Zeitschriftenartikel: „Arendt, Hannah Philosophy“

1

Knauer, James T. „Hannah Arendt“. International Studies in Philosophy 18, Nr. 3 (1986): 116–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198618349.

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2

Young, James P. „Hannah Arendt“. International Studies in Philosophy 20, Nr. 3 (1988): 125–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil198820392.

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3

Hartouni, V. „Hannah Arendt“. Journal of American History 100, Nr. 3 (01.11.2013): 931–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat529.

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4

Bar On, Bat-Ami. „Hannah Arendt Martin Heidegger“. International Studies in Philosophy 31, Nr. 2 (1999): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199931231.

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5

Salikov, A., und A. Zhavoronkov. „Philosophy of Hannah Arendt in Russia“. Voprosy filosofii, Nr. 1 (Januar 2019): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s004287440003628-5.

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6

Rudd, Anthony. „The political philosophy of Hannah Arendt“. Cogito 8, Nr. 3 (1994): 290–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/cogito19948318.

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7

Horowitz, Irving Louis. „The political philosophy of Hannah Arendt“. History of European Ideas 21, Nr. 4 (Juli 1995): 595–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(95)90227-9.

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8

Dietz, Mary G. „Perspectives on Plurality: Redhead on Arendt“. Review of Politics 77, Nr. 4 (2015): 661–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670515000649.

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I begin with an observation of Hannah Arendt's about metaphor that bears significantly, I think, upon Redhead's endeavor to come to terms with her in chapter 3, “Hannah Arendt on Reasoning without Banisters.” “The metaphor,” writes Arendt, “bridging the abyss between inward and invisible mental activities and the world of appearances, was certainly the greatest gift language could bestow on thinking and hence on philosophy, but the metaphor itself is poetic rather than philosophic in origin.”

9

Wellmer, Albrecht. „Hannah Arendt: sobre la revolución“. Areté 10, Nr. 1 (01.06.1998): 67–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/arete.199801.004.

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En su libro Sobre la revolución Hannah Arendt trató de saldar cuentas tanto con la tradición liberal como con la marxista; esto es, con las dos tradiciones políticas que han dominado los últimos 150 años. Su tesis básica es que ambos, marxistas y liberales demócratas, han malentendido que lo que era verdaderamente revolucionario en las modernas revoluciones era el siempre frustrado intento de una "constitutiolibertatis" - la intención de establecer un espacio político de libertad pública en el cual las personas, como ciudadanos libres e iguales, puedan tomar control de sus asuntos comunes. En este artículo, el autor trata de mostrar cómo la idea arendtiana de democracia directa o "consejo" democrático, idea que tomada literalmente parece ingenua, puede ser usada productivamente si fuera integrada -en vez de opuesta- allegado liberal democrático-socialista.

10

De Navascués, Nicolás. „Hannah Arendt lee a Kafka“. Claridades. Revista de Filosofía 14, Nr. 1 (06.08.2021): 11–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/claridadescrf.v14i2.10107.

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En las últimas décadas se ha prestado una gran atención a la obra de Hannah Arendt: de su teoría acerca del totalitarismo a su polémico análisis del juicio de Eichmann, las páginas de la literatura secundaria acerca de la filósofa hebrea han crecido enormemente. Sin embargo, aquellos textos marginales, secundarios, en los que la autora ensayaba retratos de grandes hombres y mujeres de su tiempo permanecen, en gran medida, ocultos. En este artículo nos ocupamos de desentrañar la lectura que Arendt realizó del gran poeta de posguerra de lengua alemana: Franz Kafka. Esta relación, transida por el judaísmo, adoptó tres rostros diferentes a lo largo de los muchos años en que la pensadora estuvo escribiendo. La conceptualización que se realiza aquí gira en torno al eje de la gran obra The Origins of Totalitarianism para comprender al paria de buena voluntad, el contemporáneo apolíneo y el pensador del tiempo.

11

Burdon, Peter. „Hannah Arendt and Edward Said“. Philosophy Today 62, Nr. 2 (2018): 377–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2018531216.

