Thematische Bibliographien / Arabic and Albanian

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Arabic and Albanian“

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Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Arabic and Albanian"

Elsie, Robert. „Albanian Literature in the Moslem Tradition: Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Albanian Writing in Arabic Script“. Oriens 33 (1992): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1580608.

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Trix, Frances. „The Stamboul Alphabet Of Shemseddin Sami Bey: Precursor To Turkish Script Reform“. International Journal of Middle East Studies 31, Nr. 2 (Mai 1999): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800054040.

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Comparative studies of writing systems and script conversion tend to emphasize the extent of cultural re-orientation and the rapidity of implementation of Turkey's shift from the Arabic to the Roman script, but they rarely mention the period that led up to this change. As early as 1863, the Azeri playwright Ahunzade Mirza Fethali presented a proposal for a Latin orthography for Turkish, before the Cemiyet-i ilmiye-i Osmaniye (Ottoman Society of Science) in Istanbul. A second event in Ottoman script reform, though less well known than Ahunzade's proposal, was the adoption by many former members of the Cemiyet-i ilmiye-i Arnavudiye (Albanian Society of Science), in Istanbul, in 1879, of a Latin-based alphabet for Albanian. This “Stamboul Alphabet” was designed by Shemseddin Sami Bey and, unlike Ahunzade's proposal, was immediately acted upon and subsequently adopted by the new Albanian presses in Bucharest and Sofia, from which it spread through southern and central Albanian lands, all still under Ottoman rule.

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Adili-Çeliku, Luljeta, und Meral Shehabi-Veseli. „Challenges of the Albanian Language in the Internet Era“. SEEU Review 16, Nr. 2 (01.12.2021): 114–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2021-0031.

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Abstract Language is a live organism and as every other living being develops and is enriched with new words and terms, which enter the life of society together with the new tool, i.e. they enter in and mix with the order of Albanian words. Such a thing is inevitable and in some cases even useful, but every word that is lined up in the order of Albanian words must be well filtered. “The introduction of new words and exclusion of old ones is a natural process, and it happens in any language. This is what happened with the Greek borrowings in Latin, with the Arabic borrowings in Greek, with the Latin borrowings in many European languages, with the Persian borrowings in Turkish, with the Turkish borrowings in Albanian, etc.” - Prof. Hajri Shehu emphasizes in a scientific interview (Shehu, 2017). In recent decades, with the expansion of the Internet, many foreign words began to enter and be used in the Albanian language. English took up more space than expected; in addition to penetrating through various tool notions, it also replaced centuries-old native words of Albanian. The paper has been divided into three parts and in each part an issue has been dealt with: the first part talks about the use of foreign words and the existing words in Albanian; the second part deals with the use of emoticons used instead of words and the third part deals with writing errors in the Albanian language. These are some of the issues that have created a great concern for the Albanian language in this century and they certainly need to be addressed seriously to prevent the dangers that may threaten it.

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Rocchi, Luciano. „Turkish as a Mediterranean language“. Lexicographica 33, Nr. 2017 (28.08.2018): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lex-2017-0005.

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AbstractThis paper focuses on linguistic contacts between Turkish as the receiving language and other languages of the Mediterranean area (Albanian, Arabic, Armenian, French, Greek, Ibero-Romance varieties, Italian, Serbo-Croatian). In the first part, a general overview is given of the contact situation and historical background; in the second, the treatment of loanwords from the above-mentioned languages in Turkish lexicography is sketched and briefly discussed.

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Rocchi, Luciano. „Turkish as a Mediterranean language“. Lexicographica 33, Nr. 1 (01.09.2018): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lexi-2017-0005.

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Litvin, Margaret. „Intimate Foreign Relations“. Comparative Literature 75, Nr. 2 (01.06.2023): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00104124-10334503.

