Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Arab-Israeli conflict – Occupied territories“

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Arab-Israeli conflict – Occupied territories"

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Ziadé, Nassib G. „League of Arab States: Communiques from Summit Meetings in Amman and Algiers“. International Legal Materials 27, Nr. 6 (November 1988): 1646–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002078290002221x.

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At an emergency Arab meeting in Amman, preoccupation with the Arab-Israeli conflict gave way to concern over the Iran-Iraq war. Until then, the permanent emergency of Palestine had been the basic raison d'etre for Arab summitry. But in Amman, the emergency was the Iran-Iraq war. It was shortly after the Amman meeting that the uprising in the occupied territories began. Therefore the Algiers summit meeting, also called “the intifadah (uprising) summit” returned the Palestinian issue to the top to “the Arab agenda and put the Arab-Israeli conflict back at the center of world attention
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Golan, Galia. „Deception and Israeli Peacemaking since 1967“. Israel Studies Review 34, Nr. 1 (01.03.2019): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340102.

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The failure to resolve the Arab-Israeli conflict for many years has often been attributed in significant part to the absence of trust in the sincerity of the other side and, more specifically, to the recalcitrant nature of the opponent. Analyses of past proposals and actual negotiations have pointed out missed opportunities, possibly the result of misperceptions or misunderstandings. Recent archival research, publications, and interviews regarding the Israeli protagonists reveal that actual deception, as distinct from ‘misperception’, may have been at play. The article examines this phenomenon as it has appeared since 1967 in six instances of Israeli government dealings with its own public and with the US or the international community, even in recent months, due primarily to an unwillingness to withdraw from the Occupied Territories or agree to enter serious negotiations for ending the conflict with the Palestinians.
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Karolyi, Paul. „Update on Conflict and Diplomacy“. Journal of Palestine Studies 47, Nr. 1 (2017): 132–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2017.47.1.132.

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This update summarizes bilateral, multilateral, regional, and international events affecting the Palestinians and Israel. It covers the quarter beginning on 16 May 2017 and ending on 15 August 2017: U.S. president Donald Trump continued working on a largely undefined peace initiative with little success. Violence in the Old City of Jerusalem interrupted U.S. diplomatic efforts and the Israeli government imposed new security measures at Haram al-Sharif. These restrictions sparked a wave of unrest across the occupied Palestinian territories and a Muslim boycott of the sanctuary, testing the nascent U.S. initiative. Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas increased pressure on Hamas to relinquish control of Gaza to the PA. The 1,500-plus Palestinian prisoners who declared a mass hunger strike last quarter secured key concessions from the Israeli authorities and brought their strike to a close. Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates enacted a diplomatic and economic boycott of Qatar.
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Einhorn, Talia. „Restitution of Archaeological Artifacts: The Arab-Israeli Aspects“. International Journal of Cultural Property 5, Nr. 1 (Januar 1996): 133–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739196000252.

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SummarySince the second half of the last century, public international law has been developing rules regulating the restitution of cultural objects removed from occupied territories during armed conflict. Today it is generally recognized that customary international law forbids pillage. The Protocol to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict further mandates that artifacts removed from an occupied territory must be returned to the competent authorities of that territory at the close of hostilities. The Arab-Israeli case highlights the problematic side of this solution. Following the Six Day War in 1967, the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the Gaza strip and the territory known as the “West Bank” came under Israeli control. Israeli archaeologists carried out numerous excavations, and discovered artifacts of special importance to Jewish cultural heritage. It is regrettable that, as a result of the peace treaty with Egypt, these artifacts can no longer be exhibited and appreciated at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, but had to be delivered to Egypt, where they now face an uncertain future. A similar fate may befall the artifacts excavated in the Golan Heights. The Palestinian claim for restitution cannot be based on the Protocol. The Problem is nevertheless the same in all cases; if the artifacts are to be preserved, properly appreciated and made available for purposes of study and research, it may be more appropriate to distribute them among the states by way of compromise and agreement, that will seek to enhance their cultural significance, rather than use the arbitrary sole criterion of the place of discovery.
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Krylov, A. V. „The European Union Counteraction To Israel's Settlement Policy In The Occupied Arab Territories: Myths And Realities“. MGIMO Review of International Relations, Nr. 6(39) (28.12.2014): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-161-173.

