Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema „April revolution, 1960“
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1
Degaut, Marcos. „Out of the Barracks: The Role of the Military in Democratic Revolutions“. Armed Forces & Society 45, Nr. 1 (22.06.2017): 78–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x17708194.
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Why some democratic revolutions succeed while others fail? The scholarly community has sought to address this issue from various perspectives, from rational choice approaches to collective action theories. Too little attention, however, has been paid to analyzing the role of the military. By discussing the different types of interactions played by the military in five cases of successful democratic revolutions—the 1910 Portuguese Republican Revolution, the 1958 Venezuelan Revolution, the 1960 April Revolution in South Korea, the 1989 Velvet Revolution in Czechoslovakia, and the 2000 Bulldozer Revolution in Yugoslavia—and three cases of failed revolutions, the 1905 bourgeois-liberal revolution in Russia, the 1989 Tiananmen Square Protests in China, and the 2016 Turkey’s coup attempt, this study finds out that the key factor in determining their outcome is the army’s response and that the military backing is a necessary condition for a democratic revolution to succeed.
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Lee, Chang-hyun. „Aspects and Characteristics of Press Reports on the Korean War-era Massacres after April Revolution“. Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 88 (30.11.2023): 225–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.88.225.
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This study shows how the press, after the April Revolution(1960), reported the massacres that had been occurred before/after the Korean War(1950-1953) and explains its characteristics. For these purposes, newspaper articles from the central/the local were analyzed as main materials and their perspectives were grasped from the editorials.
The press covered the stories of the massacres from recording the testimony of the bereaved(victims) and revealed more such cases in various places. From mid-May to early June 1960, these articles were plastered on the pages of major daily newspapers. Thus, massacres emerged as a political and social issue after the April Revolution. The press produced a variety of discourse analyzing them. On the premise of their illegality, the media made legitimate claims such as finding truth, punishing the perpetrators, and compensating the victims. The press also specifically explored these alternatives.
3
김나현. „Revolution and Commemoration －the ‘April 19’ Memorial Poems of 1960－“. 사이間SAI ll, Nr. 16 (Mai 2014): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30760/inakos.2014..16.007.
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Yeo, Tae-chon. „Immortal standard-bearer(1960) and the vicinity of the April Revolution“. Literary Criticism 81 (30.09.2021): 127–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31313/lc.2021.09.81.127.
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Burston, Daniel Raphael. „‘Our imperiled age’: an unfinished dialogue between Carl Jung and Karl Stern“. International Journal of Jungian Studies 6, Nr. 3 (02.09.2014): 180–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19409052.2014.923779.
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Karl Stern was a Catholic psychiatrist in Montreal who published extensively on psychoanalysis and religion from 1951 to 1965. He sent a copy of his second book, The Third Revolution (1954) to Jung, who responded warmly in a (hitherto unpublished) letter dated 30 April 1960. The paper ponders the similarities and differences between Stern and Jung's approach to the psychology of religion, and the impact that Jung's belated response to Stern's book might have had on Stern subsequently.
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Kief, I. Jonathan. „In the Southern Half of Our Republic: Cross-Border Writing and Performance in 1960s North Korea“. Journal of Asian Studies 81, Nr. 1 (Februar 2022): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911821001509.
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AbstractThis article offers a revisionist perspective on the relationship between 1960s North and South Korean literature by showing how writers in the North engaged with and creatively rewrote works from the South. Contextualizing such practices within a longer history of cross-border reading in the North, the article highlights how North Korean poetry and drama from the immediate aftermath of South Korea's April Revolution of 1960 took up South Korean literature's image of the volcano and reimagined it as a symbol of North-South dialogue. The article then turns to Kim Myŏngsu's Mother of the South (1965), showing how the play rewrites the South Korean novelist An Tongnim's short story “Hope” (1963) in such a way as to engineer a convergence with a line of literary representations then being produced in the North about its own colonial-era “revolutionary heritage.” Finally, the article suggests that this convergence ended up reshaping such visions of North Korea's own revolutionary past and the figure of the militant mother that emerged within them.
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SHIN, Changhoon. „The April Revolution and the Sense of Place in Medical Space: Focusing on Major Hospitals in Downtown Seoul“. Korean Journal of Medical History 33, Nr. 1 (30.04.2024): 103–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.13081/kjmh.2024.33.103.
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This article focuses on the medical activities conducted by major hospitals in downtown Seoul during the April Revolution in 1960, examining their experiential context and significance. The influx of guns and bullets into Korean society following the liberation in 1945 intertwined with the political and social conflicts of the period, resulting in numerous assassinations, crimes, and terrorism. Gunshot wounds were traumas that became a part of the everyday life of Koreans, as well as scars which reflected their historical contexts.</br>At the same time, the frequent occurrence of gunshot wounds led to the development of medical capacities to treat them. The Korean surgical academia expanded its technical foundation with experiences during and after the Korean War. This progress was particularly noticeable in areas closely related to gunshot wounds, such as craniotomy, thoracotomy, vascular anastomosis, debridement, anesthesia, and blood transfusion. Major hospitals in downtown Seoul served as medical spaces where these experimental and technical foundations were concentrated, allowing them to minimize the death toll despite the massive gunfire by the National Police in April 1960. Thus, the aftermath of the epidemic of gunshots resulted in a rather paradoxical outcome.</br>This development became a resource for doctors and nurses, who added their revolutionary implications in reconstructing the experience of April 1960 in their various memoirs and reports. While memoirs reorganized general medical activities, portraying injured patients as participants in the revolution, reports provided forensic descriptions and interpretations of the deaths, giving authority to the main narrative of the revolution. As the interpretations and significance based on historical contexts gained prominence, major hospitals in downtown Seoul also developed a sense of place closely associated with the revolution.
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Yeo, Tae-chon. „A Study on the April Revolution Commemorative poetry collection ‘Spilled Blood Forever(ppulin pineun yeongwonhi)’ (1960)“. Society Of Korean Language And Literature 73 (30.05.2022): 133–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.15711/wr.73.0.5.
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Wan Bom Lee. „Local Anti-Government Movements in the Early Spring of 1960: Preludes to the April Revolution of Korea“. Journal of Korean Political and Diplomatic History 34, Nr. 2 (Februar 2013): 37–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.18206/kapdh.34.2.201302.37.
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Lee, Giljung. „The Establishment and Operation of the Office of Public Information(1955-1960) of Syngman Rhee Government“. Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 83 (31.08.2022): 143–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2022.83.143.
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This research focuses on the establishment and operation of the Office of Public Information (OPI) of the Syngman Rhee government. The Syngman Rhee government rigorously used the OPI to rationalize the dictatorship and to suppress the opposition party and the press critical of the government. Beyond its original task scope of public information affairs, the OPI played a crucial role in supporting the Syngman Rhee dictatorship system in various dimensions. The OPI politically repressed the Progressive Party by canceling their registration, for instance, and forcefully closed down Kyunghyang Shinmun, the press.
The Syngman Rhee government's unilateral and despotic operation of the OPI caused serious concerns and criticism. The OPI mobilized all means to dispel antipathy and maintain Syngman Rhee's dictatorship, but could not overcome the anger of the public causing the April 19 Revolution in 1960. With the collapse of the Syngman Rhee government, the OPI was also disbanded, and the Democratic Party, which came to power after that, greatly reduced the size and role of the organization in charge of public information affairs.
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김, 선미. „The Cognition and Action of Students at Busan on the 1960's April Revolution - On the Centering High School Students“. Journal of Koreanology 55 (31.05.2015): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.15299/jk.2015.5.55.99.
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Hulme, Peter. „Graham Greene and Cuba: Our man in Havana?“ New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 82, Nr. 3-4 (01.01.2008): 185–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002469.
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[First paragraph]Graham Greene’s novel Our Man in Havana was published on October 6, 1958. Seven days later Greene arrived in Havana with Carol Reed to arrange for the filming of the script of the novel, on which they had both been working. Meanwhile, after his defeat of the summer offensive mounted by the Cuban dictator, Fulgencio Batista, in the mountains of eastern Cuba, just south of Bayamo, Fidel Castro had recently taken the military initiative: the day after Greene and Reed’s arrival on the island, Che Guevara reached Las Villas, moving westwards towards Havana. Six weeks later, on January 1, 1959, after Batista had fled the island, Castro and his Cuban Revolution took power. In April 1959 Greene and Reed were back in Havana with a film crew to film Our Man in Havana. The film was released in January 1960. A note at the beginning of the film says that it is “set before the recent revolution.” In terms of timing, Our Man in Havana could therefore hardly be more closely associated with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution. But is that association merely accidental, or does it involve any deeper implications? On the fiftieth anniversary of novel, film, and Revolution, that seems a question worth investigating, not with a view to turning Our Man in Havana into a serious political novel, but rather to exploring the complexities of the genre of comedy thriller and to bringing back into view some of the local contexts which might be less visible now than they were when the novel was published and the film released.