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Abstract Visualizing Soviet internationalism as a student dormitory, this essay identifies a new transnational subgenre, the Soviet dormitory novel, and analyzes four examples: Nazim Hikmet’s Life’s Good, Brother (Turkish, 1964); Ismail Kadare’s Twilight of the Eastern Gods (Albanian, 1978); Sonallah Ibrahim’s Ice (Arabic, 2011); and Yurii Andrukhovych’s Moscoviad (Ukrainian, 2000). These works each depict a different decade and come from different locations on the concentric map of Soviet influence: the Afro-Asian world, Eastern Europe, and the non-Russian USSR. Together, they reveal some shared formal features of the dormitory novel and some unintended consequences of Soviet internationalism, including the various racisms it rejected but helped perpetuate.

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Işık, Murat. „Mele Bateyî’nin Mevlidi“. International Journal of Social Sciences 6, Nr. 26 (19.10.2022): 379–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.6.26.24.

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Apart from the mawlids written in Arabic, there are also mawlids written in Persian, Albanian, Kurdish, Javanese, Bosnian, Greek, Circassian, Urdu, Sevahili and Tatar. In Iranian literature, perhaps due to the influence of Shi'ism, the type of mawlid was not respected much. Hz. The first of the ceremonies held on the occasion of the birth of the Prophet, X.-XI. It was built during the Fatimids (910-1171) centuries. Only the ruler and courtiers attended this ceremony, not the public. It is seen that the mawlid ceremony, in which everyone attended jointly, first took place in Erbil in 1207, during the time of Seljuk Atabek Abu Sa'id Muzafferüddin Gökbörü (d. 1233). This mawlid ceremony is accepted as the beginning of the mawlid ceremonies held later. Keywords: Melaye Batatei, Hz. Prophet, birthday

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Leontis, Artemis. „Mediterranean Topographies before Balkanization: On Greek Diaspora, Emporion, and Revolution“. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 6, Nr. 2 (September 1997): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.6.2.179.

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I place my work under the rubric of spatial studies: an investigation of how people inhabit their world. The corner of the world I examine is the northeastern Mediterranean, a highly contested region that has brought into contact numerous peoples: Greek, Persian, and Roman in ancient times; Byzantine, Slavic, Arabic, Venetian, Frankish, Jewish, Armenian, and Ottoman in the late ancient to early modern period; and Greek, Turkish, Slavic, and Albanian in our own times. Literature is my point of entry into that world. Though it is unusual in spatial studies, an area of inquiry dominated by geography, architecture, environmental psychology, political theory, and anthropology, I find the literary approach quite useful. For literature has always occupied itself with topographia or topothesia, the “description” or “situation of place” (Curtius 200). Literature relies on historical and geographical spatiality to orient its readers and send them on its imaginative journey.

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Rekanović, Emina. „Challenging the monolingual nature of a micro context“. STRIDON: Studies in Translation and Interpreting 3, Nr. 1 (30.06.2023): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/stridon.3.1.29-49.

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Investigating a corpus containing 241 images of signage, this article focuses on the linguistic landscape of a small town called Sanski Most in north-western Bosnia and Herzegovina. Using the framework developed by Koskinen (2012), the study was carried out in a micro context researching linguistic landscape in attempt to detect the presence of multilingualism and translation in the mentioned area. The data was analysed to determine the presence of different languages in written form and the translation of commercial and public display signs. The findings indicate that traces of multilingualism in written form can be seen through the presence of different languages, but that traces of translation are very limited. The results show that Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, English, German, French, Italian, Arabic, Turkish, Latin, Dutch, Spanish, Slovenian, Danish, Albanian, and Chinese were all present in this area. The results also show that the translation in public signage in this area tends to be rather weak and that only 13 signs displayed translation.

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Shahinyan, Arsen. „Narratives by the “Father of Muslim Historiography” aṭ-Ṭabarī (839–923) about the Uprising of the Christian Princes and Muslim Emirs of Armīnīya under Chaliph al-Mutawakkil (847–861)“. Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, Nr. 5 (2023): 236. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080026516-4.

