Dissertationen: „Asia Foreign relations China“

1

Liu, Qianqian. „China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.

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2

Lee, Jae-hyung. „China and the Asia-Pacific region : geostrategic relations and a return to a naval dimension“. Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4782.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 285-314. Introduction -- Ch. 1. Sea power and the world -- Ch. 2. Chinese sea power and the century of humiliation -- Ch. 3. China's emerging sea power in the PRC period -- Ch. 4. China's expanding maritime sphere of influence int he Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean -- Ch. 5. Southeast Asia: gateway to China's maritime expansion -- Ch. 6. Russia and India: China's immediate competitors -- Ch. 7. Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK): China's competitive neighbours -- Ch. 8. The United States: China's strategic competitor -- Conclusion "The thesis examines China's geostrategic relations with Asia-Pacific countries with special reference to its naval ambitions toward the region. The thesis concentrates especially on the People's Republic of China (PRC)'s apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by putting pressure on the security of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) from the Gulf to the nations of East Asia via the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait." -- ABSTRACT

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3

Kapyata, Dennis. „China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives

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4

D'Haeseleer, Tineke. „Northeast Asia during the Tang dynasty : relations of the Tang court with Koguryŏ, Bohai, and Youzhou-Yingzhou“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609937.

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5

Ye, Shulan. „Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.

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6

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. „The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005“. Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.

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7

Ma, Yansheng 1956. „Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia“. Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.

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8

Purba, Mandala Sukarto. „Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges“. Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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9

Reeves, Jeffrey. „Mongolian state weakness, foreign policy, and dependency on the People’s Republic of China“. Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/287/.

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This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.

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10

Wang, Qiu Wen. „Regional integration in East Asia :the feasibility study of East Asian community“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554634.

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11

de, Somer Gregory John Humanities &amp Social Sciences Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. „The Redefinition of Asia : Australian Foreign Policy and Contemporary Asian Regionalism“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2003. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38666.

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This thesis set out to ascertain the position of recent Australian Governments on the latest instalments of Asian regionalism in the context of an assessment of whether there has been a redefinition of Asia and thus a redefinition of Australia???s engagement with Asia. It will concentrate on the broad themes of politico-strategic and economic engagement. Whilst there has been extensive research and documentation on the Asian economic crisis there has been less work on the issue of a new Asian regionalism and the implications for Australia???s complex and variable engagement with the region. This is the basis for the claim to originality of this thesis, a claim supported by its focus on the practical and policy implications of Australia???s engagement, or lack of it, with regional institutions. The process of regional integration has been extremely slow, thus supporting the conclusion that there is no evidence of a major redefinition of Asia. Efforts at Asian regionalism are meeting obstacles that pose immense challenges. Asian regionalism remains nascent and poorly defined. This reflects the diversity and enormous disparities in cultures, political systems and the levels of economic development and differences over economic philosophies within East Asia. What is discernible is that the regionalism is proceeding more rapidly on financial issues than on trade, and in the security area it is conspicuously absent. This research highlights the fact that the question of Asian engagement remains a sensitive issue in Australia and continues to grow more complex. Australia???s engagement with Asia since 1996 has been variable because of the Howard Government???s broader balance of priorities between global and regional issues, and because of the changing nature of the Asian region. The perception gleaned from sources is that, for the Australian Government, regionalism initiatives are characterised by much discussion but lack substance. Consequently, this appears to have led the Government to the position that exclusion from some manifestations of regionalism is not so important. Australia is excluded from some of the regional architectures being constructed. In its efforts to seek inclusion in ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, Australia is facing the same barriers that have stood in the way of an AFTA-CER agreement. Exclusion would be important if the performance of regional groupings was not so indifferent. Exclusion from ASEAN + 3 and ASEM, however, does not equate to Australia???s exclusion from the region.

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12

King, Amy Sarah. „Imperialism, industrialisation and war : the role of ideas in China's Japan policy, 1949-1965“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:69862b37-49c2-456d-be1d-23759948a920.