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More than 50 years the European Union member states (the European Economic Community up to 1993) maintain a special relations with Israel particularly in the trade sphere. Only in 2014 the export of Israeli products to Europe increased by 3%, amounting in absolute terms to a third of total exports of Israel. At the same time, the position of the EU with regard to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is clearly contrary to the real character of the mutual economic, scientific and technical cooperation. After the failure in 2001 of the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations aimed to reach a «Final-Status Agreement» in accordance with the Oslo Accords, the European Union made several attempts to limit the European market penetration of the Israeli products originating from the occupied territories (the West Bank, Gaza Strip, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights). However, as can be seen from the contents of the article, there is no consensus between the EU member states with regard to the Israeli settlement policy. The study argues that all the decisions made so far in the European Union to limit Israeli export or reduce crediting of programs for scientific and technical cooperation used to be of declarative or vague character.
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Czapnik, Sławomir. „Konflikt izraelsko-palestyński. Analiza nekropolityczna“. Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 22 (17.10.2017): 188–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.22.12.

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Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Necropolitics’ analysisThe aim of this paper is to analyze Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the perspective of the ‘necropolitics’ category term coined by Achille Mbembe. Firstly, author describes mass media coverage of the conflict, especially pro-Israeli bias in the American and British media. Nevertheless, some media representations in the mostly Muslin countries ieTurkey are anti-Semitic. Second part is devoted to the realities on the ground in occupied Palestinian territories and the discoursive practices of perceiving violence of both sides: ‘civilized’ Israeli and ‘uncivilised’ Palestinian. In conclusion, there are some considerations about future developments in the conflict.
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Al-Deen, Nadia Sa’d. „Educational and economic dimensions in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 10, Nr. 3 (01.07.2017): 338–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2017.1358956.

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Emboldened by American partiality for the Israeli occupation and the feeble Arab-Islamic support for the Palestinian cause, Israel has been taking advantage, over the last five years, of the current events and changing conditions prevailing in the regional Arab system. The Israeli occupation authority employs the two contingent devices of education and the economy in occupied Jerusalem as a base for counter-action in its desperate effort to hit the collective political consciousness that demands terminating occupation, liberation and self-determination. The occupation authority in occupied Jerusalem has employed a systematic scheme to isolate the city from the rest of the West Bank territories. Their aim is to destroy its trade movement in order to tighten the loop of hegemony around the vital economic and social sectors, and to deprive the Palestinian Authority from returns of tourism. Life for the residents of the city has become complicated in every possible way, prompting them to abandon their city. All this would be a part of a ‘voluntary immigration’ policy as a prelude to Judaizing the city, evacuating its residents, replacing them with settlers and, ultimately, dropping the city off the partition claims. The measures adopted by the occupation authorities take advantage of the educational and economic dimensions and employ them as leverage for penetrating the articulating points of the resisting Jerusalemite society. This goal is being achieved by shaking the foundations of the educational system and by obstructing endeavours seeking to improve and propagate it. The occupation authority continued to perpetrate its scheme of ‘displacement/settlement’ when it recently expelled 100,000 Jerusalemites from their city. In light of the aforesaid, this research examines, as its main theme, the impact of putting the educational and economic dimensions to use in the Israeli project against occupied Jerusalem, on the fate of the city, and on the equation of the Arab–Israeli conflict. The paper also argues that it would be natural that a popular youth movement emerging in the face of Israel’s intransigence will nominate its own political leadership, dissociated from the political leadership of the Palestinian factions, so that insurrection can continue.
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Roberts, Adam. „Prolonged Military Occupation: The Israeli-Occupied Territories Since 1967“. American Journal of International Law 84, Nr. 1 (Januar 1990): 44–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203016.

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To what extent are international legal rules formally applicable, and practically relevant, to a prolonged military occupation? The question has assumed prominence because of the exceptional duration of the occupation by Israel of various territories that came under its control in the war of June 5–10, 1967. The situation there has had two classic features of a military occupation: first, a formal system of external control by a force whose presence is not sanctioned by international agreement; and second, a conflict of nationality and interest between the inhabitants, on the one hand, and those exercising power over them, on the other. In highlighting these features, the Palestinian uprising, or intifada, which began in Gaza and the West Bank in December 1987, has added urgency to the question of the law applicable to prolonged occupations.
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Shehadeh, Amer. „The Psychological Wellbeing of Palestinian Children Living among Israeli Settlements in Hebron Old City“. Academic Journal of Research and Scientific Publishing 3, Nr. 28 (05.08.2021): 30–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52132/ajrsp.e.2021.282.

