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1
BOŽILOVIĆ, JELENA. „ETHICAL PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL COMMUNITY IN THE WORKS OF ARISTOTLE“. Kultura polisa, Nr. 44 (08.03.2021): 173–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.1r.3.02.
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Aristotle’s understanding of political community is strongly linked with the view on political naturalism and the concept of a man as a moral being. According to Aristotle, man (by nature) achieves his human potential by living in a community, however, the political community on its own, as the largest and the most significant among all communities, enables citizens to fully develop their virtue through their participation in political life. For this reason, a man and the community are joined in a relationship resulting in mutual creation of ethics: by living in a polis, an individual develops virtue, and conversely, his virtuous actions in the community enable a polis to endure on ethical principles. This conception is found in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics and Politics, and is encompassed in the theory of virtue, theory of citizenship and a detailed consideration of the forms of political systems. Although elitist and exclusivist, Aristotle’s ethical and political views remain intact in terms of the value ascribed to the “the philosophy of human life”, as his legacy continues to inspire modern social thought. The aim of this paper is to show the connection Aristotle makes between a political community and ethical principles while pointing to their universal importance through the analysis of Nicomachean Ethics and Politics.
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CRESPO, RICARDO F. „Aristotle on agency, habits and institutions“. Journal of Institutional Economics 12, Nr. 4 (21.04.2016): 867–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000059.
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AbstractThis paper introduces Aristotle's conception of agency, habits and institutions as a way of contributing to some current discussions about the definition, nature and theory of institutions. Aristotle developed a theory of human action, where we can find a place for ‘agency’. His views on habits are linked to his theory of virtue and art (skill). Concerning institutions, Aristotle provides a sound social and political philosophy that encompasses the nature and role of institutions. The paper will subsequently present Aristotle's ideas on these three notions – agency, habits and institutions – and will finally establish which of the current accounts of institutions involved in the discussion sparked by Hindriks and Guala's recent paper (2005a) he would support. Given that some realities tackled in the paper are nowadays radically different from Aristotle's times, the paper tries to keep an ‘Aristotelian-minded’ point of view – that is, analysing current topics based on Aristotelian concepts.
3
Biondi, Carrie-Ann. „ARISTOTLE ON THE MIXED CONSTITUTION AND ITS RELEVANCE FOR AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT“. Social Philosophy and Policy 24, Nr. 2 (29.05.2007): 176–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070215.
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Contemporary political discourse is marked with the language of democracy, and Western countries in particular seek to promote democracy at home and abroad. However, there is a sublimated conflict in general political discourse between a desire to rely on alleged political experts and a desire to assert the supposed common sense of all men. Can the struggle between the democratic and aristocratic values embodied in this conflict be reconciled? The question is perennial, and raises issues that are central to constitutional design. Aristotle, developing in significant ways insights made by his teacher Plato, grapples with it in his Politics. Aristotle's views on these matters are relevant—by way of the American Founders'—to contemporary American politics and modern democracies generally. During the eighteenth century, the Founders, some of whom explicitly reached back to Aristotle's work, also struggled—especially in The Federalist Papers—with these thorny issues of constitutional design. They created the U.S. Constitution in part to address these very same problems and issues. We are living in some ways, then, in the shadow of Aristotle's political theorizing, albeit as transposed by the American Founders. Both Aristotle and some of the American Founders theoretically favor aristocracy over democracy, but concede that in practice a blend of the two has to be integrated into the fundamental structure of political society. We need to reconnect with these important political discussions in order to come to terms with aristocratic and democratic values in our current circumstances.
4
Broadie, Sarah. „Aristotle's Elusive Summum Bonum“. Social Philosophy and Policy 16, Nr. 1 (1999): 233–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002314.
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The philosophy of Aristotle (384–322, b.c.e.) remains a beacon of our culture. But no part of Aristotle's work is more alive and compelling today than his contribution to ethics and political science — nor more relevant to the subject of the present volume. Political science, in his view, begins with ethics, and the primary task of ethics is to elucidate human flourishing. Aristotle brings to this topic a mind unsurpassed in the depth, keenness, and comprehensiveness of its probing.
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Absattarov, R. B. „PLATO AND ARISTOTLE ON EDUCATION“. BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 74, Nr. 2 (30.06.2021): 95–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2021-2.1728-8940.14.
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The article examines the views of Plato and Aristotle on education, which have not yet been sufficiently studied in socio-political science. The article examines in more or less detail the views of Plato and Aristotle on social education in the state on specific materials. Of outstanding pedagogical and educational significance are the early Platonic dialogues, in which the death of Socrates is considered: "Apology"," Crito"," Phaidon"," Phaidros","Feast". The main work of the mature Plato "The State" contains, along with the doctrine of politics, a lot of pedagogical arguments and ideas, including questions of social education. Aristotle considered the issues of social education of people, especially minors, quite deeply in many of his works. This is especially true of the "Nicomachean ethics" and "Politics". There is no doubt, Aristotle notes, that legislators should take care of the upbringing of children and young people, as well as the support of morality in society. Without this, no state can preserve itself. At the same time, the article also pays attention to controversial issues.
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Finlayson, James Gordon. „“Bare Life” and Politics in Agamben's Reading of Aristotle“. Review of Politics 72, Nr. 1 (2010): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670509990982.
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AbstractGiorgio Agamben's critique of Western politics inHomo Sacerand three related books has been highly influential in the humanities and social sciences. The critical social theory set out in these works depends essentially on his reading of Aristotle'sPolitics. His diagnosis of what ails Western politics and his suggested remedy advert to a “biopolitical paradigm,” at the center of which stand a notion of “bare life” and a purported opposition betweenbiosandzoē. Agamben claims that this distinction is found in Aristotle's text, in ancient Greek, and in a tradition of political theory and political society stemming from fourth-century Athens to the present. However, a close reading of Aristotle refutes this assertion. There is no such distinction. I show that he bases this view on claims about Aristotle by Arendt and Foucault, which are also unfounded.
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Bobonich, Christopher. „WHY SHOULD PHILOSOPHERS RULE? PLATO'S REPUBLIC AND ARISTOTLE'S PROTREPTICUS“. Social Philosophy and Policy 24, Nr. 2 (29.05.2007): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070203.