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This thesis is a study of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. In particular, the thesis explores Chinese policy-makers’ ideas about Japan in the wake of the War of Resistance against Japan (1937-1945), and considers how those ideas shaped China’s foreign economic policy towards Japan between 1949 and 1965. To do so, the thesis employs a four-part ideas framework that examines Chinese policy-makers’ background, foreground, cognitive and normative ideas about Japan, and shows how the interaction between these four different idea types shaped China’s Japan policy between 1949 and 1965. Furthermore, the thesis draws on over 200 recently declassified Chinese-language archival records from the Chinese Foreign Ministry, as well as additional Chinese, Japanese, US and British archival sources. It argues that China’s experience of Japanese imperialism, industrialisation and war during the first half of the twentieth century deeply shaped Chinese ideas about Japan after 1949, though in ways that at first seem counterintuitive. Although Japan had waged a brutal war against China, Chinese policy-makers viewed Japan as an important source of industrial goods, technology and expertise, and a symbol of a modern, industrialised nation-state. However, China’s experience of Japanese imperialism and militaristic aggression often made it difficult to justify the policy of ‘trading with the enemy’. Ultimately, the thesis argues that China sought to expand economic ties with Japan after 1949 because Chinese policy-makers believed that doing so would assist China in becoming a modern and industrialised state, one that was strong enough to withstand foreign imperialism and restore its central position in the international system. Chinese conceptions of Japan thus help to explain how Japan became China’s largest trade partner by 1965, despite the bitter legacy of the War of Resistance and the Cold War divide between the two countries after 1949.

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13

Li, Hak Yin. „China, India and Russia : cooperation and construction of the Asia-Pacific order in the 21st century“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2007. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/828.

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14

Ferreira, Kelly de Souza 1987. „China e a Ásia Central : petróleo, segurança e os Estados Unidos“. [s.n.], 2012. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279377.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T21:50:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_KellydeSouza_M.pdf: 993965 bytes, checksum: 3ef539284f8c3b0704d3e65c6c8c217e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012
Resumo: Nas últimas duas décadas, os Estados Unidos aumentaram substancialmente sua presença na Ásia Central. Por sua vez, a China sempre buscou construir um ambiente estável e pacífico ao redor de seu próprio território, tendo sob sua influência todos os países da Ásia Central; por isso,o incremento da presença norte-americana na região causou desconforto nos políticos chineses. Uma das formas utilizadas pelos últimos para se aproximar dos países dessa região se dá por meio do petróleo. Dessa forma, as companhias de petróleo da China compram direitos de exploração de reservas ou indústrias de petróleo e gás natural de países da Ásia Central e, por meio das empresas chinesas, estabelece e aprofunda os laços de amizade com países como Cazaquistão, Quirguistão, Uzbequistão, Turcomenistão e Tadjiquistão. A prática ficou conhecida como diplomacia do petróleo. Essa nova ferramenta do governo chinês possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região, o que desagrada os Estados Unidos, que, por sua vez, buscam ser ainda mais presentes na Ásia Central. O objetivo desta pesquisa é: como a diplomacia do petróleo possibilita um duplo efeito: aumentar a projeção chinesa e diluir a influência norte-americana na região. E como os Estados Unidos usa sua presença na Ásia Central e nas rotas marítimas de transporte de petróleo para conter a expansão chinesa
Abstract: In the last two decades, the United States have substantially increased their presence in Central Asia. Therefore their presence left China in an uncomfortable position, as China seeks to build a stable and peaceful environment in its near abroad, having under its influence all the countries of Central Asia. One of the ways used by the Chinese government to get closer to the countries of this region is through the oil. Being so, the Chinese oil companies buy rights of exploitation of oil and gas reserves in Central Asia and through this establishes and deepens friendly ties with these countries. This practice became known as oil diplomacy. This new tool of the Chinese government has a double effect: it increases the projection of the Chinese power and dilutes the American influence in the region. In other words, it displeases the United States, and in turn tries to be even more present in Central Asia. The main goal to be worked in this study is how the oil diplomacy increases Chinese influence in Central Asia and dilutes American power in the region. It also aims to explain how the United States uses its presence in Central Asia and on sea lines of communication used to transport oil to contain the Chinese expansion
Mestrado
Paz, Defesa e Segurança Internacional
Mestre em Relações Internacionais

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15

Yan, Ji Bao. „China's policies toward the Soviet Union and the United States before and in the Korean War“. PDXScholar, 1994. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3572.