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For more than ten decades, the Palestinian Occupied Territories are marked by a protracted political conflict. During this conflict, more than 300 settlements have been built inside West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem “Occupied Palestinian Territories”, since that time the conflict between Palestinian and Israeli occupation forces is still ongoing. One of the most important results of this occupation and conflict is the suffering of Palestinian living among these Israeli settlements. Therefore, this study aimed at gaining insight into the impact of living within this situation on children and adolescents’ psychological wellbeing. 357 8-18 years old Palestinian children took part; Two self-report questionnaires: the UCLA-PTSD-Reaction Index, investigating symptoms of posttraumatic stress, and the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaires, looking at overall psychological problems, were filed by children themselves, mothers, and teachers. Descriptive analyses investigated mental health differences between both variables, gender, and age, and the mental health outcomes. This study shows the important impact of being lived among Israeli settlements on the psychological wellbeing of Palestinian, above, girls, younger adolescents, also reported higher scores on both questionnaires, the study urges for more psychological care and support for family members – in particular children.
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Ben-Yehuda, Omri. „The Retribution of Identity: Colonial Politics in Fauda“. AJS Review 44, Nr. 1 (April 2020): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009419000862.

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In its first season, Israeli television thriller Fauda proclaimed an utter symmetry between Israel “proper” and its Occupied Territories, by humanizing Hamas militants and treating them as equals to the Israeli characters. Throughout the story the Jewish warrior's body becomes a site for the detonation of explosives and a potential vehicle for suicide bombings, in a false but intriguing reenactment of the trauma of the second intifada, which has been repressed in Israeli consciousness. In this unwitting manifestation of Jewish martyrdom, the façade of the rule of law in the State of Israel is dismantled in what seems like a religious battle between clans. The discourse of pain in the series suggests a stream of constant retribution in a vicious circle that can never historicize the allegedly eternal conflict and work through its traumatic residues. Nonetheless, this dynamic of retribution and martyrdom also informs a multilayered structure whereby the secular, modern Jew returns to his roots by engaging with Arabness in the theatre of mistaʿaravim: in becoming Arab he also becomes, finally, a Jew.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Arab-Israeli conflict – Occupied territories"

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Lingenfelder, Christian J. „The elephant in the room religious extremism in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FLingenfelder.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel Moran. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.85-91). Also available online.
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Gomes, Julia Tibiriça Diegues. „Dimensões cibernéticas de colonialidade, controle e resistência na Palestina ocupada“. Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13032019-101713/.

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A presente dissertação procurou investigar o fenômeno aqui identificado como digitalização da ocupação da Palestina contemporânea, por meio de reflexões analíticas e históricas sobre as técnicas e tecnologias de controle e monitoramento implantadas pelo que entendemos como um esforço colonial na Palestina contemporânea, tal como a intersecção dessas técnicas e tecnologias com a emergência do Estado de Israel como um nicho global high tech. Sustenta-se que o nomeado processo se dá, em primeiro lugar, em concordância com uma tendência de privatização do setor de segurança - também no que se refere a seu envolvimento nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados (TPOs) - e, em segundo lugar, com uma narrativa de eficiência, precisão e higienização da guerra, correspondente a um movimento de desresponsabilização do Estado sobre a população nos TPOs e sobre as violações e abusos perpetrados sobre ela. Por fim, no contexto aparentemente contraditório entre a multiplicação das tecnologias de informação e comunicação e sua promessa de superação de fronteiras, e o endurecimento do controle da Ocupação, serão localizadas manifestações e possibilidades de resistência do povo palestino à consolidação das dimensões cibernéticas da colonização da Palestina.
The present dissertation intended to investigate the phenomenon here identified as the digitalization of the occupation of contemporary Palestine, by means of analytical and historical reflexions regarding the techniques and technologies of control and surveillance implanted by what is hereby understood as a colonial effort in Palestinian territory, as well as the intersections of these techniques and technologies with the emergence of the State of Israel as a global high tech niche. It is understood that the referred process takes place, at first, in coherence with a privatization trend in the security sector - as well as its correspondence in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - and, secondly, as a narrative of efficiency, precision and sanitation of war, corresponding with the outsourcing of responsibility over violations and abuses perpetrated against the Palestinian population. Finally, in the seemingly contradictory context between the multiplication of information technologies and its promise regarding borders overruns, and the hardening of the Occupations control mechanisms, we shall discuss the possibility of resistance manifestations, from the Palestinian people in face of the cybernetic dimensions of the colonization of Palestine.
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Huberman, Bruno. „Judaização da Palestina ocupada : colonização, desapropriação e deslocamento em Jerusalém Oriental, Cisjordânia e Faixa de Gaza entre 1967 e 2013 /“. São Paulo, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/111152.