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I examine Plato's claim in the Republic that philosophers must rule in a good city and Aristotle's attitude towards this claim in his early, and little discussed, work, the Protrepticus. I argue that in the Republic, Plato's main reason for having philosophers rule is that they alone understand the role of philosophical knowledge in a good life and how to produce characters that love such knowledge. He does not think that philosophic knowledge is necessary for getting right the vast majority of judgments about actions open to assessment as virtuous or vicious. I argue that in the Protrepticus Aristotle accepts similar reasons for the rule of philosophers, but goes beyond the Republic and seems to suggest that philosophic knowledge is required for getting right ethical and political judgments in general. I close by noting some connections with Aristotle's later views in the Eudemian Ethics, the Nicomachean Ethics, and the Politics.
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Onuf, Nicholas. „Structure? What Structure?“ International Relations 23, Nr. 2 (Juni 2009): 183–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117809104634.
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Kenneth Waltz is a structural theorist. While scholars often comment on Waltz's conception of structure, they rarely address the philosophical assumptions behind it — assumptions that go back to Kant and finally to Aristotle. Appropriately situated, Waltz's conception of structure points to a strong version of constructivist social theory. To make my case, I trace Waltz's view of political structure in his early work, recapitulate his views on science, models and theory, address the question of his (or any) theory's relation to `reality', illustrate his difficulty with structural theory and institutional reality, and consider the vexed question of any theory's fit to a world already talked into existence. I show how close Waltz is to a philosophical position that solves his problem with theory's relation to reality and specifies the conditions under which any social theory can make sense or use of the term structure.
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Kraut, Richard. „NATURE IN ARISTOTLE'S ETHICS AND POLITICS“. Social Philosophy and Policy 24, Nr. 2 (29.05.2007): 199–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070227.
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Aristotle's doctrine that human beings are political animals is, in part, an empirical thesis, and posits an inclination to enter into cooperative relationships, even apart from the instrumental benefits of doing so. Aristotle's insight is that human cooperation rests on a non-rational propensity to trust even strangers, when conditions are favorable. Turning to broader questions about the role of nature in human development, I situate Aristotle's attitude towards our natural propensities between two extremes: he rejects both the view that we must bow to whatever nature dictates, and also the view that nature is generally or always to be suppressed or overcome. This middle position requires that Aristotle hold nature and goodness apart, so that the latter can serve as a standard for evaluating the former. He holds that nature does not treat all human beings alike: just as some are handicapped in their development by a deficiency in their natural abilities or propensities, others are extraordinarily fortunate and have so powerful a disposition to act well that they easily acquire good habits and skills of practical reasoning. Further, he recognizes that sociable inclinations and natural virtues have to compete in the human soul with other natural forces that make ethical life extraordinarily difficult. That is why things so often go so badly for us: we need not only to subdue the external environment, but to overcome certain inner natural obstacles as well. Even so, for Aristotle ethical life is not generally alienated from nature, as it is for other philosophers.
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Corey, David D. „Voegelin and Aristotle on Nous: What is Noetic Political Science?“ Review of Politics 64, Nr. 1 (2002): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500031612.
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The article examines Voegelin's understanding of nous as the ground for theorizing, and relates this back to Aristotle. Aristotle is shown to have understood the activities of nous in two distinct ways. On the one hand, nous is the divine activity of the soul exploring its own ground. But nous is also induction (epagôgê) of the first principles of science through sense perception, memory and experience. The two basic activities of nous are related, but they have different values when it comes to the world of particulars. The argument is that a substantive ethical and political science—one that sheds light on particulars—must include the inductive employment of nous and that the exclusion of this from Voegelin's political science results in some discernible limitations.The limitations of Eric Voegelin—s work are sometimes difficult to keep in view, particularly while he is expounding upon the totality of Being, the myriad dimensions of human consciousness, and the nature of order in personal, social, and historical existence. But in fact Voegelin's work is more limited than his magisterial tone might suggest. The argument of this article is that while Voegelin offers his readers profoundly important insights into the structure of human consciousness and into what Aristotle called first philosophy, the study of being qua being, he does not offer his readers much in the way of a substantive ethical or political science.
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Piepenbrink, Karen. „‚Wertorientierung‘ als rhetorisches Argument: Die ‚Rhetorik‘ des Aristoteles und die soziale Praxis im Athen des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. im Vergleich“. Rhetorica 34, Nr. 2 (2016): 121–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2016.34.2.121.
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Different from some of his other works on practical philosophy Aristotle's Rhetoric has a rather strong orientation towards the everyday life world of the poleis of his time. That applies to many of his reflections on the conditions of communication in the poleis as well as to his utterances about social values which are based on common sense. In Aristotle's view the orator's ethos and thus his consequent reference to intersubjectively valid values is the most important instrument for a rhetor to claim credibility. In comparison with the ethopoiia of fourth-century rhetorical practice at Athens there are several structural similarities which, however, are neither due to interdependencies nor manifest themselves in intertextual references, but are due to the fact that Aristotle refers to the orators' conditions of action in a democratic system. Besides, there are also strong differences which seem to have two main reasons: Aristotle's inclination to differentiate and to systematize his topics as well as his tendency to ‘elitism’ which might have philosophical and socio-political components, whereby in the Rhetoric the socio-political ones predominate.
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Lane, Melissa. „Politics as Architectonic Expertise? Against Taking the So-called ‘Architect’ (ἀρχιτέκτων) in Plato’s Statesman to Prefigure this Aristotelian View“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, Nr. 3 (01.09.2020): 449–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340294.
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Abstract This article rejects the claim made by other scholars that Plato in the Statesman, by employing the so-called ‘architect’ (ὁ ἀρχιτέκτων) in one of the early divisions leading to the definition of political expertise, prefigured and anticipated the architectonic conception of political expertise advanced by Aristotle. It argues for an alternative reading in which Plato in the Statesman, and in the only other of his works (Gorgias) in which the word appears, closely tracks the existing social role of the architektōn, who was designated as such only in virtue of appointment by a city to a role that was crucially defined as epitactic, involving overseeing the workers on site engaged in constructing some civic building works. It is this epitactic dimension of the role on which Plato relies in the Statesman, as opposed to the kind of claim to overarching integrative expertise that Aristotle would use the figure of architectonic political knowledge to make.
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Bartula, Piotr. „Us and Nothing“. Intercultural Relations 2, Nr. 2(4) (27.03.2019): 83–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/rm.02.2018.04.05.