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This thesis deals with China's policy making toward both the Soviet Union and the United States in late 1949 and early 1950 and how they made the decision to enter the conflict, by making use of recently declassified Chinese sources and available American sources.

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16

Dorjjugder, Munkh-Ochir. „Correlation of identity and interest in foreign policy : implications for Mongolia“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FDorjjugder.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available online.

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17

Craig, John Marshall. „Visions of China, Korea and Japan in the East Asian War, 1592-1598“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8a31275f-d25b-450a-9710-8eb2705318c2.

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Readings of contemporary accounts of the Japanese invasion of Choson Korea and Ming China's intervention, by Japanese, Korean, and Chinese writers; analysis of the writers' disparate world-views and how they each envision their country and its neighbours. This thesis uses contemporary writings from across the region to study the significance of the East Asian War of 1592-1598 for Chinese, Korean, and Japanese senses of identity, and argues that the war was a crucial moment in the development of those identities. Despite the 1592-1598 conflict affecting millions of people, and resulting in almost unprecedented cross-border flows of people and information, most previous considerations of its effect on identity have focused on court documents. In the first dedicated study of identities in the East Asian War, this thesis shifts from the hitherto emphasis on politicians and commanders to prioritize individuals at the frontiers of cross-border contact. This shift of focus from centre to periphery contributes to our understanding of two areas of history. In terms of the East Asian War as a historical event, it provides a far more nuanced picture of what this momentous conflict signified for people at the time. In terms of the history of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese identities, it demonstrates persuasively that the sense of belonging to a country held real meaning for people across society, influencing the actions even of those totally removed from the state. Tracing the legacy of frontier writings again contributes to both the history of the war and of identity, by revealing how peripheral insights and central biases combined to give birth to the orthodox narratives of the war, some of which remain influential to this day. Personal writings show how first-hand encounters in the war modified but also re-inforced already well-established identities, making national identities of immediate significance for an immeasurably wider group than in peace time. The late sixteenth-century growth in printing and literacy subsequently greatly amplified the impact of the East Asian War by allowing real-life interaction to be endlessly re-told as a dramatic clash between China, Korea, and Japan. This study restores the war to its proper place as a key moment in the longer development of national identities in East Asia. It also calls for a primary-source based, East-Asia centred reconsideration of theories on the historical development of collective identity, which remain overly influenced by later European experience.

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18

Tollefson, Julie Jo. „Japan's Article 9 and Japanese Public Opinion: Implications for Japanese Defense Policy and Security in the Asia Pacific“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1526812071227061.

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19

Larson, Emily. „Negotiating Interpersonal Relations in 21st Century China: The Practices of China's Post-90s Generation and Their Implications to Teaching Chinese as a Foreign Language“. The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1595514673748373.

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20

Rittenhouse, Paul D. „Achieving and Maintaining Food Security in the PRC: The Impact on Foreign Policy“. FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3260.

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The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how the People’s Republic of China has used domestic and foreign policy to achieve and maintain food security. This is a formidable task for the PRC given that it has 20% of the world’s population and only 7% of its arable land. It has been made more formidable by domestic policy errors and its changing position within the international system. The PRC has evolved from a Marxist revisionist state to one that mixes state capitalism and free enterprise and has become a combination of revisionist and status quo. Such changes lend themselves to process-tracing as a methodology in order to reveal the rationale behind the change and the resulting impact on food security. To capture this evolution, a food paradigm is constructed for various eras that reflect domestic influences on food security. To this is added the international aspect; the choice of what countries it would or could trade with, as needed. Together the domestic and international are combined to obtain a complete view of the food paradigm and resulting food security situation for each era. In pursuing food security this dissertation will focus on rice, wheat, soybeans, and maize, the prime grains for human consumption and animal feed in the PRC. These grains provide much of the caloric intake of the population as well as being the prime reserve products. The results show that these products have been used as a tool of foreign policy to reward or punish other states by adjusting their imports and exports to send political messages as seen fit. The PRC has always maintained a diversified import supply base, but as imports have continued to grow, the supply base is expanding. Expansion is not through land-grabbing but by contract growing by local farmers in less developed countries and leasing land in developed countries, both on previously uncultivated lands. Simultaneously, there are efforts to improve grain production in African countries, among others. Increasing output there will increase total world supply, an indirect benefit to the PRC food security and to its image abroad.