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In this essay, I focus on the extent to which the condition of exile influenced the way Hannah Arendt and Edward Said engaged with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and concepts of Binationalism. Part one is largely biographical and narrates the conditions under which both parties went into exile and they ways exile influenced their intellectual development and identity. Part two analyses Arendt’s early Jewish writings and the ways she sought to affirm notions of equality and Binationalism as a method for protecting stateless refugees. Following this, I consider Said’s concern for the memory and experience of victims and his argument that the shared histories of dispossession endured by Jews and Palestinians might form the basis for an alliance. While Binationalism has largely been erased from political discourse today, I conclude by suggesting that Said’s intervention offers useful tools through which Arendt’s proposals might be rethought or reimagined today.

12

Bach, Augusto, und Juliano Orlandi. „O Sócrates de Hannah Arendt“. Trans/Form/Ação 42, Nr. 4 (Oktober 2019): 201–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2019.v42n4.11.p201.

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Resumo: Com o fito de compreender as noções de história e juízo político, este artigo pretende mostrar a peculiar interpretação que Hannah Arendt faz da mais conhecida e discutida personalidade filosófica: Sócrates. Assim como outras ideias, tais como a de banalidade do mal, a natureza do terror totalitário e de espaço público, sua estrita pintura do filósofo grego nos demanda a tarefa de discriminar a diferença entre pensamento e ação. Seria acaso o juízo a ponte entre as atividades de pensamento e da ação política? A preocupação, neste ensaio,é a de mostrar como Hannah Arendt estava procurando por um modo autêntico de filosofia política, cujo maior exemplo seria Sócrates. No mesmo sentido, também se debruça acerca do significado do juízo reflexionante, ideia bastante fecunda em sua obra que permanece ainda bastante alusiva.

13

Pettigrove, Glen. „Hannah Arendt and Collective Forgiving“. Journal of Social Philosophy 37, Nr. 4 (Dezember 2006): 483–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9833.2006.00353.x.

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14

Parekh, Serena. „Hannah Arendt and Global Justice“. Philosophy Compass 8, Nr. 9 (September 2013): 771–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/phc3.12078.

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15

Fry, Karin. „Hannah Arendt and Philosophical Influence“. Research in Phenomenology 50, Nr. 2 (22.07.2020): 161–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341445.

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Abstract Over the years, many scholars have focused on the hierarchical and overpowering influence of Martin Heidegger upon Hannah Arendt’s thought. This view follows the stereotype concerning philosophical influence in which an all-knowing teacher affects the thought of the student, particularly if the student is a woman. In this paper, I argue that the story of philosophical influence is more complicated. In this case, the biographical archive establishes how Karl Jaspers, Martin Heidegger, and Hannah Arendt mutually influenced one another throughout their lives and careers. This evidence contests the typical view of philosophical influence which is hierarchical and often gendered and suggests a new model for understanding philosophical influences as dynamic and reciprocal.

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Pinheiro, Romildo Gomes. „Método e questão judaica em Hannah Arendt“. Trans/Form/Ação 45, Nr. 2 (April 2022): 239–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2022.v45n2.p239.

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Resumo: O artigo procura identificar o núcleo metodológico das Origens do Totalitarismo, na estrutura comparativa entre França e Alemanha, espécie de sociologia histórico-comparativa na qual Arendt narra as origens do Nazismo e do Stalinismo. Nessa acepção, as origens ideológicas do III Reich e do Stalinismo devem ser buscadas no Racismo, e não na homologia estabelecida entre Nazismo e Comunismo, a partir da equivalência entre a ideologia da luta de classes e da luta de raças e a prática do Terror. Desse modo, a ideia de ruptura ou novidade do Totalitarismo a que se liga essa perspectiva, deve ser associada com a ideia de “atraso histórico”, espécie de articulação entre o novo e a conservação da velha ordem, na história das Nações Continentais. Sob essa ótica, Arendt mobiliza implicitamente a ideia de atraso histórico, a qual se encontra originalmente em Gramsci e Marx, a fim de dar conta de explicar não somente as homologias entre Nazismo e Comunismo, mas também como surgiram historicamente, no âmbito nacional e europeu, como ideologias políticas fundadas em movimentos de massas. De sorte a explicitar essa perspectiva, procura-se demonstrar, neste texto, como a ideia de “atraso histórico” opera no livro 1 das Origens do Totalitarismo, dedicado ao surgimento do antissemitismo.

17

Bazzicalupo, Laura. „Hannah Arendt on Hobbes“. Hobbes Studies 9, Nr. 1 (1996): 51–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502596x00070.