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Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser
Banca: Paulo José dos Reis Pereira
Banca: Arlene Elizabeth Clemesha
O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas"
Resumo: A presente dissertação pretende fazer uma investigação a respeito do fenômeno chamado de judaização da Palestina: qual é o seu propósito, políticas, meios, instrumentos, técnicas, racionalidade, objetivos e interesses, e medir o seu impacto sobre a questão Israel-Palestina e a vida das pessoas que residem nos Territórios Palestinos Ocupados -palestinos e colonos judeus. Desta forma, serão historicamente e analiticamente examinadas as principais manifestações deste fenômeno, como o desenvolvimento da política de assentamentos judeus nos territórios palestinos e os instrumentos legais e burocráticos de controle social da população palestina entre 1967 e 2013. Pretende-se identificar a racionalidade da burocracia colonial israelense. O problema central da presente investigação reside na contraposição dos argumentos oficiais das autoridades israelenses à respeito da presença judaica nos TPO e do impasse político com os palestinos, trancados nos paradigmas da segurança e do conflito, com o espectro proposto da judaização da Palestina, que trata da colonização, desapropriação, deslocamento voluntário e involuntário e controle social de um grupo étnico social dominante e estrangeiro sobre outro subjugado e indígena. Pretendo sustentar que a narrativa da judaização - em oposição à narrativa hegemônica sionista - é a mais apropriada para compreender alguns aspectos centrais da relação entre judeus e palestinos naquela terra, como a fragmentação espacial da Cisjordânia, o isolamento da Faixa de Gaza, os silenciosos despejos em Jerusalém Oriental e a manutenção do status quo. As autoridades israelenses conseguiram, por meio do projeto de judaização, despolitizar a questão Israel-Palestina, transformando-a em uma discussão econômica, humanitária e de segurança
Abstract: This dissertation aims at investigating a phenomena called Judaization of Palestine: its purpose, politics, means, instruments, techniques, reasoning, objectives and interests and measure its impact on Israel-Palestine matter and lives of people living in Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) - palestinians and jewish settlers. In that manner, the main manifestations of this phenomenon will be historically and analitically examined, such as the development of the Jewish settlements in Palestinian territories and the legal and burocratical instruments of social control over the Palestinian population between 1967 and 2013. The central problem of this investigation is focused on the oficial arguments of the israeli authorities about the Jewish presence in the OPT and the political impasse with the palestinians, linked to the paradigm of security and conflict in opposition to the Judaization of Palestine spectrum, which is about colonization, dispossession, volunteer and involunteer desplacement and social control of a foreigner dominant social ethnical group above other indigenous and subdued one. I intend to support the judaization narrative - in opposition to the zionist hegemonic narrative - as the most appropriate to understand some of the central aspects of the dispute between israelis and palestinians over that land, as the spatial fragmentation of Cisjordani, the Gaza Strip isolation, the silent displacement occuring in East Jerusalem and the maintenance of status quo. From this we can reach the relevance and justification for the elaboration of this dissertation
Mestre
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Al, Smadi Morsee. „Le droit international à l'épreuve de la question palestinienne : quel état palestinien ?“ Phd thesis, Université de Grenoble, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00861869.