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Olson, Cassandra A. „Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands Dispute—Trilateral Policy Responses Between China, Japan, and the US“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1429761310.

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22

Smith, Parker T. „The Rise of China: Assessing "Revisionist" Behavior in the Global Economy“. Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556282376960416.

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23

Sandy, Jordan M. „Chinese Nationalism and the South China Sea“. Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1598620673257404.

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24

Li, Tina Lynn. „A New Product on the Chinese Market---Exploring how the Xiaomi smartphone became an “overnight sensation” in China“. The Ohio State University, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1435715038.

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25

Min, Gyungsook. „Reporting East Asia : foreign relations and news bias“. Thesis, University of Leicester, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/4721.

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This thesis, Reporting East Asia: Foreign Relations and News Bias, seeks to argue for the importance of understanding foreign relations in the study of 'bias' in international news. It begins by pointing out that many previous studies have examined pressures on news emanating from inside national boundaries, but have excluded force from outside, and most notably, the military and economic relations between reporting and reported nations. For the purpose of the study, newspapers from three countries; the US, South Korea and Japan (which different represent types of power order within the military and economic spheres in the Pacific region), were chosen. Three recent key events in the region were selected as case studies for news analysis: 1)The Shooting Down of the Korean Airline 007, by the Soviet Union in 1983; 2)The Former Philippine President, Marcos' Step Down in 1986 : and 3) the Anti-Government Demonstrations in South Korea in 1987. Throughout the thesis, the relationship between reporting countries and reported countries has been analysed. The relationships between the reporting nations and more powerful and influential nations, has also been examined, in order to establish how far the news content of a less powerful country is also shaped by its relations with dominant nations. The results of the study indicate that there is a strong relationship between the 'biased' news reporting of international events and the unequal relationships between and among nations. Consequently, it implies that understanding foreign relations is an important tool in the analysis of bias in international news reporting. However, the thesis concludes by suggesting that in order to fully understand the operating environment of international news, the internal dynamics of news organizations, media systems (including the relationship of news media to governmenta, and national power structures) needs to combined with the analysis of foreign relations in any future research.

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Chung, Christopher Humanities &amp Social Science Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. „The Spratly Islands dispute : decision units and domestic politics“. Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Humanities and Social Science, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38658.

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This thesis presents a cross-national, cross-regime examination of foreign policy decision-making in the Spratly Islands dispute, focusing on China, Malaysia and the Philippines. It argues that how and why these countries have acted in particular ways towards the dispute relates to the relationship among foreign policy decision-making, government behaviour and domestic politics. The theoretical foundation of the study is foreign policy analysis. It applies the decision units approach advanced by Margaret and Charles Hermann and Joe Hagan to investigate who made foreign policy decisions on the Spratly Islands dispute in the three countries during the period 1991-2002, and how this influenced government behaviour. In addition, the contextual influence of domestic politics is considered. Four case studies inform the empirical analysis: the approaches taken by Malaysia and the Philippines to bolster their respective sovereignty claim, China???s establishment of a comprehensive maritime jurisdictional regime covering the Spratly Islands among other areas, China-Philippines contestation over Mischief Reef and the development of a regional instrument to regulate conduct in the South China Sea. Three conclusions are drawn. First, the decision units approach identifies the pivotal foreign policy decision-makers in each of the countries examined and the process involved. Second, it explains the relationship between decision unit characteristics -- self-contained or externally influenceable -- and each government???s behaviour towards the dispute. Injecting domestic politics into the analysis highlights motivations of and constraints faced by decision-makers, conditioning the form and content of government action. Third, it demonstrates a low predictive capability: the ???fit??? between hypothesised and actual government behaviour is poor. While it is not a comprehensive analytical tool, the combined decision units-domestic politics approach offers deeper insight into government decisions and behaviour on the Spratly Islands dispute than hitherto reported in the literature.

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27

Chanock, Alexander G. „Explaining the Continuities and Changes in United States Policy in Relation to Taiwan for the Past Three Presidents“. Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/38.

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This thesis attempts to explain the continuities and changes in United States policy in relation to the Taiwan-China conflict. The paper examines this in the context of the presidential administrations of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama. This explanation is done by applying the three level-analysis approach of international relations to the policies of each president. The paper examines how individual-level, state-level, and systemic variances between the presidents affect the changes in policy towards Taiwan and China. After looking at all the different factors, the state-level factors mostly influence the continuities in policy while the individual and systemic factors most often lead to changes.