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Hong, Seuk-Ryule. „Reunification Issues and Civil Society in South Korea: The Debates and Social Movement for Reunification during the April Revolution Period, 1960–1961“. Journal of Asian Studies 61, Nr. 4 (November 2002): 1237–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3096441.
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Research into the reunification of Korea has focused on the governmental policies of North and South Korea, as well as the policies of countries involved with them. The views expressed within Korean civil society about reunification have not been given much consideration. It is difficult, therefore, to gauge what the Korean people themselves think of reunification and how opinions differ among discrete sociopolitical groups in Korea, such as the conservatives, liberals, and radicals.
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Mohammed, Inst Omar Muwafaq, und Inst Mohammed Salman Saleh. „The relationship between the authorities in the monarchy and republican regimes in Iraq“. ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 225, Nr. 2 (01.09.2018): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v225i2.135.
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The study investigate the relationship of authorities sstarting from the formation of Abdul Rahman Al-Kilani interim government on 25 / October / 1925 and the issuance of the Iraqi basic law in 1925. In the Republican government after the revolution of July 14, 1958 it has put the interim constitution which did not abide by the feuding leaders (Abdel-KarimKassem and Abdul Salam Aref) and thus began the Second Republic, which came after the receipt of Abdul Salam Aref of power and the formation of a national council to lead the revolution, but he did not last long in government, Abdel Salam Aref declared on October 18, 1963 the news of the change of government in order to implement the principles of the revolution of July 14, 1958 announcing the establishment of the third Republic, and then passed the Constitution of April 22, 1964, but after seven days have been canceled this constitution to be replaced by a new constitution in the April 29, 1964 and was named the interim constitution.
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Boyer, Cyrus, und Nicole Brenez. „Jacques Kebadian, From One Revolution to Another“. Aniki: Revista Portuguesa da Imagem em Movimento 11, Nr. 1 (29.01.2024): 204–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.14591/aniki.v11n1.1019.
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The career of filmmaker Jacques Kebadian (born April 20, 1940, in Paris) is striking for its loyalty to people, ideas and revolutionary ideals. In the 1960s, the author of Trotsky (1967) took part in several far-left groups, a filmmakers’ collective (ARC, Atelier de Recherche Cinématographique/Film Research Studio), and many, often clandestine, interventions. His work then shifted to accompanying internationalist struggles, supporting undocumented migrants, commemorating the Armenian genocide, following artists he was close to, and portraying women in the Resistance whom he admired. We asked him to detail some of the stages on this unique trajectory. The interview was conducted in French, in July 2023, and then translated into English.
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Kim, Natalia Nikolaevna. „The Conservative Turn in Memory Policies of the the Republic of Korea“. RUDN Journal of World History 16, Nr. 1 (15.03.2024): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2024-16-1-41-63.
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The subject of the study is public disagreements on certain issues of Korean history. The study aims to determine the theoretical principles underlying the memory policies of the conservative government of Yun Seokyeol. On the example of the controversy over the transfer of the bust of the Korean independence movement fighter Hong Beomdo and the restoration of the legacy of Syngman Rhee, the author shows what arguments conservatives and progressives make to defend their position, what tools and techniques they use to establish a certain interpretation of history as the dominant one. The reason for the dispute about the legacy of the fighters for Korean independence, who belonged to the left wing of the national liberation movement, was the decision of the Ministry of Defense of the Republic of Korea to move the bust of Hong Beomdo, installed in front of the Military Academy, to another place. This decision caused protests from progressive political parties and public organizations, which accused the Yun Seokyeol’s government of an anti-communist approach and disdain for independence fighters. The dispute over Hong Beomdo’s bust also showed that there is no unity among conservatives on this issue. The government of Yun Seokyeol, largely, proceeds in its memory policies from the theoretical approach of the “new right,” the far-right group of the South Korean conservatives, which diminish the importance of anti-Japanese resistance, especially the left wing, in restoring Korean state sovereignty. At the same time, the “new right” proponents highly appreciates the role of the first President Syngman Rhee in the establishment of the Republic of Korea, ensuring its security and prosperity. The conservative government supports public initiatives to restore the positive image of Syngman Rhee, who resigned as a result of the 1960 April Revolution. Progressives have an extremely negative attitude towards conservative’s attempts to revive the legacy of Syngman Rhee, who was guilty of the presidential election fraud and political repressions.
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Lee, Nae Kwan. „Proposal for a Strategy to Spread Local Democratic uprising Education through the use of Cartoon materials: Focus on “The 3‧8 Democratic Movement Seen Through Cartoons, Fireworks”“. Liberal Arts Innovation Center 14 (30.03.2024): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.54698/kl.2024.14.215.
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In this study, we analyzed the narrative strategy and expression method of the learning cartoon 『Fireworks』, which was planned and published by the 3‧8 Democratic Movement Commemorative Association, and present a strategy to spread local democratic uprising education. Because of the functional characteristics of comics that allow them to be visually communicated easily and quickly, various learning materials are reproduced as comic content and are widely used in educational settings and textbooks. In addition, cartoon content has the advantage of not only stimulating learners' imagination, but also arousing interest in learners by utilizing various visual effects. 『Fireworks』depicts in an easy-to-understand manner the development process of the Daejeon March 8 Democratic Uprising, which became the beginning of the April 19 Revolution. Above all, this work guarantees sufficient objectivity because it was published by the 3‧8 Democratic Movement Association with support from Daejeon Metropolitan City. Of course, due to the nature of being a cartoon, there may be some elements of the author's imagination, but as a result of cross-examination and testimony of the participants at the time, it is largely based on reality. The publication of 『Fireworks』is very meaningful because it depicts the democratic uprising unique to the Daejeon region in a realistic manner, guaranteeing objectivity. In particular, the transformation of fictional and real people in the character settings stands out. This is especially true considering that the democratization movement is not the exclusive property of specific individuals or groups, but is the product of everyone who lived at that time. In addition, this work reveals relatively clearly the background of the rebellion and the core of the development process by date around March 8, 1960. It is believed that these characteristics can sufficiently contribute to making it easier for 『Fireworks』to publicize the 3‧8 Democratic Movement and educate people about the contents of the uprising. This work is a learning cartoon directly planned and published by the 3‧8 Democratic Movement Memorial Association (incorporated association) with support from Daejeon Metropolitan City. Accordingly, there is a need to establish a concrete plan to distribute the learning comic 『Fireworks』to schools through cooperation between the Daejeon Office of Education and the March 8th Memorial Project Association.
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Song, Chae-il. „The Response Aspects of the 1960s Dramas to the April Revolution“. Korean Literary Theory and Criticism 80 (30.09.2018): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.20461/kltc.2018.9.80.109.
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Lux, Abdullah R. „On ‘cultural revolution’ and the Arab culture of revolution“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, Nr. 3 (01.07.2012): 398–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.699774.
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Given the media hype and attention devoted to the events of the 2010–2011 ‘Arab Spring’ it may perhaps be overlooked that the Arabs, and more than many other nations, possess long experience with diverse and profound long-term revolutions in the twentieth century. For numerous reasons and especially the sweeping and pervasive socio-economic and political changes some of these introduced, they may well be more appropriately categorized as ‘revolutions’ than those termed as such at the moment. This article explores one dimension of this phenomenon and demonstrates that the concept of what was specifically termed a ‘cultural revolution’ (originally by Lenin about 1923) was first introduced in the Arab world by Jamal ‘Abd al-Nasser on 19 December 1961, nearly four years before Mao Tse Tung's launch of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1966. For his part, Mu‘ammar Qadhafi, who admitted borrowing the term (if not the mechanism) from Mao, would announce a ‘cultural revolution’ with markedly different connotations on 15 April 1973 at Zuwarah, which signalled the beginning of the road towards implementation of the ‘Third Universal Theory’ (reaching final form in the Green Book) and the subsequent inception of the Jamahiriya in 1977. Although the theoretical and practical implications were distinct for Lenin, Nasser, Mao and Qadhafi, history suggests that it was Nasser – the giant of Pan-Arabism who would come to define and represent Arab socialism – who preceded Mao as the first to call for a ‘cultural revolution’ as a policy at the level of state. He saw this as indispensable to the project of political and socio-economic revolution in the service of a just and sufficient society, where ‘sound democracy’ was not the pro-forma Western variant in the service of unmitigated capitalism and powerful elites, but rather an expression of socio-economic parity and a guarantee against exploitation by one group or one human being of another.