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Perhaps everyone is familiar with Aristotle’s view that man is a cultural, social and political animal: “ . . . And he who by nature and not by mere accident is without a state, is either a bad man or above humanity; he is like the ‘Tribeless, lawless, hearthless one,’ whom Homer denounces – the natural outcast is forthwith a lover of war; he may be compared to an isolated piece at draughts.” Although Aristotle’s view seems obvious, at first sight, it is not so. This is evidenced by the numerous examples of recluses, outsiders, stateless persons, anarchists who dismiss belonging to a state or world culture, thinking nothing of them. Thus, there they feel observed, spied upon, assessed, censored, directed, sizedup, priced, marked, lectured, tied, robbed, repressed, degraded, examined, baited, derided, plundered, judged, manipulated, sold-out, conscripted, corrected, socialised, punished and homeless. These views unmask the political, social and cultural “Us”, as a mask hiding the anarchistic and pre-social “Nothing”.
14
Filipovic, Bozidar. „War and crime as a source of moral renewal and unity - republican heritage and its transformation into a work of Emile Durkheim“. Sociologija 59, Nr. 3 (2017): 296–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1703296f.
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In this paper we wish to demonstrate how Durkheim integrates in his work the views of the classics of political thought on war as a means of moral regeneration of society. Taking into account the understanding of the consequences of war in republics - in Plato, Aristotle, Machiavelli, Montesquieu, and Rousseau - we will try to offer a new way of looking at Durkheim?s sociological theory. Although he was not a supporter of war as a means of (moral) integration, Durkheim noted its positive effect on moral cohesion in the example of the study of suicide. The central hypothesis of our work relates to the functional equivalence of the republican understanding of the consequences of war and Durkheim?s theory of the origin and role of crime. Unlike his predecessors and contemporaries (Comte, Saint-Simon, and Spencer), Durkheim never completely abandoned the idea of conflict (crime) as an integrating factor within a society. The main difference between Durkheim and the abovementioned classics of philosophy and republican thought concerns the framework of conflict. While within the republican legacy it appears as conflict with an external enemy (war), in Durkheim it predominantly appears in the form of internal conflict.
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Cornell, John F. „On the Relevance of Aristotle's Bioethics“. Politics and the Life Sciences 6, Nr. 2 (Februar 1988): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0730938400003269.
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There is a reasonable urgency today about clarifying the relationship between biology and human affairs. A growing genetic technology is an obvious reason for concern. But behind that is the real crisis, at once ethical and educational. The “moral” teachings that descend from the new scho~ls of biology - of which sociobiology may be considered representative - are easy deductions from rigid reductionist theories, requiring no inquiry about the limits of theory, and thus ready for popular consumption. Arnhart clearly recognizes the philosophical dimensions of our situation in his article “Aristotle's Biopolitics”. His suggestion that we begin our rethinking of bioethics with serious study of one of the greatest biologists and ethical thinkers seems to me a timely one. Modern scientific methods engender ceaseless advances and ceaseless controversies, but they ‘appear impotent to give us, as Aristotle did, a reasonable view of our own species’ place and purpose.
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Jones, Henry. „Searching for Statesmanship: a Corpus-Based Analysis of a Translated Political Discourse“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 36, Nr. 2 (28.06.2019): 216–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340208.
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Abstract With its connotations of superior moral integrity, exceptional leadership qualities and expertise in the science of government, the modern ideal of statesmanship is most commonly traced back to the ancient Greek concept of πολιτικός (politikos) and the work of Plato and Aristotle in particular. Through an analysis of a large corpus of modern English translations of political works, built as part of the AHRC Genealogies of Knowledge project (http://genealogiesofknowledge.net/), this case-study aims to explore patterns that are specific to this translated discourse, with a view to understanding the crucial role played by translators in shaping its development and reception in society. It ultimately seeks to argue that the model of statesmanship presented in translations from ancient Greek is just as much a product of the receiving culture (and the social anxieties of Victorian Britain especially) as it is inherited from the classical world.
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Berlin, Isaiah. „A Turning-Point in Political Thought“. Common Knowledge 25, Nr. 1-3 (01.04.2019): 292–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/0961754x-7299390.
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Berlin discerns three great crises in Western political thought, each challenging one of its three primary tenets. The three tenets are (1) that questions about correct human actions are answerable, whether the answers are yet known or not; (2) that the answers to those questions, insofar as they are true, cannot contradict each other; and (3) that human beings have a distinctive character, which is essentially social. Each of these tenets has been attacked, the first by the German Romantics of the late eighteenth century, the second by Machiavelli in sixteenth-century Florence, and the third by the Epicureans and Stoics in the late fourth-century BCE. Berlin’s extended examination of this third case demonstrates both how firmly established was the idea that human beings found meaning only in relation to others in the polis and how great and sudden was the transition toward focus on the individual fostered by the Cynics, Epicureans, and Stoics. The suddenness and irruptive nature of this transition cannot be satisfactorily understood as a reflection of political changes alone, but its deeper roots are obscured by the dominance of Plato, Aristotle, and others who subscribed to the polis-centered point of view and regarded possible precursors of the transition as their philosophical opponents.
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Beck, Martha C. „Weaving Together a Global Civilization that Nurtures Justice and Peace: A Vision for Muslim Educators at Indonesia’s UIN Institutions“. Sunan Kalijaga: International Journal of Islamic Civilization 1, Nr. 1 (22.03.2018): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/skijic.v1i1.1211.
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This paper links the religious pluralism of Pancasila, Indonesia’s political ideology, with numerous ancient and contemporary worldviews, including Erwin Lazlo’s Systems View of the World, the “Functionalism” of Paul Davies and Richard Feynman, both theoretical physicists, and Aristotle. It gives extensive descriptions of Aristotle’s virtues: self-control, courage, even-temperedness, wise ambition, appropriate pride, a sense of humor, self-knowledge, sociability, justice, moderation in wealth, good judgment about what sorts of laws will weave people together in positive ways, including how to distribute social goods, how to punish law-breakers, and how to apply laws to specific cases within a context of the integration of nature and culture. It then explains how Confucius, Buddha, Muhammad and Jesus either exercised those virtues throughout their lives or held those with power accountable for using power to promote human well-being. It explains Aristotle’s model for childhood education as a process of habituation from childhood on that integrates the moral and intellectual virtues throughout life. The paper makes suggestions for how to use the stories of these great spiritual leaders to structure a comprehensive system of integrated education. The paper explains how this model is compatible with the United Nations’ Capabilities model for development. Using this model of integrated education, members of all the world’s religions and humanists of all types can work together toward world peace.
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Anderson, Austen R., und Blaine J. Fowers. „An exploratory study of friendship characteristics and their relations with hedonic and eudaimonic well-being“. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships 37, Nr. 1 (10.07.2019): 260–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265407519861152.