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28

Wei, Hongxu. „Foreign direct investment and economic development in China and East Asia“. Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2010. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/1180/.

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This thesis provides an empirical analysis on how Foreign Direct Investment could affect economic growth. The analysis focuses on China and two East Asian countries, South Korea and Taiwan, for the period from 1980 to 2006. A VAR system is applied to China and the other two countries, while innovation analysis, including variance decomposition and impulse response, is then undertaken to evaluate the influence of shocks on each variable. Cointegration analysis is introduced to capture the long-run equilibrium relationships. The results suggest a small negative effect of FDI on economic growth in China and Taiwan, and no significant influence on economic growth in South Korea. But we find that FDI could be attracted by rapid economic growth of all these countries. The traditional elements for growth, such as capital and labour are demonstrated to play important roles in stimulating economic growth, while the sustainable elements suggested by new endogenous theory, such as technology development and human capital, are found playing different roles across countries with respect to their strategies of development. In addition, a simultaneous equation model is estimated to capture the effects of policy instruments on output, FDI and other endogenous variables in China. Both direct coefficient effects and multiplier effects are calculated. The results indicate that the changes in capital formation, employment and human capital could decelerate the economic growth, while the changes in technology transfer and saving could have III accelerating effects on the change in output directly. FDI could affect the change in economic growth indirectly through an accelerating effect on capital formation and human capital. For the impacts of policy instruments, It draws a conclusion that the monetary policies, fiscal policies and commercial policies committed by the government are indeed appreciative for accelerating economic development in China. Together with the specific empirical results for China and other two East Asian countries, this thesis provides a more comprehensive framework to study the relationships between economic growth and FDI, with the VAR system focusing on the general overview and the simultaneous equation model targeting on the intermediates.

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29

Xia, Lan Yan. „The change and challenge of Chinese overseas interest in post 9/11 era“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554620.

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30

Albers, Martin. „The policies of Britain, France and West Germany towards the People's Republic of China, 1969-1982“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708129.

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31

Jin, Rong. „India and China :competitive co-existance through conflict management and cooperation promotion“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2018. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3954064.

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32

Karrar, Hasan Haider. „The new silk road diplomacy a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005 /“. online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium access full-text, 2006. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?NR27796.

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33

Que, Wen Jun. „String of pearls, myth or reality? : Sino-Indian interaction in Indian Ocean“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595577.

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34

Fang, Xiaodong. „Anti-China rhetoric, presidential elections and U.S. foreign policy towards China“. Thesis, Georgetown University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10128065.

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Is anti-China rhetoric an effective strategy in U.S. presidential campaigns? If the answer is Yes, then to what extent does anti-China rhetoric affect them? If the answer is No, then why have so many presidential candidates used anti-China rhetoric in recent campaigns? Is anti-China rhetoric only election-driven? Is it also policy-driven? Do presidential candidates use anti-China rhetoric to seek voter support, as well as propose changes in U.S. foreign policy towards China?

Conventional wisdom and scholars like Robert Sutter suggest that foreign policy has little effect on American presidential elections and anti-foreign rhetoric by presidential candidates does not matter to American foreign policy and foreign relations. In this dissertation, however, I argue the opposite that anti-China rhetoric exercises significant influence on American presidential elections and foreign policy towards China. The dissertation addresses two fundamental questions: 1) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American presidential elections? And 2) what is the effect of anti-China rhetoric on American foreign policy towards China, American public opinion towards China, and U.S.-China relationship? To answer the first question about elections, I focus on televised campaign commercials and statistically estimate the effect of anti-China rhetoric on seeking voter support in the presidential election. The data I examine come from the “Wisconsin Advertising Project” and various election polls in 2008. I answer the second question about foreign policy by exploring the contents of anti-China rhetoric in campaign activities including ads, candidates’ speeches and debates, and public statements about policy towards China and how that rhetoric affects subsequent American foreign policy towards China, as well as public opinion of China and U.S.-China relations. My statistical and qualitative analyses find that airing ads using anti-China rhetoric increases the presidential candidate’s voter support in target states; that the administration is more likely to make tough foreign policies towards China when there is more anti-China rhetoric by presidential candidates; and thirdly, that anti-China rhetoric during the election year negatively affects American opinions of China but produces a positive impact on U.S.-China relations.