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This publication presents the materials extracted from the multivolume “History of the Prophets and Kings” (Ta’rīḫ ar-Rusul wa-l-Mulūk) by “the father of the Muslim historiography”, an Arabic spoken Iranian Muḥammad b. Ǧarīr (Djarir) aṭ-Ṭabarī (839–923), whichoutlines the general history from the Creation to 302 AH (914/5). These are absolutely all the materials that are devoted to the last uprising against the power of the ‘Abbasids (750–1258) in the Arab vilayet of Arminiya, which consisted of the Greater-Armenian, and South Caucasian Lands occupied by the Muslims. We are talking about the uprising of 850–855, in which both the leaders of the autonomous Armenian and Albanian principalities, as well as the Arab emirates created in Arminiya at the beginning of the 9th C., took part. These passages were extracted from the classic critical edition carried out in three series and 15 volumes in Leiden (1879–1901), edited by the famous Dutch Arabist Michael Jan de Goeje (1836–1909).The selected passages are translated by Arsen K. Shahinyan from Classical Arabic into Russian for the first time in Oriental science. The introductory article, detailed text notes and scholarly comments based on the historical and geographical narratives of the Antiquity, and in the languages of the peoples of the Christian and Muslim Orient are attached by the author of the publication to his translated materials as well. Preparing these notes and comments, he also took into account the data that are reflected in the leading scientific, reference (encyclopedic) and educational publications of the world.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "Arabic and Albanian"

Simaku, Xheni <1985&gt. „Bectascismo in Albania“. Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2762.

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Mishra, Priyanka [Verfasser], und Maria [Gutachter] Albani. „Control of adventitious rooting in the alpine perennial Arabia alpina / Priyanka Mishra ; Gutachter: Maria Albani“. Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1199004693/34.

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Jiang, Panpan [Verfasser], Ute [Gutachter] Hoecker und Maria [Gutachter] Albani. „Light signaling in Arabis alpina, a perennial relative of Arabidopsis thaliana / Panpan Jiang ; Gutachter: Ute Hoecker, Maria Albani“. Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1140164651/34.

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Obeng-Hinneh, Evelyn [Verfasser], Maria [Gutachter] Albani, Ute [Gutachter] Hoecker und Korbinian [Gutachter] Schneeberger. „Mechanisms regulating inflorescence development and flowering traits in Arabis alpina, an alpine perennial / Evelyn Obeng-Hinneh ; Gutachter: Maria Albani, Ute Hoecker, Korbinian Schneeberger“. Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2018. http://d-nb.info/117867181X/34.

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Bücher zum Thema "Arabic and Albanian"

Hysa, Ramazan. Albanian-English, English-Albanian standard dictionary. New York: Hippocrene Books, 2004.

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Ebibi, Fahrudin. Fjalor shkollor: Shqip-arabisht, arabisht-shqip. Shkup: [s.n.], 2003.

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Tomçini, Sulejman. Fjalor arabisht-shqip: Rreth 70,000 fjalë dhe shprehje = Qāmūs ʻArabī-Albānī. Tiranë: Instituti Shqiptar i Mendimit dhe i Qytetërimit Islam (AIITC), 2010.

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Ebibi, Fahrudin. Fjalor arabisht-shqip. Shkup: Furkan ISM, 2005.

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Kastrati, Tomor. Shqipja dhe arabishtja: Kur'ani dhe Hadithi burime për fjalor etimologjik të shqipes dhe për studime krahasimtare semite/indo-europiane. Prishtinë: Shoqata e Orientalistëve të Kosovës, 2012.

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Ahmedi, Ismail. Antologji e prozës bashkëkohore arabe. Shkup: Logos-A, 2020.

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Kaleshi, Hasan. Izabrani radovi. Prishtinë: Dija, 2022.

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Mehdiu, Feti. Flasim arabisht =: Natakallam bi-al-ʻArabīyah. Prishtinë: Enti i Teksteve dhe i Mjeteve Mësimore i Krahinës Socialiste Autonome të Kosovës, 1987.

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Mehdiu, Feti. Gjuha arabe: Fonetikë, morfologji : dispensë për vitin I dhe II. Prishtinë: Enti i teksteve dhe i mjeteve mësimore i Kosovës, 1991.