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Friendships are an important source of happiness, well-being, physical health, and longevity. Researchers have often linked unidimensional friendship quality to life satisfaction and positive affect, which are hedonic forms of well-being. Aristotle presented an expanded view of friendship with three general characteristics: Utility, Pleasure, and Virtue. Following his theory, we expected Pleasure and Utility characteristics to be primarily related to hedonic well-being (HWB). In contrast, we expected Virtue characteristics to be more strongly related to eudaimonic well-being (EWB), which includes meaning, personal growth, and positive relationships in this study. This exploratory study assessed Aristotle’s theory about friendship and well-being with 375 participants. Two exploratory structural equation models were tested. There was an indirect relationship between Utility characteristics and HWB through Help Received. A friend’s Virtue characteristics had an indirect relationship with EWB through the reliability of the friendship. These findings indicate that friendship characteristics related to utility and virtue friendships appear to have differential implications for understanding the role of friends in happiness and flourishing.
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COX, GORDON, und STEPHANIE PITTS. „Editorial“. British Journal of Music Education 23, Nr. 3 (November 2006): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265051706007145.
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Several of the articles in this issue encourage us to re-think taken for granted attitudes and practice, to jolt us out of complacency. Take ‘creativity’ for example. The word tends to get bandied around as a catch-all, so that it loses touch with any specific meaning. Jere Humphreys, in his Point for Debate, ‘Toward a reconstruction of ‘creativity’ in music education’ takes the long view, and ranges from Socrates, Plato and Aristotle to postmodernist ideologies. The basic tension (dualism) he identifies as being between realist and idealist positions, which leads him to conclude that creativity needs to be understood as a social construct. But there are no quick-fixes: to comprehend its significance requires us to consider psychological, cultural, and political/social and economic factors. Likewise,words such as ‘tradition’, ‘authenticity’ and ‘context’ tend to have politically correct connotations in connection with world music. But Huib Schippers, in his paper maintains that almost all music is transmitted out of context, and that the formal education system is a major exercise in recontextualisation. Music educators have to come to terms with what he calls the ‘global flow’.
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Sommers, Christina. „The Feminist Revelation“. Social Philosophy and Policy 8, Nr. 1 (1990): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500003782.
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In the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Association for the fall of 1988, we find the view that “the power of philosophy lies in its radicalness.” The author, Tom Foster Digby, tells us that in our own day “the radical potency of philosophy is particularly well-illustrated by contemporary feminist philosophy” in ways that “could eventually reorder human life.” The claim that philosophy is essentially radical has deep historical roots.Aristotle and Plato each created a distinctive style of social philosophy. Following Ernest Barker, I shall call Aristotle's way of doing social philosophy “whiggish,” having in mind that the O.E.D. characterizes ‘whig’ as “a word that says in one syllable what ‘conservative liberal’ says in seven.” Later whigs shared with Aristotle the conviction that traditional arrangements have great moral weight, and that common opinion is a primary source of moral truth. The paradigm example of a whig moral philosopher is Henry Sidgwick, with his constant appeal to Common Sense and to “established morality.” On the more liberal side, we have philosophers like David Hume who cautions us to “adjust [political] innovations as much as possible to the ancient fabric,” and William James who insists that the liberal philosopher must reject radicalism.In modern times, many social philosophers have followed the more radical example of Plato, who was convinced that common opinion was benighted and in need of much consciousness-raising. Looking on society as a Cave that distorted real values, Plato showed a great readiness to discount traditional arrangements. He was perhaps the first philosopher to construct an ideal of a society that reflected principles of justice, inspiring generations of utopian social philosophers.
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Houlgate, Stephen. „Hegel's Ethical Thought“. Hegel Bulletin 13, Nr. 01 (1992): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026352320000481x.
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It is often assumed that Hegel's philosophy contains no practical dimension, no doctrine of how human beings should live, but is concerned exclusively with showing that human existence, as the product of reason, is already fully rational. As a consequence, even though Hegel's social and political thought (which is set out mainly in his Philosophy of Right) has been the subject of extensive and detailed study over the years, few commentators have ever tried to develop a Hegelian ethical theory to place alongside those of Aristotle, Kant and Mill. In his book, Hegel's Ethical Thought, Allen Wood has set himself the task of remedying this situation and, in my view, has succeeded in producing one of the most thoughtful, informative and provocative accounts of Hegel's Philosophy of Right to date. Wood's achievement is extraordinary. He offers a coherent and sophisticated account of virtually all the major elements of Hegelian “objective spirit”, including freedom, happiness, recognition, right, property, punishment, morality, conscience, civil society, poverty, the state and history; and in the process he engages Hegel in a fascinating and highly instructive dialogue with a whole host of thinkers, including Aristotle, Hobbes, Locke, Kant, Fichte, J F Fries and J S Mill, in a way that exceedingly few commentators have succeeded in doing (or have even tried to do). As a result, I believe that Wood has shown conclusively that Hegel is an ethical theorist who is every bit as sophisticated as Aristotle, Kant and Mill, and whose contribution to ethical theory can no longer continue to be disparaged or ignored (as is largely the case) by contemporary students of the subject.
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N. Ye., Donii. „Historical and philosophical viev on the democracy phenomenon“. Scientific Herald of Sivershchyna. Series: Education. Social and Behavioural Sciences 1, Nr. 6 (02.07.2021): 77–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.32755/sjeducation.2021.01.077.
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As a form of social life democracy is around for over 2,500 years. The development of democracy is noted to be as a large-scale process in the XXIst century, that became a factor determining the totality of social and legal relations in the world. The today’s democracy as a form of socio-political system of the state, acquired a form different from the democracy that emerged in Athens and which was perceived as perfect and equated to the goddess, whose sanctity was not in doubt and did not allow encroachment. We believe that the transformation of democracy requires reflection. The purpose of the article is to generalize the researchers’s views of different historical epochs on the democracy phenomenon. The democracy, at the time of its inception, was the ideas bearer of the concept of socio-political order, in opposition to the pyramidal-hierarchical social relations. The democracy is also noted to not be approved throughout the history of its existence, which is confirmed by the statements of Plato, Aristotle, Churchill W. and others. However, it is also pointed out that at present the change of attitude to democracy is conceptually fixed, so a variable number of democracy assessments, as well as democracy as a phenomenon itself, have acquired considerable variants. Conclusions. In contrast to the limited classical democracy definition in modern philosophical discourse, this concept is quite broad and has nuances that are emphasized by researchers. Experts proves that democracy is always built in a particular society, thus acquiring unique features. According to researchers, it is a process that requires time, patience and the ability to use the result. In addition, it cannot be achieved by giving only the right to choose, nor as a recipe to “write”, it requires knowledge and skills, which are the result of experience with mistakes and victories. This was emphasized by both ancient highly intelligent youth and modern researchers. Key words: aristocracy, democracy, people, power, polyarchy, democracy waves.