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El-Affendi, Abdelwahab. „Revolutionary anatomy: the lessons of the Sudanese revolutions of October 1964 and April 1985“. Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, Nr. 2 (01.04.2012): 292–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.662614.
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In spite of the numerous challenges it faces (including a traumatic split), Sudan has not yet fallen to the domino effect of Arab revolutions. However, Sudan has not just one but two experiences from which to draw lessons about the conduct of successful peaceful popular revolutions against entrenched despots. In both instances the revolutions (in 1964 and 1985) came well ahead of similar waves of revolutionary fervour elsewhere, and they were extremely ‘low-tech’ and rather local affairs, not benefiting from new media, international trends or external pressure. This paper offers a close analysis of Sudan's remarkable revolutionary heritage, and asks what lessons it throws up for the present.
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Khalkhunov, S. „CENTRAL COUNCIL'S MILITARY POLICY IN THE SOVIET HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE 1920’s – 1980’s“. Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, Nr. 143 (2019): 42–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.143.8.
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The article examines the degree of studying the Ukrainian Central Council military policy by the Soviet historians from the beginning of 1917 to April 1918: considered the level of clarifying the issue about Ukrainianization Russian army military units, the creation of Ukrainian armed forces on Naddniprianschyna. The periodization was determined and the peculiarities of Soviet historiography formation on the topic under study were revealed. According to the results of the study, in the majority of Soviet historians’ works, the question of the Ukrainianization of the Russian army military units was considered solely in the context of the revolutionization process of the Russian army military units. Volunteer Ukrainian regiments and free-wing detachments were assessed in the line of Soviet class-based methodology as "punitive", "bourgeois-nationalist" formations. There are no reliable figures on the number of Ukrainian troops. The uncritical use of the materials of the state archives, the Soviet and the party press necessitated the ignoring of historicism and objectivity principles. At the same time it should be noted that even under the ideological scrutiny and political censorship of the 1920s and 1980s, Soviet researchers A. Likholat, S. Korolivsky, M. Rubach, N. Suprunenko, P. Garchev, A. Senderskyi, M. Yakupov, A. Tkachuk cited numerous facts in his writings that testified to the significant importance of the national component of the revolutionary processes, the significant influence of the national factor on the mass consciousness of soldiers and officers - Ukrainians. Under these conditions the main reasons for the defeat of Ukrainian military policy become apparent: the Central Council failed to form capable regular units using the support of the soldiers in the first stage of the revolution; the delay in carrying out agrarian reform contributed to the growing influence of the Bolsheviks in the Ukrainian village; refusal to build a regular army had fatal consequences for Ukrainian statehood.
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Kwon Boduerae. „Revolution in 1960s' Literature : April Uprising and the Literary Strategy of Counter-Development“. Studies in Korean Literature ll, Nr. 39 (Dezember 2010): 269–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.20881/skl.2010..39.008.
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Shashkova, Olga A., und Marina A. Shpakovskaya. „The Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV): Its Establishment under the Comintern in 1920s-30s“. Herald of an archivist, Nr. 3 (2018): 704–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-3-704-716.
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The article reviews major milestones in the history of the Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV) and its role in formation of the Soviet-centric political avant-garde in some countries of the East. The creation of this educational institution was connected with the resolution of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) оf January 21, 1921 On Organization of the Eastern Courses under the People's Commissariat of Nationalities (Narkomnats), later enshrined in the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (April 21, 1921). The university firmly established itself within the vast network of international institutions of the Comintern. Although it had never been quantitatively dominant in the institute, the Sector ‘A’ (or the Special Sector, or the Inosektor, as this department for international students was known in different periods) was crucial for the development of its complex system, as the policy of the 3rd International formed the core of its activities. The modest historiography on the history of the university in the Soviet period describes its development as overcoming difficulties in on-going forward movement. A more comprehensive picture emerges in the documents from the KUTV archival fond stored in the RGASPI (fond 532). 12,000 files of the fond include about 10,000 personal files of students and teachers. They show the sinuosities of the KUTV history from its organization to high noon of its activities and to its end in consequence of the restructuring of the party education system in the USSR in 1938. The university accumulated unique experience of training almost illiterate people to become middle-ranking executives in a very short time. A considerable part of the future leaders of colonial countries passed through the university. This Comintern coordinated process secured Soviet national interests. The university also laid the basis for Soviet Oriental studies. All this does not allow to call the university a purely propagandistic institution for ‘export’ of the world revolution and prompts to look behind utilitarian ideological clich?s. The article studies its unique experience in forming the national elites of the Oriental countries, which were to become communist champions of world revolution, and thus provides a professional-level picture of the university organization and management that recognized special nature of the multiethnic student body. It introduces statistical and personal data on the graduates that prove the efficiency of the university. The study may be of interest to political technologists, who determine mode of modern universities’ interaction with the Oriental countries.
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Pan, Fangfang. „Family Revolution by Law“. NAVEIÑ REET: Nordic Journal of Law and Social Research, Nr. 9 (17.12.2019): 61–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/nnjlsr.v1i9.122150.
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The basic function of law is to protect, consolidate and develop social relations and social order that are favorable and suitable for the ruling class (Zhu, 1957). As the first law promulgated (April 13, 1950) after the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC, October 1, 1949), the Marriage Law has undergone three major revisions in 70 years. Based on a comparative analysis of the principles and important rules in the four marriage laws, this article studies the entire historical process of Chinese marriage law systematically. By combining amendments of laws with social changes, including party policies (Communist Party of China, CCP), economic systems and family structure, this article displays the intimate relationship between social change, law revision and family revolution in an interdisciplinary manner. The improvement of Chinese marriage law also provides a lens into Chinese lawmakers’ efforts on achieving gender equality, offering special protection for vulnerable groups to pursue substantive justice, protecting personal property and balancing the relationship between individual freedom and family and social stability.
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CHOI, Seoyoon. „LIBERTY AS THE IMPOSSIBLE, THE LANGUAGE OF SILENCE: IN REREADING KIM SUYǑNG’S WORKS IN 1960s“. International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 3 (08.07.2017): 63–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2017.03.03.
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This article examines several works written by Kim Suyǒng in the 1960s with a focus on negation as the poetic method in accordance with revolution. He lived through a late colonial period, the Korean War, the April Revolution, and Park Chung Hee’s regime and he was keenly aware Koreans had not spoken of liberty as the invention of modernity in our mother tongue throughout our history. He dedicated all his poems to demonstrating why liberty was impossible to be spoken in Korean. In the course of his writing, his authentic poetic language developed into silence as a martyr, the language of death and love. In so doing, he could “live liberty” through his poetry in accordance with his conscience in the authoritarian society.
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Okolotin, Vladimir S., und Svetlana A. Orlova. „THE EXPERIENCE OF CREATING THE INSTITUTION OF CONSTITUTIONAL SUPERVISION IN PRE-REVOLUTIONARY RUSSIA: RESULTS AND LESSONS“. Vestnik of Kostroma State University, Nr. 3 (2020): 63–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2020-26-3-63-67.
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The establishment of the institution of constitutional oversight in Russia has a long history. With the adoption of the «Fundamental State Laws» on April 23, 1906 (the first constitution of Russia), the functions of constitutional supervision were assigned to the First Department of the Governing Senate. In this paper, we examined the key decisions of the Governing Senate as a body of constitutional oversight during the Monarchy after the Coup of June 3, 1907; as well as February Revolution; and October Revolution. Our research has shown that at the said critical moments in Russian history, the First Department of the Senate adopted political decisions that did not comply with the provisions of the «Basic State Laws» on April 23, 1906, and had long-term negative consequences for the history of Russia. This concerned both the publication of the electoral laws of June 3, 1907, and the acts on the abdication of Nicholas II as emperor and on Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich’s refusal of power. In the last ruling, which was held by the Governing Senate on November 23, 1917 as a body of constitutional supervision, the Soviet power was considered to be illegal and criminal. The Senate refused to obey its pending of the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. The decisions of the Governing Senate analysed in the article make it possible to conclude that it is necessary to observe the principle of legality when exercising constitutional supervision.