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18

Knauer, James T. „Hannah Arendt on Judgment, Philosophy and Praxis“. International Studies in Philosophy 21, Nr. 3 (1989): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil19892134.

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19

Pulkkinen, Tuija. „Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Philosophy“. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 28, Nr. 2 (März 2003): 215–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437540302800205.

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20

Kellogg, Catherine. „Butler’s Arendt“. Philosophy Today 62, Nr. 2 (2018): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday2018522215.

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This article explores Judith Butler’s reinterpretation of Hannah Arendt’s work in terms of the question of dispossession. By paying attention to the changes in voice and tone in Arendt’s work, Butler has brought forward a reading of Arendt that we have not seen before, and one that we have maybe never needed so much.

21

Llano, Cristina Hermida Del. „Die Natur des Bösen in der Denkweise von Hannah Arendt“. Archiv fuer Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 104, Nr. 2 (2018): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/arsp-2018-0010.

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22

Evron, Nir. „Hannah Arendt, Thinking, Metaphor“. Telos 2021, Nr. 196 (2021): 9–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3817/0921196009.

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23

Nye, Andrea. „Friendship Across Generations“. Hypatia 11, Nr. 3 (1996): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1996.tb01021.x.

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Feminist Interpretations of Hannah Arendt, edited by Bonnie Honig, a collection of critical feminist essays on Hannah Arendt, illustrates both the disorientation and the insights that can result when feminist philosophers come to terms with a canonical figure who is a woman.

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Allen, Wayne. „Hannah Arendt and the Political Imagination“. International Philosophical Quarterly 42, Nr. 3 (2002): 349–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ipq200242326.

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25

Aguiar, Odilio Alves. „A questão social em Hannah Arendt“. Trans/Form/Ação 27, Nr. 2 (2004): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31732004000200001.

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26

Bar On, Bat-Ami. „The Political Thought of Hannah Arendt“. International Studies in Philosophy 29, Nr. 1 (1997): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199729117.

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27

Christophersen, Alf, und Claudia Schulze. „Hannah Arendt – Paul Tillich. Briefwechsel“. Zeitschrift für Neuere Theologiegeschichte (Journal for the History of Modern Theology) 9, Nr. 1 (Mai 2002): 131–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/znth.9.1.131.

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Whiteside, Kerry H. „Hannah Arendt and Ecological Politics“. Environmental Ethics 16, Nr. 4 (1994): 339–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/enviroethics19941642.

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Weissberg, Liliane. „Hannah Arendt besucht Karl Jaspers“. Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 72, Nr. 2 (09.04.2020): 178–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700739-07202005.

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Bojanic, Sanja. „Plurality is a conditio per quam of all political life“. Filozofija i drustvo 31, Nr. 2 (2020): 141–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid2002141b.

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The book Phenomenology of Plurality: Hannah Arendt on Political Intersubjectivity is a contribution not only to the phenomenological tradition of thought and Hannah Arendt studies, but also political science and, most importantly, political philosophy. Sophie Loidolt advances an intervention that stands in contrast to contemporary phenomenological research which in certain times have had the tendency to perform depoliticized examination of the self and sociality, actually revealing the intention of Phenomenology of Plurality to articulate the numerous elements that comprise the methodological novelty with which Arendt changes the theory of the political.

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Chaberty, Catherine, und Christine Noel Lemaitre. „Thinking about the Institutionalization of Care with Hannah Arendt: A Nonsense Filiation?“ Philosophies 7, Nr. 3 (16.05.2022): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/philosophies7030051.

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In recent decades, some feminists have turned to the writings of Hannah Arendt in order to propose a truly emancipatory ethic of care or to find the principles that could lead to the political institutionalization of care. Nevertheless, the feminist interpretations of Hannah Arendt are particularly contrasted. According to Sophie Bourgault, this recourse to Hannah Arendt is deeply problematic, mainly because of her strong distinction between the private and public spheres. This article discusses the relevance of using Arendt’s concepts to think about the institutionalization of care by Joan Tronto. Indeed, the most recent analyses developed on the politics of care are shaped by Arendt’s concepts such as power, amor mundi or by her conception of politics as a relationship.