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La question palestinienne est depuis un siècle sans solution. Les Palestiniens qui, tout comme les peuples arabes de la région, espéraient obtenir leur indépendance à l'issue de la 1ère Guerre mondiale se sont vus placés sous Mandat britannique octroyé par la Société des Nations. Depuis la Palestine est la terre d'un affrontement de deux nationalismes ; arabe palestinien d'un côté et juif sioniste de l'autre. L'intervention de l'ONU en vue de résoudre la question par le partage de la Palestine (un Etat arabe et un Etat juif) n'a pas apporté la solution. Au contraire, cela a aggravé la situation. Plusieurs guerres ont éclaté créant des situations humaines terribles notamment en ce qui concerne les réfugiés palestiniens et l'occupation des territoires palestiniens en 1967. De plus, le conflit israélo-arabe a pris un caractère durable. Depuis 1967 le Droit International dans son organisation actuelle se trouve tantôt inappliqué tantôt bloqué. En effet, Bien que les droits nationaux du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination et à l'indépendance étatique aient été reconnus et à mainte reprise rappelés fussent l'occupation israélienne perdure. L'échec du Droit International dans le règlement de la question a laissé place à des négociations politiques, entre Israël et les Palestiniens représentés par l'OLP, et qui se sont soldées par la mise en place d'un régime transitoire vers la formation d'un Etat palestinien souverain. La dynamique d'Oslo a consolidé le droit du peuple palestinien à l'autodétermination, notamment par la territorialisation de la direction palestinienne dans les Territoires Occupés et l'instauration des structures institutionnelles autonomes, pouvant servir de base à la construction étatique. Toutefois, forcé de constater une inertie dans les négociations, qui durent depuis dix-huit ans, et un non respect du calendrier établi par les Accords. Aussi, plusieurs éléments mettent en doute la possibilité d'un Etat souverain et indépendant sur les frontières de 1967 : le durcissement de la position israélienne sur la question territoriale ; la volonté manifeste d'Israël de conserver le contrôle sur une partie de la Cisjordanie ; le refus d'évacuer les territoires selon le calendrier ; la multiplication des faits accomplis ; la poursuite de la colonisation et la construction du mur de séparation dans les Territoires Occupés.
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Fangalua, Luciane Fuefue-O.-Lakepa. „Corruption in the Palestinian Authority : neo-patrimonialism, the peace process and the absence of state-hood“. Thesis, Durham University, 2012. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/3615/.

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The thesis examines the practice of corruption in the Palestinian Authority (PA) from the period of its establishment until the death of Arafat. Palestinian elite formation from the late Ottoman period until the establishment of the PA was assessed in order to identify the elites that came into power in the PA and the political cultures they came to espouse. The two primary elite groups’ (Outsider elites and Insider counter-elites) conflicting political cultures were assessed in how they influenced the decision making process, the construction, and exhibited institutional behaviour of the PA. With the signing of the Declaration of Principles on Interim Self-Government Arrangements (Oslo Accords) on the 13th of September, 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Government of Israel it established the Palestinian Authority as the government in transition for the Palestinians. The agreements conferred the governing power and leadership role to the PLO Outsider elites (under Arafat). Due to the secret nature and asymmetrical power relation by which the negotiations and agreements were conducted and signed between the PLO Outsider leadership and the Government of Israel, which excluded inputs from Palestinian Insider elites, the culminating PA structure came to exhibit institutional weakness with certain neo-patrimonial behaviour. The political framework by which the Oslo Accords constructed the PA and influenced by international actors warranted institutional-weakness. Moreover, as external actors’ demands for the PA to deal with the declining Peace Process, and address political and security issues increased, PA corruption behaviour became more apparent and proliferated which became indicative of its fundamental problem in that it lacked statehood, lacked authority and legitimacy, and thus resorted to neo-patrimonial and repressive methods to govern. This neo-patrimonial political culture of Arafat and his governing Outsider elites used corruption as a PA political tool for survival thus suppressing a nascent democratic political culture of the Insiders and consequently led to an institutionalisation of corruption in the PA.
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Bücher zum Thema "Arab-Israeli conflict – Occupied territories"

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Mandelbaum, Michael. Israel and the occupied territories: A personal report on the uprising. New York, NY: Council on Foreign Relations, 1988.

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Mansour, Awad. Clever concealment: Jewish settlement in the occupied territories under the Rabin government, August 1992-September 1993. Jerusalem: Palestine Human Rights Information Center, 1994.

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Thomése, P. F. Grillroom Jeruzalem. Amsterdam: Contact, 2011.

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Zucker, David. Research on human rights in the occupied territories 1979-1983: Final report. Tel-Aviv: International Center for Peace in the Middle East, 1985.

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translator, Lin Shumei, Hrsg. Bei zu zhou de sheng li: Yiselie zhan ling qu zhong de li san yu chong tu. Taibei Shi: Lian jing chu ban shi ye gu fen you xian gong si, 2015.

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Ghassānī, ʻUmar. Filastīnī taḥta al-iḥtilāl: Fī al-dhikrá al-ʻishrīn li-ightiṣāb al-arḍ. al-Kuwayt: Dār al-Qabas, 1987.

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Naqīb, Māzin. al- Qunbulah al-mawqūtah wa-al-istīṭān. Bayrūt: Dār al-Mashriq al-ʻArabī al-Kabīr, 1985.