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Cătănuș, Ana-Maria. „Carol Király (1930-2021)“. ARHIVELE TOTALITARISMULUI 31, Nr. 3-4 (13.02.2024): 241–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.61232/at.2023.3-4.17.
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Carol Király (Király Károly) was born on 26 September 1930 in Târnăveni, Mureș County, into a Hungarian family. He attended four primary classes between 1939 and 1943, after which he worked as a construction worker in various construction sites in Luduș, Cluj region. In April 1946, Carol Király volunteered at the Salva-Vișeu construction site, and in 1949, he went to the Danube-Black Sea Canal construction site, where he also worked as a carpenter. He attended evening party courses. In October 1954, he was accepted as a member of the Communist Party, but remained a U.T.M. activist. In September 1956, he was sent to attend the Central School of the Moscow Comsomol for a year. After graduation in August 1957, he was appointed first secretary of the regional U.T.M. committee of the Hungarian Autonomous Region. His real rise began after Nicolae Ceausescu came to power. He became a member of the Council of State and afterwards member of the CC of the Communist Party of Romania and substitute member of the Executive Committee. On 1 April 1972 he sent a letter to the party leadership announcing that he was resigning as First Secretary of Covasna County and alternate member of the Executive Committee. In 1973, he was appointed president of the Union of Craft Cooperatives in Mureș County. In 1975 he ceased to be a member of the State Council. In the late 1970s and 1980s, he was an exponent of the rights of the Hungarian minority in Romania, publicly denouncing their violation through open letters to the state leadership, interviews and material published abroad. In the context of the 1989 revolution, Carol Kiraly was co-opted into the country’s new leadership. He died on 4 November 2021.
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Kim, Pil Ho. „Songs of the Multitude: The April Revolution, the 6.3 Uprising, and South Korea's Protest Music of the 1960s“. Korean Studies 46, Nr. 1 (2022): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2022.0005.
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Kim, Pil Ho. „Songs of the Multitude: The April Revolution, the 6.3 Uprising, and South Korea's Protest Music of the 1960s“. Korean Studies 46, Nr. 1 (2022): 107–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ks.2022.0005.
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Park, Dae-Hyun. „The 1960s' Engagement Poetry and Thought of Economic Equality - Focusing on Discourse of Economic Democracy Directly after April Revolution -“. Journal of Koreanology 61 (30.11.2016): 251. http://dx.doi.org/10.15299/jk.2016.11.61.251.
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György, Horváth. „Adalékok Kondor Béla sors-történetéhez“. Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, Nr. 2 (30.03.2021): 171–256. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00011.
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In the course of my research in archives – in search of documents about the history of the Art Foundation of the People’s Republic (from 1968 Art Fund) – while leafing through the sea of files in the National Archives of Hungary (MNL OL) year after year, I came across so-far unknown documents on the life and fate of Béla Kondor which had been overlooked by the special literature so far.Some reflected the character of the period from summer of 1956 to spring 1957, more precisely to the opening of the Spring Exhibition. In that spring, after relieving Rákosi of his office, the HWP (Hungarian Workers’ Party, Hun. MDP) cared less for “providing guidance for the arts”, as they were preoccupied with other, more troublesome problems. In the winter/spring after the revolution started on 23 October and crushed on 4 November the echelon of the HSWP (Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party, Hun. MSzMP) had not decided yet whether to strike a league with extreme leftist artistic groups or to pay heed to Memos Makris (Hun. Makrisz Agamemnon), the ministerial commissioner designing the reform of the artists’ association and organizing the Spring Exhibition and to leave the artists – so-far forced into the strait-jacket of socialist realism – alone. I found some documents which shed bright light on the narrow-mindedness of the dogmatic artistic policy trying to bend the artists toward its goals now with the whip, now with milk cake.I start the series of recovered documents with a ministerial file dated summer 1956 on the decision to purchase Kondor’s diploma work (the Dózsa cycle). The next piece of good news is a record of the committee meeting in February 1957 awarding Kondor a Derkovits scholarship. This is followed by ministerial letters – mirrors of the new artistic policy – by a changed, truly partyist scholarship committee which apparently revel in lecturing talented Kondor who was not willing to give up his sovereignty, so his works were often refused to be bought on state funds for museums.In addition to whip-lashing documents, I also present a few which offered some milk cake: a letter inviting him to a book illustrating competition called by the Petőfi Literary Museum and one commissioning him to make the sheets on the Heves county part of a “liberation album”.Next, I put forth a group of illumining documents – long known but never published in details: the files revealing the story of the large panels designed for the walls of the “Uranium city” kindergarten in Pécs and those revealing the preparations for the exhibition in Fényes Adolf gallery in 1960 and the causes of the concurrent tensions – including texts on decisions to hinder the publication of Lajos Németh’s catalogue introduction.The last group includes futile efforts by architects to get Kondor commissions for murals. They give information on three possible works. Another for Pécs again (this time with Tibor Csernus), for works for a “men’s hostel” and on the failure of the possibility. The other is about works for Kecskemét’s Aranyhomok Hotel, another failure. The third is about a glass window competition for a new modern hotel to be built in Salgótarján, to which Kondor was also invited, but the jury did not find his work satisfactory in spite of the fact that the officials representing the city’s “party and council” organs, and the powerful head of the county and town, the president of the county committee of the HSWP all were in favour of commissioning him.Mind you, the architects’ efforts to provide the handful of modern artists with orders for “abstract” works caused headache for the masterminds of controlled art policy, too. On the one hand, they also tried to get rid of the rigidity of the ideologically dogmatic period in line with “who is not against us, is with us”, the motto spreading with political détente, and to give room to these genres qualified as “decoration”. On the other hand, they did not want to give up the figurative works of socialist contents, which the architects wanted to keep away from their modern buildings. A compromise was born: Cultural Affairs and the Art Fund remained supporters of figurative works, and the “decorative” modern murals, mosaics and sculptures were allowed inside the buildings at the cost of the builders.Apart from architects, naturally there were other spokesmen in favour of Kondor (and Csernus and the rest of the shelved artists). In an essay in Új Irás in summer 1961 Lajos Németh simply branded it a waste to deprive Kondor of all channels except book illustration, while anonymous colleagues of the National Gallery guided an American curator to him who organized an exhibition of Kondor’s graphic works he had packed into his suitcase in the Museum of Modern Art in Miami.From the early 1963 – as the rest of the explored documents reveal – better times began in Hungarian internal and cultural politics, hence in Béla Kondor’s life, too. The beginning is marked by a – still “exclusive” – exhibition he could hold in the Young Artists’ Studio in January, followed by a long propitiatory article urging for publicity for Kondor by a young journalist of Magyar Nemzet, Attila Kristóf. Then, in December Kondor became the Grand Prix winner of the second Graphic Biennial of Miskolc.From then on, the documents are no longer about incomprehensible prohibitions or at time self-satisfying wickedness, but about exhibitions (the first in King Stephen Museum, Székesfehérvár), prizes (including the Munkácsy Prize in April 1965), purchases, the marvellous panel for the Grand Hotel on Margaret Island, the preparations for the Venice Biennale of 1968, the exhibition in Art Hall/Műcsarnok in 1970 and its success, and Kondor’s second Munkácsy Prize.Finally, I chanced upon a group of startling and sofar wholly unknown notes which reveals that Béla Kondor was being among the nominees for the 1973 Kossuth Prize. News of his death on 12 December 1972, documents about the museum deposition of his posthumous works and the above group of files close the account of his life.I wrote a detailed study to accompany the documents. My intention was not to explain them – as they speak for themselves – but to insert them in the life-story of Kondor, trying to find out which and how, to what extent contributed to the veering of his life-course and to possibilities of publicity for his works. I obviously included several further facts, partly in the main body of the text, and partly in footnotes. Without presenting them here, let me just pick one or two.Events around the 1960 exhibition kindled the attention not only of the deputy minister of culture György Aczél, but also of the Ministry of the Interior: as Anikó B. Nagy dug out, they asked for an agent’s report on who Kondor was, what role he was playing among young writers, architects, artists, the circle around Vigilia and the intellectuals in general. Also: what role did human cowardice play in banning the panels for the Pécs kindergarten, and how wicked it was – with regulations cited – to ask back the advance money from an artist already hardly making a living with the termination of the Der ko vits scholarship. Again: what turn did modern Hungarian architecture undergo in the early sixties to dare and challenge the still prevalent culture political red tape? It was also a special experience to track down and describe the preparations for the Hungarian exhibition of the Venice Biennial of 1968 and to see how much caution and manoeuvring was needed even in those milder years to get permission for Béla Kondor (in the company of Tibor Vilt and Ignác Kokas) to feature in the pavilion. Finally, it was informative to follow the routes of Kondor’s estate as state acquisitions and museum deposits after his death which foiled his Kossuth Prize.