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Baranauskiene, Ingrida. „Preface by Editor-in-Chief“. SOCIAL WELFARE: INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH 1, Nr. 10 (18.12.2020): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.21277/sw.v1i10.568.
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<p>Dear authors, members of the editorial board, and readers of the scientific interdisciplinary journal <em>Social Welfare: Interdisciplinary Approach</em>. We present to you one more issue of the journal. As in previous issues, in the present issue, an interdisciplinary approach to social welfare in a national and intercultural context is important to us. In this issue, we present to your attention the works of scientists from three countries in one way or another related to social welfare, the concept of which is constructed and presented in three chapters: <em>Social Challenges</em>, <em>The Development of Professional Competences</em> and <em>Disability Studies</em>. Going deeper into the presented scientific works, it can be seen that in many of them we can name social justice as the main idea. This scientific concept and the starting point of the formation of the concept of life has reached us from ancient times. All of us know Plato, Socrates’ disciple, and his ontological concept of justice related to a virtue of the soul. Justice for Plato is one of the major virtues that encompasses both state governance and human life in general. It can be argued that he saw the benefits of justice in the life of the state and the individual, including the idea that justice unites society (Plato, 2000<a title="" href="#_ftn1">[1]</a>). Aristotle gives justice the meaning of redistribution and sharing. On the other hand, although Aristotle’s justice is restricted to Greek citizens, in any case, the idea of sharing, redistributing, offsetting was spread thanks to Aristotle (Aristotle, 1990<a title="" href="#_ftn2">[2]</a>). Thomas Aquinas not only linked the Christian tradition to the teaching of Aristotle, but also further developed the idea of justice and emphasized the importance of transposing the idea into law (Aquinas, 2015<a title="" href="#_ftn3">[3]</a>). Immanuel Kant developed a moral theory which, in the context of our days, is, in my view, an important duty as the strongest pillar of morality (Kant, 1987<a title="" href="#_ftn4">[4]</a>). Without going into polemic about how much Immanuel Kant’s philosophy influenced John Rawls’ theory of social justice, I will quote the principles of justice defined by him: “a) each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive scheme of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar scheme of liberties for others; and in this scheme the equal political liberties, and only those liberties, are to be guaranteed their fair value. b) Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both: (a) to the greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with the just savings principle, and (b) attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of opportunity” (Rawls, 2002, p. 61<a title="" href="#_ftn5">[5]</a>). It can be said that Rawls’ idea that we will not achieve social welfare in the state until justice, including social justice, is ensured, has laid the foundations for a modern understanding of social justice. The dialectic of the concept of justice is also reflected in the works of our authors as the emphasis on justice as a value (Arūnas Acus, Liutauras Kraniauskas; Ilona Dobrovolskytė), the disclosure of the meaning of sharing (Jurgita Lenkauskaitė; Olga Kuprieieva, Tetiana Traverse, Liudmyla Serdiuk, Olena Chykhantsova, Oleksandr Shamych), the construct of the concept of law (Daiva Malinauskienė, Aistė Igorytė; Ingrida Baranauskienė, Alla Kovalenko, Inna Leonova), the understanding of a theory of civic morality, a duty that is a pillar of morality (Svitlana Kravchuk; Elena Kuftyak; Asta Volbikienė, Remigijus Bubnys; Simas Garbenis, Renata Geležinienė, Greta Šiaučiulytė). And it does not matter at all whether this is analyzed in the context of social challenges, disability studies or professional competences. It can be stated that the idea of social justice is the driving force behind the scientific works of this journal.</p><p>Wishing everyone to stay healthy, both physically and spiritually, I place social justice as a fundamental value in these turbulent times of a global pandemic. But life does not stand still, so we look forward to your new research works. There will be no us without you.</p><div><br clear="all" /><hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" /></div>
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Sánchez Madrid, Nuria. „¿Comprendemos las emociones políticas de la democracia ateniense? Algunas reflexiones para superar el paradigma de la confrontación entre masa y élites = Are We Able to Understand the Political Emotions of the Athenian Democracy? Some Reflexions in Order to Overcome the Confrontation Paradigm between Mass and Elites“. ΠΗΓΗ/FONS 4, Nr. 1 (04.06.2020): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/fons.2019.4907.
Annotation:
Resumen: Este ensayo pretende analizar, en la estela de trabajos previos de J.L. Moreno Pestaña y L. Sancho Rocher, el hecho paradójico de que la semblanza que la filosofía e historiografía de los siglos V y IV antes de nuestra era dedican a la democracia no refleje de la manera más fiel las dinámicas institucionales que caracterizaron a esa forma de gobierno clásica. La primera parte del artículo se detiene en algunas valoraciones de la democracia en la obra trágica de Eurípides especialmente en Suplicante s - y en los libros de la Política de Aristóteles, con el fin de señalar que ambos enfoques, si bien manifiestan una decidida demofobia , lo hacen de manera moderada, contando siempre como base con una normalidad democrática que estos autores aspiran a corregir con medidas inspiradas en una noción aristocrática de episteme. En la segunda parte del artículo me concentraré en las líneas divergentes de lectura de las fuentes normativas de la democracia ateniense que representan Hansen y Ober, proponiendo una tercera vía de lectura, que reconoce en los procedimientos democráticos del sorteo y la recepción de un salario a cambio de la participación política un cauce de transformación radical de la noción aristocrática de gobierno y de conocimiento, que también modifica las emociones públicas que suscita esta forma política. Con ello se supera el enfoque de la democracia clásica en clave de dialéctica entre élites y masa para reconocer la emergencia de un “campo social” (P. Bourdieu) que distribuye de manera comunitaria las competencias epistémicas y capacidades de gestión de lo público.Palabras clave: Democracia, Atenas, Eurípides, Aristóteles, sorteo, asamblea.Abstract: This paper analyzes, based on previous papers of J.L. Moreno Pestaña and L. Sancho Rocher, the paradox concealed in the descriptions of democracy, philosophy, and historiography of Vth and IVth Centuries BC yield, which do not entirely meet the institutional dynamics that shaped this classical form of government. The first section will focus on some appraisals of democracy contained in Euripides’ tragedies - especially in the Suppliants - and in Aristotle’s Politics, as both perspectives decidedly show a certain demophobia , yet a moderate one. Euripides and Aristotle view democracy as the “normal” form of government they want to improve through measures inspired by an aristocratic approach to episteme. The second part of this paper will concentrate on the opposed accounts of Athenian democracy represented by Hansen and Ober, suggesting a third way for casting light over this political form. This paper claim that democratic procedures as draw and the reception of a salary for taking part in politics entails a radical transformation of the aristocratic notion of government and knowledge, which also modifies the public emotions that this political form arises. So, it becomes possible to overcome the approach to classical democracy that moves from a dialectic of elites and mass and recognizes the emergence of a “social field” (Bourdieu) that allocates to the community epistemic competences and the capacity for ruling the public sphere.Keywords: Democracy, Athens, Euripides, Aristotle, Draw, Assembly.