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Castillejos, María José García. „Steve Buckler: Hannah Arendt and Political Theory: Challenging the Tradition.“ Tópicos, Revista de Filosofía, Nr. 44 (30.09.2013): 246. http://dx.doi.org/10.21555/top.v0i44.12.

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Esta interpretación sobre Arendt presenta un desafío para Steve Buckler, autor de Hannah Arendt and Political Theory: Challenging the Tradition, pues su texto intenta reconstruir el argumento de Arendtsobre el pensamiento y la política, cuando gran parte de las obras de Arendt están dedicadas a la política, y sólo sus últimas obras abordan explícitamente el concepto de pensamiento. Asimismo, Buckler pretende sistematizar la filosofía de Arendt, cuando la autora nunca quiso presentar un trabajo sistematizado.

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Kaldybekova, Aidana, und Sіnan Ozbek. „POST-TRUTH AND HANNAH ARENDT'S POLITICAL VIEWS OF TRUTH AND LIES IN POLITICS“. Qogam jane Dauir 72, Nr. 4 (15.12.2021): 64–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2021-4.05.

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Post-truth is a new phenomenon that has emerged in recent years. It can also be said that this is a new moment in the relationship between truth and falsehood. In retrospect, we can say that history is immersed in a constant struggle between truth and falsehood. And the post-truth phenomenon is what it is today. The post-truth phenomenon is closely related to modern new technologies and politics. The post-truth phenomenon, based on media and social media, is considered the most effective tool of populism. The main goal of this study is to examine post-truth in the context of the political thought of Hannah Arendt, a prominent figure in political philosophy. This is because the article's main argument is that the root of post-truth lies in the relationship between truth and falsehood. As Hannah Arendt explores the relationship between truth and falsehood in her work from the perspective of political philosophy, this article attempts to analyze today's post-truth phenomenon from the perspective of her political thought. This article makes the following hypothesis: Hannah Arendt addressed the issue of post-truth in politics before the term “post-truth” appeared. The study used analytical methods to analyze political and philosophical texts by Hannah Arendt

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Shandley, Robert R., und Elzbieta Ettinger. „Hannah Arendt/Martin Heidegger“. South Central Review 14, Nr. 3/4 (1997): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3190221.

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Aguado Garzón, Teresa. „El pensamiento, una actividad solitaria en Hannah Arendt“. Politeja 16, Nr. 3(60) (01.03.2020): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.60.02.

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The Thought, a Solitary Activity in Hannah Arendt In this article we have made a brief tour of the implications and the relevance of the activity of thinking about the philosophical-political theories of the Jewish‑German philosopher Hannah Arendt. As well as highlight the importance of the teaching of philosophy and in particular the theories of this thinker, in order to prepare the student, citizen and reader, to carry out a critical thinking, individual and reflective, who knows perform both in private areas and in public spaces. In order to avoid repeating actions and mistakes of the past; making them understand the responsibility they have for the other, as well as the facts that may happen around them.

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Veltman, Andrea. „Simone de Beauvoir and Hannah Arendt on Labor“. Hypatia 25, Nr. 1 (2010): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.2009.01084.x.

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Comparing the typologies of human activities developed by Beauvoir and Arendt, I argue that these philosophers share the same concept of labor as well as a similar insight that labor cannot provide a justification or evaluative measure for human life. But Beauvoir and Arendt think differently about work (as contrasted with labor), and Arendt alone illuminates the inability of constructive work to provide non-utilitarian value for human existence. Beauvoir, on the other hand, exceeds Arendt in examining the ethical implications of our existential need for a plurality of free peers in a public realm.

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Lupton, Julia Reinhard. „Thinking with things: Hannah Woolley to Hannah Arendt“. postmedieval: a journal of medieval cultural studies 3, Nr. 1 (März 2012): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pmed.2012.5.

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Frateschi, Yara Adario. „SEYLA BENHABIB COM HANNAH ARENDT CONTRA A FILOSOFIA DO SUJEITO“. Caderno CRH 33 (18.12.2020): 020016. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v33i0.35519.