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Kūsūfī, Bakr Ismāʻīl. al-Lughah al-ʻArabīyah wa-atharuhā fī al-lughah al-Albānīyah. [al-Qāhirah]: al-Hayʼah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 2014.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Arabic and Albanian"

Tausch, Arno. „The Empirical Results of Our Empirical Study“. In Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 45–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_5.

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AbstractThe study clearly shows that identification with Turkey and Iran, with a political Islam that also influences elections and results in a theocracy, promotes religious and gender discrimination and advocates an Islamist interpretation of Islam, are very much the most important, interrelated syndromes of political Islam, which together explain more than 50% of the total variance of the 24 model variables used. If the states of Europe want to win the fight against jihadism, they must work closely with the moderate Arab states, such as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab Gulf states, and be aware that, on a population-weighted basis, 41% of all Arabs now view the Muslim Brotherhood, which is the strongest and most coherent force in political Islam today, negatively or very negatively. According to the data brought to light here, only 7% of people in the Arab world now have a high level of trust in their country's Islamist movement, while 14% have some trust, 19% have little trust, but 60% have no trust. Our overall index—Overcoming political Islam shows that Morocco and Tunisia are the top performers, while Iraq and Sudan bring up the rear. Following an important study by Falco and Rotondi (2016), we also explore the question of whether political Islam is more prevalent or less prevalent among the more than 20% of the Arab population who plan to emigrate in the coming years than among the population as a whole. Far from feeding alarmist horror scenarios, our evaluation shows firstly that Falco and Rotondi (2016) are correct in their thesis that among potential migrants to the West, political Islam is certainly less pronounced than among the Arab population as a whole. On a population-weighted basis, only 13.11% of potential migrants to the West openly state that they trust the country-specific Islamist movement. In the second part of our empirical evaluations, we explore religiously motivated political extremism (RMPE) by international comparison on the basis of the following items of the World Values Survey, which are sparse but nevertheless available on this topic: The proportion of the global population who favour religious authorities in interpreting the law while accepting political violence is alarmingly high in various parts of the world and is raising fears of numerous conflicts in the coming years in an increasingly unstable world system. It amounts to more than half of the adult population in Tajikistan (the international record holder), and Malaysia and some non-Muslim-majority countries. In many countries, including NATO and EU member states, it is an alarming 25–50%, and we mention here the Muslim-majority countries Iraq, Lebanon, Bangladesh, Kazakhstan, Nigeria and Indonesia. It is 15–25% even in core countries of the Western security architecture, but also in the Muslim-majority countries: Pakistan, Iran and Tunisia. Only in the best-ranked countries, among them the Muslim-majority countries Albania, Egypt, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kyrgyzstan, Azerbaijan and Jordan, the potentially fatal combination of mixing religion and law and accepting political violence has a relatively small following of less than 15%. In the sense of the theses of the late Harvard economist Alberto Alesina (1957–2020), social trust is an essential general production factor of any social order, and the institutions of national security of the democratic West would do well to make good use of this capital of trust that also exists among Muslims living in the West.

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MacDonald, Eve. „The Best of Men: Cross-Cultural Command in the 630S ad“. In Generalship in Ancient Greece, Rome and Byzantium, 206–24. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474459945.003.0013.

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The 630’s CE witnessed pivotal battles in the history of the ancient Near East resulting in victories of Arabic armies over the forces of the Byzantine and the Sasanian Empires. The sources that have preserved these battles portray the commanders as either heroic or villainous, as men whose decisions have turned the tide of history. Many of the details around the battles are difficult to pin down in terms of date and even location but the commanders who fought and their stories are preserved for us in the extant sources. There are both contemporary and later Islamic versions to compare and contrast. The chief Sasanian commander Rostam, and his Albanian lieutenant Juansher remain celebrated for their heroic efforts against the Arabic armies, even though they lost, while the contemporary Byzantine Armenian commander Vahan is labelled as treasonous for his defeat at/around Yarmouk. This chapter explores the identity and representation of these commanders to assess to what degree the different literary traditions allow them to be heroic or disastrous. The aim is to assess whether we can understand, in the different traditions, the way in which a good general should behave in the 7^th century through the accounts of their deeds.