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al-Jūlān fī ṣirāʻ al-salām. Dimashq: al-Ahālī, 2004.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, Hrsg. Palestinian disturbances in the Gaza Strip and West Bank: Policy issues and chronology. [Washington, D.C.]: Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1988.

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Acacia, Condes, Hrsg. Bienvenue en Palestine, destination interdite. Paris: Encre d'Orient, 2012.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Arab-Israeli conflict – Occupied territories"

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Kumaraswamy, P. R. „Occupied Territories“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 193–202. London: Routledge India, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003317197-19.

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Mahler, Gregory S. „United Nations: Human Rights in Palestine and Other Occupied Arab Territories (September 25, 2009)“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 514–24. 3. Aufl. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003348948-114.

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Spitka, Timea. „Israeli National Protection Strategies and Realities“. In National and International Civilian Protection Strategies in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 29–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-20390-9_2.

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AbstractThis chapter unravels the enigmas between principles, practices and perceptions (PPP) of human security by Israeli authority within Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Actions in the name of security have justified severe security measures but under which circumstances have they had a positive or an inverse effect on the protection of vulnerable civilians? Unpacking security principles and practices of Israeli leadership, the IDF (Israel Defence Forces), Israeli police, secret service and non-state security agencies, this chapter examines the priorities and the effectiveness of protection of civilians. The chapter examines PPP of human protection based on documentation, surveys and interviews with national and international protectors.
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Bolton, Matthew. „4. “More Like Genocide”“. In Antisemitism in Online Communication, 107–36. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0406.04.

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Accusations that Israel has committed, or is in the process of committing, genocide against the Palestinian population of the Middle East are a familiar presence within anti- Israel and anti Zionist discourse. In the wake of the Hamas attacks of 7 October 2023 and the subsequent Israeli military invasion of Gaza, claims of an Israeli genocide reached new heights, culminating in Israel being accused of genocide by South Africa at the International Court of Justice. Such claims can be made directly or indirectly, via attempts to draw an equivalence between Auschwitz or the Warsaw Ghetto and the current situation in the Palestinian territories. This chapter examines the use of the concept of genocide in social media discussions responding to UK news reports about Israel in the years prior to the 2023 Israel- Hamas war, thereby setting out the pre-existing conditions for its rise to prominence in the response to that war. It provides a historical account of the development of the concept of genocide, showing its interrelation with antisemitism, the Holocaust and the State of Israel. It then shows how accusations of genocide started being made against Israel in the decades following the Holocaust, and argues that such use is often accompanied by analogies between Israel and Nazi Germany and forms of Holocaust distortion. The chapter then qualitatively analyses comments referencing a supposed Israeli genocide posted on the Facebook pages of major British newspapers regarding three Israel-related stories: the May 2021 escalation phase of the Arab- Israeli conflict; the July 2021 announcement that the US ice cream company Ben & Jerry’s would be boycotting Jewish settlements in the West Bank; and the rapid roll-out of the Covid-19 vaccine in Israel from December 2020 to January 2021.
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Waxman, Dov. „The Occupied Territories“. In The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780190625320.003.0005.

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Why are the West Bank and Gaza Strip considered “occupied territories”? The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has always been fought with words as well as weapons. The public rhetoric of both sides, and their respective supporters, has been deliberately formulated to discredit the other side’s claims, delegitimize...
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Mahler, Gregory S. „Human Rights in Palestine and Other Occupied Arab Territories (October 28, 2009)“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, 366–76. 2. Aufl. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170657-76.

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7

„C. Natural Resources in the Occupied Territories“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, Volume IV, Part I, 955–64. Princeton University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400861972.955.

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8

„D, Natural Resources In The Occupied Territories“. In The Arab-Israeli Conflict, Volume IV, Part II, 1737–70. Princeton University Press, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400862962-006.

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„The European Union’s role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict“. In The European Union and Occupied Palestinian Territories, 73–119. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315851303-14.

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10

Qupty, Mazen. „The Application of International Law in the Occupied Territories as Reflected in the Judgments of the High Court of Justice in Israel“. In International Law and the Administration of Occupied Territories, 87–124. Oxford University PressOxford, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198252979.003.0003.

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Abstract Does the Israeli Supreme Court sitting as the High Court of Justice apply international law to the activities of the military government and civilian administration in the Occupied Territories? Does it examine whether the activities of those authorities conflict with the provisions of international law that apply to an occupied territory? Which international laws are applicable in an occupied territory? And which international laws are applicable in the territories occupied by Israel?
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