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<div class="trans-abstract">A partir dos textos reunidos no livro Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics (1992), sabe-se que Seyla Benhabib responde aos excessos racionalistas de Habermas e aos limites da tradição universalista moderna com uma releitura da concepção arendtiana de “pensamento alargado”. Neste artigo, eu me proponho a mostrar que a presença de Arendt no pensamento de Benhabib é ainda mais radical do que parece à primeira vista, pois a autora de A condição humana está na raiz do seu projeto teórico orientando o enfrentamento filosófico que Benhabib faz com a tradição, na sua primeira grande obra, Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory (1986). A minha hipótese interpretativa é a de que a tese central deste livro, segundo a qual a teoria crítica é assombrada pela filosofia do sujeito, carrega as marcas da crítica arendtiana à filosofia política ocidental.Palavras-Chave: Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Filosofia do Sujeito; Filosofia Política; Pluralidade</div><div class="trans-abstract">SEYLA BENHABIB WITH HANNAH ARENDT AGAINST THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE SUBJECTABSTRACTFrom Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics (1992), we know that SeylaBenhabib answers Habermas’ excesses and the limits of the modern universalist tradition with a reinterpretation of the Arendtian conception of “enlarged thought”. In this article, I propose to show that Arendt’s presence in Benhabib’s thought is even more radical than it seems at first, because the author of The human condition is at the root of Benhabib’s theoretical project, guiding her in her philosophical confrontation with tradition at her first major work,Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of Crítical theory(1986). My interpretive hypothesis is that the central thesis of this book, according to which Crítical theory is haunted by the philosophy of the subject, bears the marks of Arendt’s criticism to Western political philosophy.Key words: Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophy of the Subject; Political Philosophy; Plurality</div><div class="trans-abstract">SEYLA BENHABIB AVEC ARENDT CONTRE LA PHILOSOPHIE DU SUJETABSTRACTA partir des textes rassemblés dans le livre Situating the self: gender, community and postmodernism in contemporary ethics (1992), on sait que Seyla Benhabib répond aux excès rationalistes d’Habermas et aux limites de la tradition universaliste moderne par une réinterprétation de la conception arendtienne du «mentalité élargie». Dans cet article, je propose de montrer que la présence d’Arendt dans la pensée de Benhabib est encore plus radicale qu’il n’y paraît au premier abord, car Arendt est à l’origine de son projet théorique guidant la confrontation philosophique que Benhabib fait avec tradition, dans son premier grand ouvrage, Critique, norm, and utopia: a study of the foundations of crítical theory (1986). Mon hypothèse interprétative est que la thèse centrale de ce livre, selon laquelle la théorie critique est hantée par la philosophie du sujet, porte les marques de la critique arendtienne de la philosophie politique occidentale.Key words: Hannah Arendt; Seyla Benhabib; Philosophie du sujet; Philosophie politique; Pluralité</div>

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Rogoziecki, Robert. „Hannah Arendt a ekonomia polityczna Jean-Jaquesa Rousseau“. Studia z Historii Filozofii 13, Nr. 2 (23.08.2022): 75–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/szhf.2022.010.

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Tekst jest krytyczną analizą zarzutów wysuwanych przez Hannah Arendt przeciwko Rousseau. Pokazuje, w jaki sposób Rousseau’owska koncepcja ekonomii politycznej wpisuje się w rozumienie społeczeństwa Arendt. Rousseau z tej perspektywy okazuje się jego ideologiem, i to z dobrodziejstwem inwentarza, a mianowicie przekonaniem, że nie ludzie, ale społeczeństwa zamieszkują Ziemię. Arendt nie dostrzegła zmienionej perspektywy postrzegania polityki u Rousseau. W przeciwieństwie do starożytnych Greków, Rousseau nie traktuje człowieka jako istoty politycznej z definicji, ale naturalną, toteż polityka wymaga dla niego legitymizacji zewnętrznej ze strony moralności oraz elementarnych potrzeb biologicznych. Natura dostarcza tak polityce jak i moralności wzorca prawa. Wola powszechna okazuje się rodzajem społecznego substytutu w warunkach nieobecności praw natury.

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López López, Marina. „El mundo tecnificado de la Guerra Fría, la perspectiva teórica de Hannah Arendt“. Pensamiento. Revista de Investigación e Información Filosófica 78, Nr. 297 (15.06.2022): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/pen.v78.i297.y2022.008.

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En este artículo se expone el lugar de Hannah Arendt en el contexto de la Guerra Fría. La historia de las ideas reinantes durante las primeras décadas del siglo XX fue asumida por los estudiosos de la historia de la filosofía y, desde ahí, elaboraron sus explicaciones en torno a la crisis de occidente. Este es el caso de Hannah Arendt quien, además, adoptó la concepción idealista de la historia de la ciencia de los años 50, representada por Alexandre Koyré.