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Park ji- young. „“Changbi” in the 1960s and Cultural History of Translation Appearance of April 19/Hangul Generation/Translators and Planning of ‘Revolution’“. Studies in Korean Literature ll, Nr. 45 (Dezember 2013): 81–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.20881/skl.2013..45.003.
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Shatin, Yu V. „The Anatomy of Revolution: “The Ill-Timed Thoughts” by M. Gorky in “New Life”“. Vestnik NSU. Series: History and Philology 18, Nr. 6 (2019): 75–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-6-75-81.
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Purpose. In this article, one of the brightest publicist compositions of M. Gorky – “Untimely thoughts” is being considered. The main platform, where the author’s essays was being publicized, is the “New life” newspaper, which was established with V. A. Desnitsky in April of 1917 and closed by personal disposition of V. I. Lenin in July of 1918. After closing of the newspaper, in 1920 the author decided to publish separate book, augmented it with essays from another cycle “Revolution and culture” and exchanged chronological principle of positioning of the material with thematic one. Results. In this article is pointed, that, as a result of changes, the book has loosed some features, inherent to journalistic discourse with it linear time sequence, but gained new features, which have amplified artistic-publicistical speech of the text, which took more generalized meaning along with the documentary material. Gaining of balance between an entinema and an example as a way to expand the material have been became the important principle of the book’s poetics. Artistic method, discovered by L. N. Tolstoy in “Anna Karenina” and “Resurrection”, made Gorky able to demystificate thesis about humanin character of events of 1917–1918 years and occupy objective view on the revolution, avoiding influence of Bolshevik’s press and defamation, peculiar to counterrevolution publications. Conclusion. Also, true anatomical view on the Russian revolution haven’t deliver Gorky from utopical hope for culture as a remedy for the social rescue. In this utopia, prerequisites of the future union between Gorky and Bolsheviks, which caused ambiguous reaction of descendants, already appeared.
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Maharramov, S. „Source Studies and Historiography of the Economic Situation of the Azerbaijan SSR (1920-1927)“. Bulletin of Science and Practice, Nr. 9 (15.09.2022): 646–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/82/73.
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The first half of the 1920s is an extremely interesting and at the same time complex and contradictory period in the history of Azerbaijan. During this period, the April Revolution, which determined the historical fate of our people for the next 70 years of the 20th century, took place, our country lost its state independence, and radical changes began in all spheres of social-political, socio-economic, cultural and spiritual life. During the writing of the article, rich source archival materials were used, first of all, the State Archive of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Archive of Political Documents of the Office of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the Scientific Archive of the History Institute named after A. A. Bakikhanov of the Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences. The problem of the economic situation of the Azerbaijan SSR is one of the problems that the researchers of the relevant period paid special attention to, both in the historiography of the Soviet era and in the historiography of the Motherland during the years of independence. During the writing of the historiography section of the studied problem, the works of those researchers were widely used.
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Sarkisian, Aram G. „Their Daily Dread: Russian Orthodox Christians in Red Scare Detroit, 1918–1920“. Journal of American Ethnic History 41, Nr. 4 (01.07.2022): 37–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19364695.41.4.02.
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Abstract After World War I, Americans shifted xenophobic fears of German “Huns” to Russian “Reds.” Historians have largely ignored, however, that among the thousands of Slavic immigrants targeted in the ensuing First Red Scare were adherents of the Russian Orthodox Church. One example was on Detroit's east side, where ethnic Russian automotive workers used the spiritual, social, and educational resources of All Saints Russian Orthodox Church and a parish-affiliated fraternal organization, the Russian National Home, to advance in the Motor City's competitive labor market. Yet the Russian Revolutions of 1917 altered neighborhood dynamics, manifesting political disagreements that fractured the congregation. In April 1919, federal agents arrested thirteen men from the All Saints community, using sworn affidavits from other parishioners to allege the men constituted a dangerous “soviet” plotting to seize the church for revolutionary purposes. Exploring lived experiences in one immigrant neighborhood adversely affected by the Red Scare, this article excavates links between Russian Orthodox Christians and the Progressive Era political left. It also explores how amid heightened nativism, immigrants themselves seized on the federal government's zeal to root out “Reds,” wielding the full power of the Red Scare surveillance and deportation state to police the boundaries of their own religious community.
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Tsybenov, Bazar D., und Leonid V. Kuras. „Джебцзун-Дамба-хутухта и амбань Сань До: начало противостояния (из донесений генерального консула в Урге Я. П. Шишмарева в 1910 году)“. Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 12, Nr. 2 (25.08.2020): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2020-2-203-215.
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Introduction. The situation in non-Han territories of the Qing Empire that preceded the Xinhai Revolution of 1911 was quite tense. Outer Mongolia became the scene of growing impatience with the dominance of the Manchu administration and Chinese merchants, which attested to weak positions of the Qing dynasty in the region. In the meantime, the Russian Empire in every way available increased its political and economic influence on Outer Mongolia. Goals and Objectives. The article studies the relationships between the religious leader of Mongolia Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and the new appointee of the Qing Empire Amban Sando. Sando proved a supporter of the ‘new policy’ who had served as a Manchu official in South China, and then spent seven years in Japan. Immediately prior to Urga, he had been ruling the Tumet Banners. The research objectives set include as follows: review of Amban Sando’s activities between his arrival to Urga in February 1910 to April 1910; insight into the March 1910 Urga unrest of Buddhist priests; analysis of interpersonal relationships between Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and Sando. Somewhat secondary tasks are to analyze reactions of Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu and the Mongolian population to the departure of the 13th Dalai Lama to India in 1910; to consider the problem of the emerged rebel detachment led by Togtokho from Inner to Outer Mongolia. Materials. The work analyzes reports by Russian Consul General in Urga Ya. Shishmarev housed by the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. The study also examines some Mongolian and Russian research works. Conclusions. According to Ya. Shishmarev, Sando was supporting China’s reforms and entered the Urga office with all his might. The reports inform the relationships between Sando and Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu were tough since the very beginning, and they worsened after the March 1910 Urga unrest largely joined by Buddhist monks. The Russian official concludes Jebtsundamba Khutukhtu was quite satisfied with the 13th Dalai Lama’s departure towards India, and reports that the border Mongolian population was supporting Togtokho’s rebel detachment from Inner Mongolia.
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Черняк Сергій Геннадійович. „ОСОБЛИВОСТІ РОЗВИТКУ ОСВІТНЬО- ПЕДАГОГІЧНОГО ПРОГНОЗУВАННЯ В УКРАЇНІ В ІМПЕРСЬКУ ДОБУ (1900 – 1917 рр.)“. International Academy Journal Web of Scholar, Nr. 5(47) (31.05.2020): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_wos/31052020/7096.
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The article is devoted to the development of educational and pedagogical forecasting in Ukraine in the imperial era (1900 − 1917). The author emphasizes that at the turn of the XIX − XX centuries there are a number of new concepts of education and upbringing, which together formed a qualitatively new theoretical basis for the development of schooling. The teacher notes that the beginning of the twentieth century is marked by a manifestation of the national crisis, which was exacerbated by the defeat of Russia in the war with Japan, as well as the events of the first democratic revolution of 1905 − 1907 in the Russian Empire. The scientist emphasizes that the development of educational and pedagogical forecasting in the early twentieth century, in particular in the field of general secondary education, due to the initiative of the Ministry of Education on April 29, 1900 program of secondary school reform. The author provides information on teacher training during the specified period. The researcher notes that the government of Nicholas II, constantly changing the ministers of education (M.P. Bogolepov, P.S. Vannovsky, etc.), practically did not allow even the adoption of documents aimed at reforming education in the new socio-economic conditions, not to mention already about their implementation, although many of the proposed projects, including the Ministers of Education, contained many progressive ideas and provisions. The author reveals the potential of the Ministry of Education in the field of vocational education.
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Volkov, Alexander V. „Crisis of Ideas in Moscow Society of Religion and Philosophy in Memory of Vladimir Solovyov in 1907–1910“. Voprosy Filosofii, Nr. 3 (2021): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-3-128-134.