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Adil, Md Sharifur Rahman. „Policing Ethics: Context Bangladesh“. Bangladesh Journal of Bioethics 11, Nr. 1 (09.03.2020): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3329/bioethics.v11i1.49192.
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The police are one of the most powerful and important forces for any country. The main task of the police is to install a sense of security in the ordinary citizens and to protect their life and property when they are in danger. Bangladeshi Police have a glorious past with tremendous achievement. Especially in our great liberation war in 1971, they played an important role in achieving our liberation. Eliminating terrorism & militancy and others several operation that leads with the risk of their life. But there are still a lot of accusations against the police force. Like- abusing of power, Misconducting with the people, Committing crossfire defying the high-court order, Wearing white dress when they move to detain criminals, Arresting without warrant, and many other including Bribery, Extortion, Trading Drug and Yaba, Playing partisan role, keeping Bad association, Filing case against deceased man, Charging sheet against the infant who has not been born yet, Enforcing disappearance, Suppressing the freedom of express, Violating Human rights, Doing anti-social activities such as rape, forcible extortion, drinking alcohol, etc. are the real scenario of Bangladesh Police. Policing ethics or related unethical behaviors, in particular, are shaped by both societal perceptions and organizational socialization of the police personnel on how authority should be exercised, as well as the latter's relationship with the socio-political and economic structures overtime. This paper proposes to explain the role of police as the main law enforcement agency in any democratic country. An Attempt has been made to bring different perspectives of ethics which comprises views of Aristotle, Machiavelli, Immanuel Kant, J S Mill and John Rawls. The paper focuses on police Ethics. Police ethics’ reflects the society and the regulations that shape the policing system. Discuss the results and analysis of the consequences of moral degradation caused by the Police. Explore the police brutality because of the lack of Ethics to highlight the public's attitude towards police. The ethical standards and the code of conduct Police practitioners should actually abide by is an ongoing debate.
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Das, Pujarini. „Role of Happiness as a Habitual Process“. Proceedings 1, Nr. 3 (09.06.2017): 232. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/is4si-2017-04114.
Annotation:
Philosophy itself is philosophizing to our experience of the world, life, or thought, and it is truly enriching our social, political, intellectual, and emotional existence. Although, philosophers have various views on a single issue, but they still share a common interest, i.e., a critic with the comprehensive thought of approach, and therefore, ‘philosophy’ is a way to understand our life (not a way of life). Similarly, our life is based on the various kinds of habits and rituals (prayer, meditation, yoga, worship many deities, speaking multiple languages and symbols for communicating with each other, eating various foods with different cultural practices, etc.) due to the religious practices and people love to do these procedures to continue their existing diversity of cultures. Take an example of ‘Happiness’. For understanding the true nature of happiness, there are many philosophical debates on it from both the east and west perspectives, but their underlying motto is same, i.e., the continuous practice of habits. However, this paper will mainly focus on Aristotle’s understanding of ‘Eudaimonia’ (happiness) and the significant role of ‘habits’ for flourishing a happy life.
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Gerber, Scott Douglas. „Law and Religion in Plymouth Colony“. British Journal of American Legal Studies 8, Nr. 2 (01.12.2019): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjals-2019-0016.
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Abstract 2020 marks the 400th anniversary of the planting of Plymouth Colony. Although the literature about Plymouth is voluminous, the discussion about law and religion has been inappropriately superficial to date. This article addresses the Pilgrims’ conception of law on matters of religion and the new insights into the Pilgrims’ story that can be ascertained by focusing on law. “Law” has been defined in many different ways by many different people throughout history. Aristotle, Cicero, Thomas Aquinas, and other proponents of natural law argued that law is the exercise of reason to deduce binding rules of moral behavior from nature’s or God’s creation. The renowned English positivist John Austin, in contrast, maintained that law is the command of the sovereign. To Karl von Savigny and other proponents of the so-called historical school, law is the unconscious embodiment of the common will of the people. To the philosophical school, law is the expression of idealized ethical custom. The dominant contemporary view seems to be that law is the reflection of social, political, and economic interests. For the Pilgrims of Plymouth Colony, law was both the memorialization of their commitment to the Word of God and an instrument for exercising social control so as to effectuate that commitment. The Pilgrims, of course, used law to regulate the more mundane aspects of life as well. Indeed, quantitatively speaking, more laws were enacted by the Pilgrims that addressed the day-to-day activities of life in Plymouth Colony than memorialized the Pilgrims’ commitment to eternal glory in the afterlife, but the latter was unquestionably more important, qualitatively speaking, than the former. In the oft-quoted words of a young William Bradford, “to keep a good conscience, and walk in such a way as God has prescribed in his Word, is a thing which I must prefer before you all, and above life itself.”
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Lintott, Andrew. „Aristotle and Democracy“. Classical Quarterly 42, Nr. 1 (Mai 1992): 114–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800042622.
Annotation:
There are two main types of question which arise from Aristotle's treatment of democracy, as from all other major topics which we find in that part of the Politics which is related to empirical data about political behaviour (Books 2–6 in O.C.T.). One type is primarily philosophical: ‘Is Aristotle's analysis logically coherent, is it consistent with his data, is it convincing?’ The other is more historical, though it has philosophical importance too: ‘From where does he derive his data, from where his views (or prejudices)? Has he done justice to the historical events that he adduces and to the opinions of men that he cites as evidence for political and ethical norms?’ Although in this paper I have a special interest in questions of the second type regarding the nature of the data, they cannot be tackled satisfactorily without considering the nature and validity of the analysis of democracy.
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Terchek, Ronald J., und David K. Moore. „Recovering the Political Aristotle: A Critical Response to Smith“. American Political Science Review 94, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2000): 905–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2586215.