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Pommier, Eric. „La confianza pública en Hannah Arendt“. Veritas, Nr. 47 (Dezember 2020): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0718-92732020000300059.

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Dias, Lucas Barreto. „Hannah Arendt e a intencionalidade das aparências“. Trans/Form/Ação 43, spe (2020): 301–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-3173.2020.v43esp.22.p301.

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Resumo Neste texto, investiga-se o conceito de intencionalidade presente no pensamento de Hannah Arendt. Termo proveniente da fenomenologia husserliana, a intencionalidade designa que a consciência sempre se movimenta em direção a um objeto, de modo que, para Husserl, se trata aqui de um atributo do ego transcendental. Arendt, em sua obra póstuma, faz um deslocamento do conceito: a intencionalidade passa a ser compreendida não apenas como algo vinculado a um sujeito, mas, sobretudo às aparências. Desse modo, assim como o sujeito coloca em questão o objeto visado pela consciência, também o fenômeno pressupõe uma subjetividade embutida, isto é, as aparências se doam intencionalmente àqueles que captam suas aparições. Essa relação intencional, todavia, só faz sentido, no pensamento de Arendt, caso se coloque em questão a pluralidade humana como conjunto de seres capazes de apreender as aparências, a partir de uma experiência que só é possível mediante a própria pluralidade. Assim, a pensadora rechaça o sujeito cognoscente isolado como critério de verdade e sentido, proporcionando uma interpretação da relação homens e mundo, como perspectiva pela qual se pode chegar a uma compreensão intersubjetiva da realidade.

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Schmitz, Heinz-Gerd. „Irina Spiegel, Die Urteilskraft bei Hannah Arendt“. Philosophisches Jahrbuch 121, Nr. 1 (2014): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0031-8183-2014-1-227.

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Torres, Ana Paula Repolês. „O sentido da política em Hannah Arendt“. Trans/Form/Ação 30, Nr. 2 (2007): 235–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0101-31732007000200015.

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Buscamos demonstrar que a ação política, na visão de Hannah Arendt, não é meio para atingir qualquer fim, sendo sinônimo de liberdade, o que faz com que a autora problematize a tradicional identificação da política com violência, a partir de uma crítica ao equacionamento, que remonta aos primórdios do pensamento filosófico sobre o tema, de liberdade e vontade, fazer o que se deseja, o que leva a pensadora em questão a trabalhar as duas dimensões da ação política, isto é, a dimensão agonística e a consensualista, significando esta última uma liberdade mutuamente garantida.

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Fry, Karin. „Hannah Arendt and the War in Iraq“. Philosophical Topics 39, Nr. 2 (2011): 41–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics20113923.

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Allen, Wayne. „Hannah Arendt and the Politics of Evil“. Idealistic Studies 21, Nr. 2 (1991): 97–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/idstudies1991212/314.

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Villa, Dana. „Hannah Arendt: Socratic Citizenship and Philosophical Critique“. Research in Phenomenology 50, Nr. 2 (22.07.2020): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691640-12341444.

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Abstract In this essay I trace the relationship between philosophy and politics in Hannah Arendt’s work, with specific reference to the tension between her Socratic commitments and her appeal to “common sense” or sensus communis. I argue Arendt’s idea of a “common sense of the world” gives rise to a conception of the public realm that has too much shape and integrity to fit the often misty and particulate nature of contemporary reality. This is not the familiar critique of Arendt as a nostalgic Grecophile. Rather, it is a critique aimed at the phenomenological concept of “world” underlying her analysis. This concept—derived, but notably different, from Husserl’s and Heidegger’s respective conceptions—relies on background practices and understandings that are thick enough to sustain both a common public culture and a shared “sense of the world.” I suggest that Arendt’s appeal to a sensus communis runs aground of the moral and value pluralism that both Weber and Berlin have suggested are constitutive features of modernity. I conclude with some remarks on the relationship between Arendt’s critique of modernity and Socratic philosophical critique (on the one hand) and Frankfurt School Critical Theory (on the other).