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The article provides an overview of the main development stages of the Moscow Society of Religion and Philosophy in Memory of Vladimir Solovyov (hereinafter, MRFO – Moskovskoye religiosno-filosofskoye obschestvo). The focus is on the second stage of MRFO’s activity, from October 1907 till April 1910. The articles studies the reasons for the expulsion of one of its most active members of the first period, Valentin Sventsitsky, and why the communication with him where broken thereafter. The article also explores the decline of Bulgakov’s political activity towards the end of the revolution and his increased engagement with the problems of Christian history, spurred, among other factors, by the influence of the Circle of Seekers of Christian Illumination. Another issue is the departure of Vladimir Ern from social and ecclesial issues and his transition to classical philosophical topics. The author also specifically focuses on the evolution of Berdyaev’s philosophic views – from socio-religious issues close to those explored by the New Religious Consciousness group, to ecclesial issues and the phenomenon of historical Christianity. The articles also describes the features of the formation of the philosophical ideas of Symbolists observed in their presentations made at MRFO meetings in 1907–1908. Some of the presentations discussed are those of Andrey Bely and Vyacheslav Ivanov. The author also analyzes the main reasons for the MRFO crisis of 1907–1910 and discusses the presentations of Dmitry Merezhkovsky at MRFO meetings. In addition, the article seeks to give an overview of how the ideas of St Petersburg and Moscow circles of religious and philosophical thinkers developed in subsequent periods.
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Sarayeva, Yelena L. „Sergei Witte in the estimates of Vasily Maklakov“. Vestnik of Kostroma State University 29, Nr. 4 (29.03.2024): 26–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2023-29-4-26-33.
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The ideas of Vasily Maklakov, the lawyer, a member of the Central Committee of the Constitutional Democratic Party, about the influence of Sergei Witte, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers, on the process of Russian political transformation in 1905-1906 are analysed in the article. What served as sources for the study are recollections of Vasily Maklakov, Sergei Witte, Pavel Milyukov, Alexander Kiesewetter, Alexander Izvolsky. Vasily Maklakov’s ideas about the circumstances of the change in Sergei Witte’s perceptions of the form of government in Russia are revealed. It is proved that from October 1905 to April 1906, Vasily Maklakov perceived Sergei Witte as a supporter of Russia’s sustainable constitutional development. Vasily Maklakov’s perceptions of the reasons for Sergei Witte’s attempts to co-operate with the liberals are interpreted as follows – such an agreement would ensure liberal reforms. Maklkov’s judgements about the reasons for Witte’s shift to repressive policies against the revolutionaries – they were carrying out wrongdoing – are reconstructed in the article. Maklakov’s justification of the reasons for the right and liberal politicians’ refusal to support Witte’s policy is revealed. The differences in Maklakov’s and Milyukov’s views on Witte’s policy in 1905-1906 are disclosed. Maklakov characterised Witte as a great statesman able to persuade the emperor to introduce a constitution in order to create a state of law; however, to suppress the revolution, the said nobleman had to use repression as well. Witte’s first line of action led to criticism of his policies by conservatives, while constitutional democrats disagreed with the proposed version of the constitution and condemned the ill-treatment towards radicals. According to Maklakov, the lack of support from influential political forces was one of the reasons why Witte had to resign. Maklakov highlighted Witte’s significant ideas – strengthening the rule of law, organising the government’s interaction with the liberal public.
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Kupriychuk, Vasyl, Svitlana Khmelivska, Igor Ilyin und Vladyslav Pinkevich. „THE STATE POLICY OF THE EDUCATION SYSTEM’S UKRAINIZATION OF THE UKRAINIAN GOVERNMENTS DURING THE NATIONAL REVOLUTION (1917-1920)“. Economics. Management. Innovations, Nr. 1(34) (24.06.2024): 22–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/issn2410-3748-2024-1(34)-2.
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The article provides a detailed analysis of the implementation of the state policy of education system’s Ukrainization in the course of the activities of Ukrainian governments (the Ukrainian Central Council, the Ukrainian State of the Hetmanate of Pavlo Skoropadskyi, the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic) and their influence on the development of the Ukrainian state formation in 1917-1920. The authors analyze a whole galaxy of congresses – (the First All-Ukrainian Teachers' Congress (April 1917), the First All-Ukrainian Peasants' Congress at the beginning of June 1917, the Second All-Ukrainian Teachers' Congress (August 1917)) that determined the position of educators regarding prospects and development of national education in the conditions of revolutionary restructuring of society. The desire of Ukrainian governments to create more opportunities to acquire education in their native language in the national educational institution is highlighted, which was the impetus for the opening of the Ukrainian National University in October 1917 as part of the historical-philological, physical-mathematical and of law faculties. Later similar educational institutions were opened in Mykolaiv, Kharkiv, Odesa. Projects of national universities were developed in Kamianets-Podilskyi and Uman. Also, departments of the Ukrainian language were founded in Kharkiv and Odesa ("classical") universities and four departments of Ukrainian studies - language, literature, history and law at the University of St. Volodymyr. In November 1917 the Ukrainian Scientific and Pedagogical Academy was opened, which became the first national higher educational institution in Ukraine. The state-building policy of Ukrainization of the education system of the government of the Ukrainian Central Rada, which was continued by the government of the Ukrainian State of Hetman P. Skoropadsky, was outlined, which made it possible to create more than 150 Ukrainian gymnasiums. A wide network of general cultural institutions and institutions was founded. In the past, Russian universities in Kyiv, Odesa, Kharkiv, as well as Katerynoslav Mining, Kharkiv Technological and Veterinary and Kyiv Polytechnic Institutes were nationalized and declared Ukrainian. Also, new departments in Ukrainian philology, history, culture, and Western Russian law were opened in scientific institutions, in addition to the existing ones. Kyiv National University was also reformed, turning it into a state. A law was adopted on the establishment of a Ukrainian university in Kamianets-Podilskyi with the prospect of developing higher humanities in Podillia and Western Ukraine and establishing scientific ties with universities in Western Europe.
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Zagidullin, Ildus K. „ON THE RESOLUTION OF THE 3rd ALL-RUSSIAN CONGRESS OF THE MUSLIMS IN 1906 DEVOTED TO THE REORGANIZATION OF CO-RELIGIONISTS’ SPIRITUAL AFFAIRS MANAGEMENT“. Historical Search 1, Nr. 4 (25.12.2020): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-4-28-36.
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The article lists the main activities of 1905–1906, within the framework of which discussion of the Muslims’ public problems took place. Basing on the results of analyzing the program of the All-Russian party of Muslims “Ittifaq al-Muslim” (1906) concerning religious and national issues, it is summarized that it reflected the basic demands set out in the petitions of the Muslims in 1905 – demands for civil equality and advantage in status of Islamic religious institutions and the Spiritual Assembly.
The main place in the article is devoted to the analysis of one of the most important resolutions of the III All-Russian Congress of the Muslims in 1906, devoted to the topic of reforming the management of co-religionists’ spiritual affairs in the all-Russian scale. It turned out that similar issues were discussed at the meeting of Ulemas held in Ufa on April 10–16, 1905, and at that time the answers to some of them were externalized in the draft charter of the religious management. However, the authorities ignored the draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly.
During the analysis of the document’s text, sources of certain paragraphs of the congress resolution were revealed. It was found that some of the provisions were borrowed from the draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly and the ideas expressed at the meetings of Ufa Quriltai. This was also facilitated by the election of Kazan Mudarris Galimdzhan Barudi, a participant of Ufa Quriltai, as the chairman of the commission, which drafted this document, and availability of printed draft charter of Orenburg Mohammedan spiritual assembly for the participants of the congress. The article concludes that this document is a monument to the public thought of the Muslims of the period of the First Russian Revolution of 1905–1907, which represented the results of discussions of the Turkic peoples’ elites on this issue and identified the ways to reform the management of co-religionists’ spiritual affairs management.
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Sulyak, S. G. „V.A. Frantsev and Carpathian Rus“. Rusin, Nr. 64 (2021): 89–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/5.