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Thomas Smith presents an Aristotelian view of the common good that resembles much contemporary political theory in that it focuses on ethics rather than politics. Smith contends that Aristotle is a potent remedy to a society in crisis due to its unconcern about the common good. Against Smith's apolitical reading of Aristotle, we examine how Aristotle's views of common advantage, the multiple needs of citizens, and political friendship support neither harmonizing conceptions of the good nor a personal “radical conversion” that makes the common good our primary political concern. In engaging the political Aristotle, we find instead that he is concerned with the necessary conflict that resists attempts to arrive at the common advantage, with the material basis of good citizenship, and with the institutions and practices that foster a good deliberative politics.
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Bragova, Arina Mikhailovna. „The concept of «state» in Cicero’s writings“. Samara Journal of Science 5, Nr. 1 (01.03.2016): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/snv20161204.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of ancient Greek and Roman conceptions of a state which had been written at the time prior to Ciceros; an extent to which Cicero adopts the ideas from those conceptions; Ciceros usage of the term state; differentiation between the concepts res publica and civitas in his writings. Long before Ciceros times the issue of a state system had been brought up by such philosophers, historians and political figures as Archytas, Hippodamus, Herodotus, Thucydides, Plato, Aristotle, Cato, Polybius and others. They formulated simple state forms (monarchy, aristocracy, democracy) and a mixed form which they considered the best. On the whole, Cicero agrees with the opinion that the mixed form is the best but he also offers original thoughts about the Roman republic as an ideal state and gives many examples from the Roman history. Cicero often denotes the term a state by the word res publica implying the meaning of public work, public affairs, public interest, etc. We have analysed the definition res publica est res populi and come to the conclusion that Cicero considers people to be a mandatory participant of the process of state management. Some scholars draw attention to a juridical content of the word res in the above definition considering the term res publica as public property, whereas the Roman republic is an object used by the civil community ( civitas Romana ). We suppose this point of view is quite relevant. Cicero sees the political and juridical components of the term as a united whole: it was natural for the ancient mentality to regard juridical, political, social and moral components as one. This very approach to the term res publica is given in Ciceros writings. The article also dwells upon rather a debated question about similarity or difference between Ciceros concepts res publica and civitas . We subscribe to the opinion that, unlike ancient Greeks who do not separate a state from a community, Cicero knows a difference between the terms, res publica for him is a state form, whereas civitas is a community / citizens. Another thing is that Cicero uses the term res publica to denote the very Roman state; for describing other states or discoursing on abstract states he uses the term civitas . To support the opinion about the difference between the above terms, we would like to quote Cicero himself who writes that the concept a state embraces a community ( rei publicae nomen universae civitati est ) which means that res publica and civitas do not mean the same.
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Shuster, Amy L. „The Problem of the Partheniae in Aristotle’s Political Thought“. Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 28, Nr. 2 (2011): 279–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-90000189.
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This article examines Aristotle’s discussion of the Spartan revolt of the Partheniae in Politics V.7. Aristotle appears to use the Partheniae as examples of two sources of instability within so-called aristocracies, but the analysis of this case raises delicate interpretive issues. Sections I–III draw upon surviving accounts of the Parthenian revolt from Antiochus, Ephorus and Myron of Priene in order to illuminate the significance of this example for Aristotle’s ethical and political thought. Section IV reconstructs the state of the Spartan constitution around the time of the revolt in order to understand what Aristotle might have thought about what precipitated the revolt. This article argues that generational politics is at stake in the revolt, and Section V locates the revolt’s politics within its broader historical and cultural context. In the end, this article finds that Aristotle may have intended to leave the interpretation of this example ambiguous due to his own unresolved views towards the politics at stake in this revolt.
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Ayyash, Mark Muhannad. „Rethinking the Social–Political through Ibn Khaldûn and Aristotle“. Interventions 19, Nr. 8 (11.07.2017): 1193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369801x.2017.1347054.
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Arnhart, Larry. „Aristotle, chimpanzees and other political animals“. Social Science Information 29, Nr. 3 (September 1990): 477–557. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901890029003003.
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Morrisey, Will. „Delba Winthrop: Aristotle: Democracy and Political Science“. Society 56, Nr. 5 (Oktober 2019): 520–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12115-019-00408-y.
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Deretic, Irina. „Why does a woman’s deliberative faculty have no authority? Aristotle on the political role of women“. Filozofija i drustvo 26, Nr. 4 (2015): 902–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1504902d.
Annotation:
In this paper I will discuss Aristotle?s controversial philosophical views on women. I will critically examine three main interpretations of his claim that women have deliberative faculty ?without authority?. According to the first line of interpretation, Aristotle has in mind that women?s incapacity of advice-giving and decision-making in public affairs are determined by conventions in the political context of his time. I will attempt to point out the disadvantages of this kind of interpretation. Furthermore, I will put forward the reasons why is implausible the more recent interpretation, given by Marguerite Deslauriers. According to her reading, the lack of authority of deliberative faculty in women means nothing else than the tasks over which women have authority are for the purpose of the tasks put forth by men. The prevailing interpretation among scholars is that, in Aristotle?s view, women are naturally inferior to men, due to the fact that they are all too frequently overruled by the irrational ?forces? of their nature. I will argue that this line of interpretation elucidates what Aristotle presumably has in mind, although it makes his account of women and their rationality, if not inconclusive, then indisputably problematic. In other words, I attempt to prove that, if the prevailing line of interpretation is correct, such view of women produces some philosophically ?insurmountable? problems for Aristotle. The aim of the last section of the paper is to point out how some of these problems could eventually be resolved.
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Mohylnyi, L. „SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
Annotation:
At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
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Mohylnyi, L. „SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.
Annotation:
In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.
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Makarevičs, Valērijs, und Dzintra Iliško. „THE CONCEPT OF AN IDEAL PERSON IN WORKS OF ARISTOTLE“. SOCIETY. INTEGRATION. EDUCATION. Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference 4 (28.05.2021): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/sie2021vol4.6306.
Annotation:
The issue of a human person, and his/her development, and particularly in connection with a social sphere is extremely relevant for our times. In psychology, this issue has been developed through developmental periods, theories of personality identity and conditions that contribute to a self-actualization of an individual. In this regard, interest is how these ideas evolved in the process of cultural and historical development of humankind, how they were understood by previous generations of scientists and philosophers, how theoretical views of past generations are interpreted by the researchers of our time. This determined the objectives of this research. The authors applied the method of content analysis of the text with the aim to discover the concept of an ideal, or perfect person in works of Aristotle, to compare this concept with the corresponding views of Plato, to determine the influence of Aristotle's concept of an ideal person on modern theories of personality. The research method is a content analysis of works of Aristotle and research done by the authors that reflect a philosophical heritage of the Greek thinker. As for both, Plato and Aristotle, the soul is the basis of life and the source of human activity. For Plato the soul appears to be an indivisible and immortal entity, then for Aristotle it has its own structure. Human soul is capable of development and improvement. The main condition for improvement, according to Plato, are correct actions of a person from the point of view of law and public opinion. Aristotle believes that in this process, education and upbringing plays major attention. Aristotle's ideas today are being developed in a deep and humanistic psychology and developmental psychology.
