (Dezember 1985): 525–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040386.

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The time-limits imposed by the κλεψύδρα on speakers in Athenian trials have been much discussed, but a valuable distillation of the ancient evidence and modern interpretations of it has recently been made by P. J. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia (1981), pp. 719–28. He prudently states his own conclusions in a cautious manner, but I find them convincing. One khous of water took 3 minutes to run out; this is indicated by the length of time taken by the κλεψύδρα found in the Agora (first published by S. Young, Hesp. 8 [1939], 274–84), which holds 2 khoes and takes 6 minutes, and it is also consistent with the evidence of Aiskhines about the διαμεμετρημένη ⋯μέρα. In a ‘measured-through day’, used only for public cases, the total amount of time allowed for the speeches in a trial was 11 amphoreis (Ais. 2.126), equivalent to 132 khoes, taking 396 minutes; one third of this time was allocated to the prosecution, one third to the defence, and one third to the speeches on the assessment of the penalty (Ais. 3.197). Time taken for other proceedings, including the allocation of jurors to courts, voting, and payment of jurors at the end of the day (this last is not mentioned by Rhodes, but it was surely completed well before dusk, because the jurors had time to go shopping afterwards; cf. Ar. Wasps 303–11, 788–9), was additional.

22

Hornblower, Simon. „Silvio Cataldi: La democrazia ateniese e gli alleati (Ps.-Senofonte, Athenaion Politeia, 1.14–18). Pp. 181. Padua: Editoriale Programma, 1984. Paper, L. 16,000.“ Classical Review 37, Nr. 1 (April 1987): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00100654.

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23

Rhodes, P. J. „John J. KEANEY, The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia: Observation and Explanation (Oxford University Press, New York, 1992), pp. xii + 191, £32.50. ISBN 0 19 507032 1.“ Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 11, Nr. 1 (1992): 89–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000407.

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24

Mitchell, B. M. „Ath. Pol - L. Canfora: Studisull' Athenaion Politeia pseudosenofontea. (Memorie della Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, II. Classe di Scienze Morali, Storiche e Filologiche, Serie V, Volume 4, Fascicolo I, Gennaio-Marzo, 1980.) Pp. 110. Turin: Accademia delle Scienze, 1980. Paper, L. 22,000.“ Classical Review 35, Nr. 1 (April 1985): 118–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00107607.

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25

Mirhady, David C. „Aristotle and the Law Courts“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 23, Nr. 2 (2006): 302–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000098.

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In the Politics, Aristotle recognizes participation in law courts as an essential element in citizenship, yet there has been relatively little scholarship on how he sees this participation being realized. References to law courts are sprinkled widely through the Politics, Rhetoric, and Ethics, as well as the Athenaiôn politeia, where their importance is revealed most clearly. Ernest Barker took great pride in the English administration of law: if he had returned to write a more thorough treatment of Aristotle’s political thought, he might well have focused on the courts.

26

Scheibelreiter, Philipp. „II. ὅσα τις εἶχεν – ταῦτα ἔχειν: Eine rechtsvergleichende Studie zur Proklamation des Athener archon (eponymos)“. Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Romanistische Abteilung 132, Nr. 1 (01.01.2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/zrgra-2015-0105.

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Abstractὅσα τις εἶχεν - ταῦτα ἔχειν: A comparative legal study of the proclamation of the Athenian archon (eponymos): According to Athenaion Politeia 56, 2, one of the first official acts of the archon (eponymos) was his proclamation that „whatever any one possessed before he entered into office, that he shall possess and hold (ἔχειν καὶ κρατεῖν) until the end of his term“. By comparing the wording of this kerygma with that of the uti possidetis-clause used in international treaties of the 5

27

„John J. Keaney. The Composition of Aristotle's Athenaion Politeia: Observation and Explanation. New York: Oxford University Press. 1992. Pp. xii, 191. $39.95“. American Historical Review, Februar 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/99.1.207-a.

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28

LAPINI, WALTER. „Filologia ciclica: U caso dell' Athenaion Politieia dello Pseudo-Senofonte“. Klio 80, Nr. 2 (01.01.1998). http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/klio.1998.80.2.325.

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