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35

Floeck, Emily Katherine. „U.S. foreign policy towards China, 1972-9“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608002.

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36

Shi, Chen Lu. „India's strategic thinking and policies towards China :a geopolitical analysis“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335232.

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37

Zhang, Rong Rong. „Emerging alliance? :analysis of China-Russia strategic partnership from perspective of balance of threat theory“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335239.

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38

Brochard, Patrick. „Political economy of China's foreign trade“. Thesis, McGill University, 1985. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=63312.

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39

Liu, Yi. „The determinants of Western Australia’s foreign investment in China“. Curtin University of Technology, School of Management, 2008. http://espace.library.curtin.edu.au:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=119755.

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The growing economic importance of China with its major economic power in the East Asia region has become a popular host destination for receiving foreign investment from Hong Kong, Korea, and Taiwan. With China’s growth and development, this nation has over time become one of Australia’s main trading partners. As new investment opportunities have emerged, Australian companies, especially from Western Australia have shown interest in the Chinese marketplace. Despite the popular consensus that Australian companies are increasingly investing in China, to date relevant literature examining this notion is limited. Specifically, studies of elements that motivate or deter owners / managers of Australian companies, especially from Western Australia to invest in China are restricted. Consequently, the purpose of this study was to investigate the likely relationships between four independent constructs (1. market size, 2. labour cost, 3. infrastructure, and 4. business ethics) in China and the intensity of foreign investment from Western Australia, and to evaluate if and how these relationships are mediated by personality attributes (i.e., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking.
To empirically investigate the determining factor for undertaking investment in China, this study employed both quantitative and qualitative approaches. The use of the quantitative method positivist approach is deemed as a suitable, partial approach, which assists in determining the statistical relationships between the investigated variables. Moreover, a qualitative approach was used in a complementing context to understand the quantitative results. Given the dynamic business environment in China, the use of a qualitative approach has potential for gaining a more comprehensive understanding of quantitative findings as well as providing rich information for further interpretations.
This study was conducted with 43 respondents of Western Australian companies. A salient feature of the study companies is that they either have capabilities to invest or are already investing in mainland China (People’s Republic of China, in this study identified as China). The targeted companies are involved in manufacturing and services industries, such as mining, education, banking, and telecommunication. Although collecting primary data appeared to be a challenge, the data were robust for statistical analysis. In addition, the data were from decision makers of the study companies, which further indicate the richness of the sample.
The findings of this study revealed that China’s large market size plays a positive role in attracting investments from WA to China. Similarly, the adequate level of infrastructure and the level of familiarity of business ethics in China tend to somewhat encourage WA investors to conduct business in China. In contrast, China’s cheap labour cost was not the primary driver that motivates WA companies to invest in China. In relation to the mediating effects of personality attributes (e.g., gender), organisational properties (i.e., size), and networking the study findings revealed that networking plays a significant mediating role in the investment decision. However, due to the relatively small sample size, personality attributes and organisational properties were established to provide insufficient analytical rigor in the decision to invest in China by WA companies.
The implications for this study may offer insightful information to enrich the understanding of the determinants of Australian foreign investment in general, and in the Chinese marketplace in particular. In addition, by empirically investigating the perceptions of the decision makers of WA companies in relation to their investment decisions in China, the findings of this research may assist foreign companies to undertake better planning of their investment decisions. More specifically, this study may offer additional insight to those companies that are operating or planning to invest in the Chinese marketplace. For example, this study may be particularly useful for international managers or owners, as it may provide some fruitful information to assist a better understanding of the issues that relate to business ethics with Chinese operations. In addition, the phenomenon of guanxi in China has been considered as a major determinant for facilitating business engagement in the Chinese marketplace. It may, therefore, be argued that the phenomenon of guanxi in assisting business operations in China has become increasingly important, and international managers or owners may need to gain a deeper understanding of this phenomenon.

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40

Qian, Eugene. „One country, two systems : the structure and process of China's policy making towards Hong Kong (1979-1990)“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.670236.