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AKKUŞ, MEHMET. „MEVLİD EDEBİYATIMIZ VE MERHUM TAYYİP OKİÇ“. In VEFATININ 600. YILINDA SÜLEYMAN ÇELEBİ VE MEVLİD GELENEĞİ, 251–66. Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53478/tuba.978-625-8352-50-4.ch12.

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Muhammed Tayyip Okiç was born in 1902 in Gračanica, Tuzla, Bosnia. After completing his education at Okruzna Madrasa, Faculty of Islamic Law and Theology, he graduated from the University of Zagreb, Latin Language and Literature and the Faculty of Law in Belgrade. At the same time, he received his Arabic, Persian and Turkish Language and Literature degrees from Sorbonne University, Faculty of Letters, School of Oriental Languages. Although he completed his thesis titled Life, Works and Nizâmü’l-Ulema of Hasan Kâfî-i Bosnevî at this university, he could not use the PhD title because it was not published. Later, he completed his specialization in Arabic Language and Literature at Ez-Zitouna University in Tunisia. He worked as a professor at Belgrade University and taught in madrasas in Skopje. After the World War II, he came to Turkey and taught at Ankara University, Konya and Erzurum High Islamic Institutes between 1950-1977. He died on March 9, 1977 and his body was taken to Sarajevo and buried there. The most important of Tayyip Okiç’s works on Turkish culture and literature is his article about the translations of Süleyman Çelebi’s mevlid into various languages and especially its effects in the Balkans. It is also mentioned in this article that many mevlids were written in Bosnian and Albanian and recited in ceremonies held on various occasions, and he explains that Süleyman Çelebi’s mevlid is one of the mevlids recited in these meetings, giving examples from his own life. In this paper, the life of the author, Vesîletü’n-Necât translations, the authors who wrote mevlids in the Balkans, especially in Bosnia, and their works will be mentioned.

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Abulafia, David. „Ever the Twain Shall Meet, 1830–1900“. In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0043.

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The English poet of empire Rudyard Kipling penned the much quoted lines, ‘East is East and West is West, and never the twain shall meet’. Even if, by the early twentieth century, European observers had become overwhelmed by what they saw as fundamental differences between attitudes and styles of life in East and West, this was not true of the nineteenth century. Then, the ideal became the joining of East and West: a physical joining, through the Suez Canal, but also a cultural joining, as western Europeans relished the cultures of the Near East, and as the rulers of Near Eastern lands – the Ottoman sultans and their highly autonomous viceroys in Egypt – looked towards France and Great Britain in search of models they could follow in reviving the languishing economy of their dominions. This was, then, a reciprocal relationship: despite the claims of those who see ‘orientalism’ as the cultural expression of western imperialism, the masters of the eastern Mediterranean actively sought cultural contact with the West, and saw themselves as members of a community of monarchs that embraced Europe and the Mediterranean. Ismail Pasha, viceroy of Egypt between 1863 and 1879, always dressed in European clothes, though he would occasionally top his frock-coat and epaulettes with a fez; he spoke Turkish, not Arabic. Equally, the Ottoman sultans, and more particularly their courtiers (like Ismail, frequently Albanian), often sported western dress. They would, of course, be selective in their use of western ideas. The Egyptian viceroys were happy to send clever subjects to study at the École Polytechnique in Paris, a Napoleonic foundation; at the same time they discouraged excessive mixing in the French salons: they wished to import radical ideas, but about technology, not government. What had almost entirely disappeared by the early nineteenth century was the idea of the Ottoman realms as the seat of conquering warriors of the faith. Having lost their military and naval superiority in the East, the Ottomans were no longer the subject of fear but of fascination. Traditional ways of life caught the attention of western artists such as Delacroix, but other westerners, notably Ferdinand de Lesseps, the builder of the Suez Canal, were keen to promote modernization.

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Pfeifer, Helen. „Introduction“. In Empire of Salons, 1–23. Princeton University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691195230.003.0001.