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Frantsev Vladimir Andreevich (April 4 (16), 1867 – March 19, 1942) – a Russian Slavicist, who authored more than 300 works on Slavic studies. He graduated from a Warsaw grammar school, then studied in the Imperial Warsaw University. In 1893–1895, V. Frantsev made several journeys abroad with the academic pupose. In 1895, he began to prepare for the master’s degree. In 1897, he went abroad and spent three years there. In 1899, V.A. Frantsev made a trip to Ugrian Rus, after which published an article “Review of the most important studies of Ugric Rus” in the Russian Philological Bulletin (1901, Nr. 1–2) in Warsaw. During his trip, V.A. Frantsev met and subsequently maintained contacts with prominent figures in the revival of Ugrian Rus. In 1899, he became Associate Professor of the Department of the History of Slavic Dialects and Literatures of the Imperial Warsaw University, in 1903 – an extraordinary professor, in 1907 – an ordinary professor. In 1900–1921, V.A. Frantsev lectured at the University of Warsaw, which in 1915 moved to Rostov-on-Don in connection with WWI. Teaching actively at the University, he devoted his free time to archival studies, working mainly in the Slavic lands of Austria-Hungary, where he went “for summer vacations” from 1901 to 1914. Sometimes he continued his work during the winter vacations and Easter holidays, as in 1906/07 and in 1907/08, when the university did not function due to student unrest. V.A. Frantsev reported to the “Society of History, Philology and Law” at the University of Warsaw, of which he was an active participant. In 1902–1907, Frantsev published almost all of his major works (except P.Y. Shafarik’s correspondence, published much later). Among them were his master’s thesis “An Essay on the History of the Czech Renaissance” (Warsaw, 1902), doctoral dissertation “Polish Slavic Studies in the late 18th and first quarter of the 19th century” (Prague, 1906), “Czech dramatic works of the 16th – 17th centuries” (Warsaw, 1903), etc. In 1909, during heated discussions on the future structure of Chełm-Podlasie Rus, he published “Maps of the Russian and Orthodox population of Chełm Rus with statistical tables”. In 1913, V.A. Frantsev became a member of the Czech Royal Society of Sciences. Since 1915, he was a corresponding member of the Imperial Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg in the Department of Russian Language and Literature. He did not accept the October Revolution, yet never publicly opposed the new government. At the end of 1919, he received an offer from the Council of Professors of the Prague Charles University (Czechoslovakia) to head the Russian branch of the Slavic Seminar. In Czechoslovakia, he became a professor at Charles University. In 1927, he took Czechoslovak citizenship. V.A. Frantsev’s life was associated with the Russian emigration. He was a full member and chairman of the Russian Institute, as well as chairman of the “Russian Academic Group in Czechoslovakia”, deputy chairman of the “Union of Russian Academic Organizations Abroad”, a member of the Commission for the Study of Slovakia and Subcarpathian Rus. In 1924, the Uzhhorod “A. Dukhnovich Cultural and Educational Society” republished V.A. Frantsev’s From the Renaissance Era of Ugric Rus under the title On the Question of the Literary Language of Subcarpathian Rus and a brief From the History of Writing in Subcarpathian Rus (1929). In 1930, The Carpathian Collection was published in Uzhhorod, with Frantsev “From the history of the struggle for the Russian literary language in Subcarpathian Rus” in the preface. He spent his last years in Czechoslovakia occupied by Nazi Germany. V.A. Frantsev died on March 19, 1942, a few days before his 75th birthday. He is buried in the Olshansk cemetery in Prague.
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Valeev, R. M., O. D. Vasilyuk, R. Z. Valeeva, S. A. Kirillina, D. E. Martynov, M. S. Mejer und D. R. Hajrutdinov. „LETTERS FROM V. A. GORDLEVSKY TO A. Y. KRYMSKY FROM THE COLLECTIONS OF THE INSTITUTE OF MANUSCRIPTS OF V.I. VERNADSKY SCIENTIFIC LIBRARY OF UKRAINE (1906 - 1909)“. Nauka v sovremennom mire, Nr. 3(48) (20.04.2020): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31618/2524-0935-2020-48-3-2.
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Academicians A. Y. Krymsky and V. A. Gordlevsky are important figures in the history of Russian classical orientalism and Arab-Muslim studies, in particular the Moscow and Kiev centers of Oriental studies, especially in the field of academic turkology, Ottoman, Arab and Iranian studies, as well as the public life of the Russian Empire and the USSR. They are widely known in the history of humanities in modern Russian Federation and Ukraine. Currently, we are conducting the search, study, systematization and publication of the correspondence by outstanding arabist, semitologist, turkologist, Iranian and Slavic studies scholar A. Y. Krymsky with leading Russian orientalists V. R. Rosen, V. V. Bartold, P. K. Kokovtsov, F. E. Korsch, V. A. Zhukovsky, S. F. Oldenburg, I. Y.Krachkovsky, Н.А. Mednikov, V. A. Gordlevsky, B. V. Miller, V. F. Minorsky and other scholars during the period of 1890s to 1930s. The article is devoted to a brief overview of the activities of A. Y. Krymsky and V. A. Gordlevsky at the Lazarev Institute of Oriental languages (1898 –1918) and their extant personal correspondence. The main attention is paid to the publication of two extant letters, both previously unknown in the history of Russian Turkology and Orientalism, written by V. A. Gordlevsky from Konya (Turkey) to A. Y. Krymsky, from the collections of the Institute of Manuscripts of V.I. Vernadsky Scientific Library of Ukraine (Kiev). This library contains two letters by V. A. Gordlevsky to Professor A. Y. Krymsky from a pre-Revolution period (dated November 7, 1906 and April 20, 1909), both published in this paper
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Pereira, Paulo Manta. „“Urbanistic Architecture” according to Raul Lino“. Enquiry The ARCC Journal for Architectural Research 17, Nr. 1 (19.06.2020): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17831/enq:arcc.v17i1.1064.
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Over a period of nearly one hundred years, Raul Lino (1879-1974) experienced the profound political, social and economic changes that marked the twentieth century in Portugal. Having been born during the Constitutional Monarchy (1822-1910), he lived through the First Republic (1910-1926), the Military Dictatorship (1926-1933), the Second Republic, or Estado Novo (New State, 1933-1974), and died shortly after the Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974, at the dawning of the Third Republic. He was an architect who published prolifically in Portugal, having become known through his advocacy of the Campanha da casa Portuguesa (Portuguese House Campaign), which provoked a great deal of controversy. The debate peaked with the Polémica da casa Portuguesa (Polemic of the Portuguese house) at the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation in 1970, after the inauguration of the retrospective exhibition on Raul Lino. He is less known for the quality of his transversal synthesis conceived between urbanism, architecture, the decorative arts, and its underlying affirmation of an idea of the city, which we conjecture from our analysis of his narrative. This analysis concentrates on eleven case studies that encompasses architectural projects, urbanistic plans and technical advice limited to the first half of the 20th century. The broad, cross-disciplinary position of Lino was defended in the same year as the First National Architecture Congress (1948), whose proposals ratified in Portugal the orthodoxy principles of modern architecture and urban planning for the new universal man-type, established in 1933 by the International Congresses of Modern Architecture (CIAM). Quoting Aristotle, Raul Lino conceived the city as the locus of happiness, shaping forms of consensus between tradition and modernity by means of an architecture at the scale of man and in proportion to his circumstance, consistently outlining a modern possibility of continuity.
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Nikitin, Evgeny. „L. Martov and M. Gorky. To the 150th anniversary of the birth of L. Martov“. OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2023, Nr. 11-1 (01.11.2023): 80–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202311statyi20.
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The article tells about the relationship between L. Martov and M. Gorky, which lasted a decade and a half. Martov's letters to Gorky, introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, help to understand them better. The writer tried to reform the Sovremennik magazine three times. Initially, under the editorship of A.V. Amfiteatrov. Then - under E.A. Lyatsky. The third time when the magazine was headed by N.N. Sukhanov. At the third attempt to reform, Martov became the author of “Sovremennik”. After the closure of the magazine in the fall of 1915, he and a number of other authors moved to the “Chronicle” that Gorky had just created. N.N. Sukhanov became Gorky's co-editor for The Chronicle. Then they edited “New Life” together. Martov was the author of the newspaper. He emigrated in September 1920. Gorky was forced to leave Russia a year later. Abroad, the writer and the politician together edited the magazine “Chronicle of the Revolution”, published by the Publishing House of Z.I. Grzhebin. At the request of Martov Gorky, he defended the Social Revolutionaries who found themselves in the dock in the summer of 1922, wrote letters to A.I. Rykov and A. France. As a result, none of the SRS were shot this time. Gorky attended the funeral of Martov, who died on April 4, 1923 due to a serious illness.
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Astika Pidada, Ida Bagus. „TRANSPORTASI PARA PEJUANG PADA MASA REVOLUSI FISIK DI BALI 1945-1950“. KULTURISTIK: Jurnal Bahasa dan Budaya 4, Nr. 1 (20.01.2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.22225/kulturistik.4.1.1554.