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41

Vanhove, Eric A. „U.S. foreign policy in the Caucasus and Central Asia : pipeline politics and the national interest“. Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA333979.

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42

Zhang, Shu. „Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations“. Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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43

Liao, Xuanli, und 廖宣力. „Chinese think tanks and China's policy on Japan“. Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31243368.

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44

Ng, Hei Lin. „China foreign aid to Africa : features and implications“. HKBU Institutional Repository, 2012. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1465.

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45

Traylor, John Christopher 1960. „American business and United States foreign economic policy in East Asia, 1953-1960“. Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/276538.

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The Eisenhower Administration sought to create a large role for U.S. multinational corporations, who could provide a significant amount of the capital needed for trade expansion and industrial growth. This policy became known as "trade not aid." The trade not aid policy reflected both the fiscal conservatism and ideological beliefs of the Eisenhower Administration. By 1957 Eisenhower shifted to a policy of trade and aid. This study examines three foreign economic policies in the context of American-East Asian relations. It focused primarily on Japan, since that country served as the center of the American regional "workshop economy" concept in Asia. Tracing the development of the trade/aid program, this thesis then compares and contrasts governmental policies with business activity and opinion during the 1950s. It concludes that the foreign economic policy of the Eisenhower Administration contained serious flaws, served the needs of only a few countries in the region, and was weighted heavily toward a military support role rather than economic development. (Abstract shortened with permission of author.)

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46

Dreier, Tina, und Rhodes University. „China's African FDI safari : opportunistic exploitation or muturally beneficial to all participants“. Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1001455.

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When implemented within a favourable legislative framework, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) can produce domestic growth-enhancing spillovers in host countries. Other potential positive effects include the provision of investment capital, the creation of local employment and the transfer of sophisticated technology or advanced knowledge. African nations in particular have been historically reliant on externally-provided funds. Prevailing low income levels, marginal savings rates and the absence of functioning financial markets necessary to provide local start-up capital continue to keep Africa reliant on foreign inflows. Considering China’s increasing financial commitments to Sub- Saharan Africa (SSA) over the last decade, this study examines the state of current Sino-African investment relationships. Specific attention is paid to the outcomes of this strategic bilateral alliance in order to determine whether or not a mutually beneficial investment relationship has evolved. The distinct nature and structure of, the motivation behind and the most significant determinants of Chinese FDI to SSA are all analysed in accordance with traditional FDI theories. A case study approach is used to establish whether China’s contemporary interest in SSA differs from historical investments and to also investigate country-specific commonalities and differences. Of particular relevance to SSA are resource-backed Chinese loans that finance major infrastructure projects in host nations. Interestingly, a lot of the Sino-African investment packages resemble similar deals struck between China and Japan in the 1970s. The results of this study indicate that China’s investment motives seem more diverse than initially expected. Resource-seeking, profit-seeking and market access-seeking reasons appear to be the most important motives. After establishing the Top- Ten recipients of Chinese FDI in SSA, these nations are then classified into three major categories: resource-, oil- or agricultural-rich nations. Undiversified resource- or oil-rich economies are found to have secured the largest shares of Chinese FDI. This study suggests that China’s contemporary “African Safari” is an unconventional way of providing financial assistance. Rather than solely supplying FDI, China finances a diverse mix of instruments, the most important being concessional loans, export credits, zero-interest loans and the establishment of Special Economic Zones. A profound difference to traditional Western investment packages is China’s non-interference approach. Accordingly, Beijing not only refrains from intervening in host countries’ domestic affairs but also refuses to attach formal conditionalties to its loans. China’s “financial safari” into Africa has produced many positive as well as negative effects in host countries. Nevertheless, it would seem that the positive effects outweigh the negative and China’s FDI could contribute to sustainable development in SSA

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47

Ibrahim, Azeem. „United States policy towards the Caspian Region since the end of the Soviet Union“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609635.

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48

Tai, Hean Cheong. „What factors determine trust between states? : the case of US-China relations“. Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283954.

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49

Liou, To-hai. „China between the two Koreas, 1984-1989 /“. Diss., The University of Arizona, 1991. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/33050933.html.

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50

Kong, Wei 1968. „U. S. China Policy During the Cold War Era (1948-1989)“. Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc277993/.

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Dissertationen zum Thema „Asia Foreign relations China“

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