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This introductory chapter provides an overview of Ottoman salons. Informal gatherings of gentlemen were an indispensable part of Ottoman political, social, and intellectual life in the early modern period. In cities and towns stretching from Albania to Arabia, elite salons brought leading figures from diverse ethnic and geographical backgrounds into close contact. Salons were especially important in the wake of the Ottoman expansion into the Arab Middle East in the early part of the sixteenth century. Since the medieval period, salons had offered a forum for socializing that was shared, at least in its roughest outlines, all across the Islamic world. With the Ottoman conquest of Greater Syria, Egypt, and parts of the Arabian Peninsula in 1516–7, such assemblies offered a venue in which encounters between the Turkish-speaking Ottoman ruling elite and local Arab notables could take place. The chapter explains that the book views the salon in this transformative era as it looked from the Syrian city of Damascus through the perspective of one Arab notable, Badr al-Din al-Ghazzi.

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Beránek, Ondřej, und Pavel Ťupek. „Saudi Arabia between pan-Islamism, Iconoclasm and Political Legitimacy“. In The Temptation of Graves in Salafi Islam. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474417570.003.0004.

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This chapter explains the process of Wahhabism institutionalisation that occurred during the period of the third Saudi state, as well as the proselytic mechanism that has been part of Saudi-led pan-Islamism since the 1960s. It focuses mostly on the opinions of Muhammad ibn Ibrahim Al al-Shaykh, Ibn Baz and Muhammad Nasir al-Din al-Albani, especially with regard to funeral architecture and the legality of visits to graves by women. In the case of al-Albani, the chapter looks at the methodology he advocated in relation to the fulfilment of Salafi goals. It also identifies some of the patterns regarding opposition to the Saudi regime, such as those associated with Juhayman al-ʿUtaybi and Abu Muhammad al-Maqdisi, both of whom were influenced by the Saudi propagation of tawhīd and iconoclasm. This chapter also describes the internal mechanisms and structures of the official Saudi religious establishment, especially its fatwā institutions.

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ANSCOMBE, FREDERICK. „Continuities in Ottoman Centre–Periphery Relations, 1787–1915“. In The Frontiers of the Ottoman World. British Academy, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264423.003.0012.

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In the political history of the Ottoman Empire, the long nineteenth century (1789–1915) stands out as a period of far-reaching, rapid change in the nature of the state. While the persistence of old practices should not be assumed along all frontiers of the empire, where it was applied the mutual support arrangement worked reasonably well at both ends of the nineteenth century. The two cases examined in this chapter illustrate this in a surprising fashion. The parallels are unexpected because among the notables involved, Tepedelenli Ali Pasha (1787–1820) in Epirus (Greece and Albania) and the Al Sabah and Al Thani shaykhs (1870–1915) in eastern Arabia carry reputations as unwilling subjects who rebelled against the sultan. It was largely due to the centre's failure to continue to uphold its part of the mutual support arrangement.

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Hammond, Andrew. „Salafi Publishing and Contestation over Orthodoxy and Leadership in Sunni Islam“. In Wahhabism and the World, 76–92. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197532560.003.0004.

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This chapter looks at Salafi publishing and its critical role in the intense contestation among Islamic trends throughout the twentieth century over defining the Sunni mainstream and establishing orthodoxy. It demonstrates how the discourse of Salafism was formed in the crucible of rivalry with Islamic modernism (the followers of Muhammad ʿAbduh), the Muslim Brotherhood, and conservative traditionalists (such as Zahid al-Kawthari), largely through the efforts of the Syrian cleric Nasir al-Din al-Albani, who established a clear standard of belief and practice under the designation “Salafi.” With its veneration of the creedal positions of Ibn Taymiyya and rejection of Muslim juridical culture, Salafism evolved its novel approach through the medium of modern print culture. Its activities were focused on, but not restricted to, Saudi Arabia, where Wahhabism’s esteem for Ibn Taymiyya created fertile ground for collaboration. The chapter closes by surveying Salafi literature, its message, and its global reach.

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