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Kattago, Siobhan. „KIEK BENDRAS MŪSŲ BENDRAS PASAULIS? HANNAH ARENDT IR SOCIALUMO IŠKILIMAS“. Problemos 81 (01.01.2012): 98–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2012.0.1288.

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Remiantis Hannah’os Arendt įvesta viešumo ir privatumo skirtimi, straipsnyje teigiama, jog iš pirmo žvilgsnio elitinę jos demokratiją galima sutaikyti supolitiniais idealais, kuriais remiantis kuriamas polis: tai įvairovė, laisvė ir veiksmas. Toks sutaikymas įmanomas, jei politiškumas yra suprantamas kaip erdvė tarp žmonių, o ne skrupulingai suręsta fizinė erdvė, išstumianti visus privatumo aspektus. Straipsnyje taip pat teigiama, kad socialumo iškilimas žymi ne tik politiškumo kolonializaciją, bet ir demokratinę ekspansiją tų, kurie, kaip ir pati Arendt, anksčiau galėjo būti išstumti iš politinio dalyvavimo bendramepasaulyje.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: Arendt, pasaulis, politika, laisvė, viešumas, privatumas, socialumas.How Common is our Common World? Hannah Arendt and the Rise of the SocialSiobhan Kattago SummaryBased on Hannah Arendt’s distinction between the public and the private, the paper argues that it is possible to reconcile her seemingly elite democracy with the political ideals upon which the polis is constructed, namely, plurality, freedom and action. Such reconciliation is possible when the political is understood as the space between people, rather than as a carefully constructed physical space that excludes all aspects of privacy. Likewise, the paper argues that the rise of the social represents not only the colonialization of the political, but also a democratic expansion of those, who like Arendt herself might have been formerly excluded from political participation in our common world.Key words: Arendt, world, politics, freedom, public, private, social.

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Winant, Terry. „The Feminist Standpoint: A Matter of Language“. Hypatia 2, Nr. 1 (1987): 123–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1527-2001.1987.tb00856.x.

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This essay is my contribution to two projects currently gaining the attention of feminist theorists. The first is the project of interpreting the work of Hannah Arendt. The second, of providing a secure foundation for the claim that there can be a distinctively feminist position either in political philosophy or more generally in any field of philosophy. I explore in depth candidates for the feminist standpoint developed by Nancy Hartsock and Nancy Fraser. I connect the two projects, showing how feminists can learn from Hannah Arendt crucial lessons concerning speaking and thinking. It is thus in Arendt's work that I discover the missing element in recent attempts to ground the feminist standpoint.

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Backman, Jussi. „Modernity in Antiquity“. Symposium 24, Nr. 2 (2020): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/symposium202024210.

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This article looks at the role of Hellenistic thought in the historical narratives of Martin Heidegger and Hannah Arendt. To a certain extent, both see—with G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen, and Eduard Zeller—Hellenistic and Roman philosophy as a “modernity in antiquity,” but with important differences. Heidegger is generally dismissive of Hellenistic thought and comes to see it as a decisive historical turning point at which a protomodern element of subjective willing and domination is injected into the classical heritage of Plato and Aristotle. Arendt, likewise, credits Stoic philosophy with the discovery of the will as an active faculty constituting a realm of subjective freedom and autonomy. While she considers Hellenistic philosophy as essentially apolitical and world-alienated—in contrast to the inherently political and practical Roman culture—it nonetheless holds for her an important but unexploited ethical and political potential.L’article examine le rôle de la pensée hellénistique dans les récits historiques de Martin Heidegger et Hannah Arendt. Dans une certaine mesure, tous les deux voient, avec G. W. F. Hegel, J. G. Droysen et Eduard Zeller, la philosophie hellénistique et romaine comme une « modernité dans l’antiquité », mais avec des différences importantes. Généralement, Heidegger dédaigne la philosophie hellénis-tique et finit par la considérer comme un tournant historique déci-sif qui introduit un élément protomoderne de volonté et de domination subjective dans l’héritage de Platon et Aristote. De même, Arendt attribue à la philosophie stoïque la découverte de la volonté en tant que faculté active constituant un domaine de liberté et d’autonomie subjectives. Même si elle considère la philosophie hellénistique comme fondamentalement apolitique et aliénée du monde—à l’inverse du caractère fondamentalement politique et pratique de la culture romaine—cette pensée détient néanmoins pour elle un potentiel éthico-politique important et sous-exploité.

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