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Kamtekar, Rachana. „Studying Ancient Political Thought Through Ancient Philosophers: The Case of Aristotle and Natural Slavery“. Polis 33, Nr. 1 (15.04.2016): 150–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340077.
Annotation:
This paper examines Aristotle’s view that there are natural slaves, able-bodied people who lack the capacity to deliberate about the good and bad in life, who are ideally suited to be ‘tools of action’ for practically intelligent masters. After reconstructing Aristotle’s reasoning for the view that there are natural slaves in Politics i, and proposing a philosophical motivation for his interest in natural slavery, the paper reflects on what this case suggests about scholarly engagement with the political views of ancient philosophers when these are so contrary to our own.
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Runaev, Roman, und Olga Didenko. „Aristotel’s Teaching on Virtues and its Social Prospects“. Logos et Praxis, Nr. 4 (März 2020): 118–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/lp.jvolsu.2019.4.14.
Annotation:
The article is devoted to the issue of an understanding of a person's way of life through the prism of perception of Aristotle's ethical teachings as an important element of human culture, expressed in the virtuous attitude of people to the world. The presented article reveals the key aspects of virtue in the "Aristotelian" sense and the understanding of the correctness of human actions by the ancient philosopher. As the main value and moral guideline, the scale of virtuous knowledge developed by Aristotle is considered, where virtue itself is the "golden mean", and extremes (vices) are found on different sides of the latter. This work reflects the views of the ancient philosopher on human virtue. He considers the right actions of a person from the point of view of conscious moderation and reasonable prudence in their commission while rejecting the desire to help a person at any cost, as the basis of the measure virtue. Aristotle sees the achievement of "happiness" as the main goal of human behavior. But a feeling of satisfaction from the blissful state should not be expressed as a result of neglect of the moral principles of society but rather through personal growth, achieved through self-improvement, self-restraint, and detachment from attachment to the benefits of the outside world. According to Aristotle, sensory pleasures are achieved not by striving to achieve a comfortable existence in any way but by sensible and moderate motives of a person to feel genuine pleasure through the right actions. It is noted that the Aristotelian doctrine of virtue requires its theoretical understanding and analysis within the framework of the ethics of virtue, which claims to be the practical application of its results in modern society.
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Радонова und Anna Radonova. „Evolution of the interpretation of social justice in political science“. Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 11, Nr. 2 (29.04.2016): 51–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/19378.
Annotation:
The article summarizes information on justice as a separate social category. The concept, essence and content of justice in the philosophical and historical terms are considered.The concept of justice in the context of the basic ideas of Plato, Aristotle and John Rawls is analyzed. The modern interpretation of the essence of justice in economics, law, politics and morality is presented.
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Tilly, Charles. „Rhetoric, Social History, and Contentious Politics: Reply to Critics“. International Review of Social History 49, Nr. 1 (April 2004): 132–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001421.
Annotation:
Aristotle's vigorous vindication of rhetoric pairs it with dialectic. Dialectic, for Aristotle, combines logical propositions with induction from rigorous evidence in an effort to prove a case beyond doubt. Rhetoric parallels dialectic, but combines arguments with examples in an effort to persuade. Neither one amounts to science, which for Aristotle requires irrefutable establishment of general principles. political: arguing for or against a proposed course of action;forensic: attacking or defending someone;ceremonial: praising or condemning someone.
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Guelzo, Allen C., Harold Holzer, Edna Greene Medford und Frank J. Williams. „The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic“. Journal of Southern History 73, Nr. 4 (01.11.2007): 917. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649609.
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Mohylnyi, L. „SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF LIUDMYLA STARYTSKA-CHERNIAKHIVSKA“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 135 (2017): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.135.4.06.
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Lehman, Cynthia L. „The Social and Political Views of Charles Chestnutt:“. Journal of Black Studies 26, Nr. 3 (Januar 1996): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002193479602600303.
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Pervova, I. L. „SOCIAL VERSUS POLITICAL: VIEWS OF ELDERLY IN RUSSIA“. Innovation in Aging 1, suppl_1 (30.06.2017): 887. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igx004.3185.
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Halilovic, Muamer. „Social and political views of Abu Rayhan Biruni“. Kom : casopis za religijske nauke 5, Nr. 2 (2016): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/kom1602075h.
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Ierodiakonou, Charalampos. „Medicine as a Model for Aristotle’s Ethics and his Person-centered Approach“. International Journal of Person Centered Medicine 4, Nr. 1 (14.10.2014): 31–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/ijpcm.v4i1.464.
Annotation:
Aristotle respected medicine very much as a positive and dependable science, so he very often in his texts refers to its principles and methodology as a rule for his views on ethics. The philosopher’s parallelism of medicine and ethics brought philosophy into more human measures, and especially his consideration for each person to be taken as a special case reminds one of today’s person-centered medicine. Aristotle believed that in ethics, and generally in life, mathematical exactness cannot be applied, taking the example from medicine in which treatment changes according to the needs of each patient. Relativity is obvious in his motto that we should seek “what is relative to us”, while at the same time keeping a holistic approach, similar to today’s bio-psycho-social approach of modern medicine. Aristotle had the ability to study intra-psychic phenomena so deeply and in detail, that he used them as a model in order to shape his ethical virtues.
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Parens, Joshua. „Maimonidean Ethics Revisited: Development and Asceticism in Maimonides?“ Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 12, Nr. 3 (2003): 33–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/105369903776759265.
Annotation:
AbstractMost recent interpreters of Maimonides argue that his ethical views develop from support of the mean in Eight Chapters to support of asceticism in "Laws Concerning Character Traits" and the Guide. This article challenges that interpretation: first, through a reconsideration of Aristotle's views on the mean and the relation of the ethically virtuous life to the contemplative life, and, second, through a reconsideration of Maimonides' texts. One riddle recommends we not jump to conclusions about Maimonides' views: In Eight Chapters he appears to advocate the mean, on the basis of Aristotelian sources. In the Guide he ascribes his most ascetic recommendations to Aristotle.