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On behalf of the Indonesian nation IR. Sukarno who was accompanied by Drs. Mohammad Hatta on August 17th, 1945 proclaimed Indonesian independence on Jalan Pegangsaan Timur No. 56 Jakarta at 10:00 am. News of the proclamation of Indonesian independence was only heard in Bali on August 23rd 1945 since the return of Mr. I Gusti Ketut Puja from Jakarta. News of the proclamation arrived late in Bali due to lack of communication and transportation with the island of Java. At this time Japan was still showing an attitude of power in Bali, therefore on December 13th 1945 a general attack was carried out against Japanese protests throughout Bali. This attack turned out to be a failure because Japan had known in advance. Since it was impossible to get weapons in Bali, I Gusti Ngurah Rai and his friends finally went to Java to report on the situation in Bali and asked for weapons. After some time living on the island of Java on April 4th, 1946 I Gusti Ngurah Rai and his friends finally returned to Bali where it landed at Yeh Kuning. From here I Gusti Ngurah Rai continued his journey to the village of Munduk Malang. From the village of Munduk Malang, I Gusti Ngurah Rai carried out an attack on the Dutch / NICA ambushes around him. Due to the position of I Gusti Ngurah Rai headquarters and its troops being known by the Netherlands / NICA, it was decided to hold a "Long March" or also known as "The June-July Trip". Long March starts by walking from Bengkel Anyar Village by climbing Mount Batukaru to Mount Agung. The purpose of holding a long march is to increase the people's enthusiasm, divert Dutch attention to the east, and facilitate assistance from Java to Bali. In addition to the fighters using walking during the physical revolution in Bali to be able to connect with other fighters also used transportation. Transportation is used by fighters for long trips and when the situation is safe. Transportation that is used at this time besides walking also uses such as truck, sedan, pickup, bus, bicycle, dock, cart, and boat for the sea. With this means of communication between the fighters remain connected so that the struggle in Bali can last long enough to face the Netherlands / NICA.
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Zinko, Yurуi, und Vitaliу Tuchinskуi. „Valerii Rektut. Essaуs on the Life of Haisуnschуna. Ukrainian Revolution (1917-1921) : Events. Personalities. Thoughts. Book 2. The Struggle for the Statehood of Ukraine During the Hetmanate and the Formation of the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic. Vinnytsia: LLC "Mercury Podillya" . 843 p.“ Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, Nr. 34 (2020): 110–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2020-34-110-113.
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The article makes an attempt to protract the monograph of Valerii Rektut that explores the political, social and economic processes that took place in the Haisyn region in the Podolia governorate during the Hetmanate and the formation of the Directory of the Ukrainian People's Republic (April 1918- 1920). The research is based on the diverse sources, which include archive documents, presented for the first time and Ukrainian periodicals of the time. The first section of the work examines the events that took place in the Haisyn region during the Hetmanate, including the formation of local authorities, land reform, and economic difficulties. The second part is devoted to the political and social situation in the Haisyn region during the formation of the Directory of the Ukrainan People's Republic. The author focuses on describing the national-cultural processes that were being activated at the time. For instance, on the activities of Jewish, Polish and Russian political powers pursuing their political interests. The work also analyzes the Jewish pogroms of 1919-1920, their causes and consequences. A significant place is occupied by the "Haisyn Labor Republic", which existed from May to September 1919. The characteristics of the Zyatkivtsi agreement of November 6, 1919 and its political consequences are also of particular interest. The monograph deserves a highly positive assessment, as the author analyzes the most significant events of the most turbulent times in Ukrainian history.
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Oleg, Leybovich. „“The Praying People were Quite Distressed...”. Towards the Results of the Cultural Revolution in the Kama Countryside.“ TECHNOLOGOS, Nr. 1 (2021): 36–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/perm.kipf/2021.1.03.
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By means of the case study method the problem of revealing the results of the 1930’s Cultural Revolution in the leisure-time behavior of the rural youth has been posed in the article. The Cultural Revolution is understood by the author as a large Soviet project which was started in the 1920s and finished in the post-war decade with the formation of the Soviet man, who mastered the Bolshevik journalese and the necessary public ritual practices along with the symbols of the Soviet system. Antireligious agitation was an integral component of the Cultural Revolution; in fact it was its core. As the subject of the historical reconstruction it was chosen an incident in the Cathedral of the Transfiguration of the Savior in Gamovo village during the Easter holiday 1953. A document with the description of the incident compiled by P.S. Gorbunov, plenipotentiary for the Russian Orthodox Church in Molotov Region has been analyzed in detail. For the solution of this problem the author applied the resources which hadn’t been introduced for the scientific use earlier: materials from Party conferences and meetings; information from the Administration of the MGB in the Molotov region, letters and written requests to the Regional Committee of the CPSU. The original thesis of the article is stated as follows. As a result of the Cultural Revolution it was formed a new type of the Soviet person who according to the basic characteristics was divided into two types: the urban inhabitant living by his on private interests, and the hooligan from the workers' suburb, a violent and disruptive troublemaker. In the article it is reconstructed the events which took place in the village church on the night from the third to the fourth of April, 1953: intrusion of the drunken young men, their outrage on the porch and in the church fence, a knife-fight and, finally, a murder. The author has offered a hypothesis making possible to explain their licentious behavior by the fact that in the culture of working (rural) youth the boundaries between different kinds of space were erased. The Orthodox Church and the village club were identical for them in their leisure value. The norms of street and courtyard culture were applied to them equally. The status of the temple was lower than that of the club. Young people equated the church with something backward, boring, and old. The party and punitive agencies did all they could to alienate the new generation from any form of religious life. As a result, young people either stood aside the Orthodox Church or treated it with contempt, or, in exceptional cases, outraged within its bounds.
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Rabush, Taisiуa, und Rustam Solovyev. „USSR in Civil Wars in the Countries of the Third World in the Second Half of the 1970s (On the Example of Angola and Afghanistan)“. Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, Nr. 4 (August 2023): 165–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.13.
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Introduction. One of the features of the Cold War was the movement of the rivalry of the superpowers into local armed conflicts and civil wars that took place on the territory of other states, mainly the Third World. The article examines the process of the involvement of the Soviet Union in the second half of the 1970s in the civil wars in Angola and Afghanistan. The policy of the USSR in armed conflicts outside the zone of its military-political influence has often been the subject of scientific research, but it has rarely been subjected to comparative analysis, and the authors make such an attempt, which is the novelty of the study. Methods and materials. The main method of the study is the method of comparative analysis (the actions of the USSR in 1975–1979 during the conflict in Angola and Soviet actions in the same period in Afghanistan are compared); the authors rely on documents, memoirs, and previous scientific works. Analysis. The first part of the article examines the process of the USSR’s involvement in the civil war in Angola, which began there soon after gaining independence, from the diplomatic recognition of the People’s Republic of Angola to the dispatch of Soviet military specialists. The second part of the article is devoted to the development of events in Afghanistan after the April 1978 revolution and Soviet involvement in them. Results. The authors conclude that the line adopted by the Soviet Union in relation to the military confrontation in Angola (financial, military, and other assistance, the dispatch of weapons, and military specialists) was ultimately more successful than the line implemented in relation to the civil war in Afghanistan in the form of direct military intervention by the Soviet army and its participation in the conflict outside the country. Authors contribution. T.V. Rabush described and analyzed the development of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Angola and with Afghanistan. R.A. Solovyev examined the military aspects of Soviet-Angolan and Soviet-Afghan cooperation (supply of weapons, sending military advisers, etc.). The research concept, conclusions, and literary editing of the text were carried out jointly.
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Hemmings, F. W. J. „Fires and Fire Precautions in the French Theatre“. Theatre Research International 16, Nr. 3 (1991): 237–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883300015005.
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The ‘notice préliminaire’ to L.-H. Lecomte's unfinished Histoire des théâtres de Paris includes a list of eighteen major fires occurring between 1789 and 1900, each of which resulted in the total destruction of a theatre. The date of each disaster is given, as also the date at which the theatre was rebuilt, either on the same site or in a new location. But beyond these brief particulars, Lecomte gives little information on the circumstances and none at all on the probable causes of each catastrophe and the precautions taken subsequently to avert a recurrence. It is the purpose of this paper to flesh out the bare bones of Lecomte's statistics, and to extend the picture to embrace similar disasters befalling provincial playhouses in France over the same period. There had of course been spectacular fires before the Revolution at Paris theatres, notably that which destroyed the opera house located in the Palais-Royal on 6 April 1763 (incidentally severely damaging the palace itself), although, since it occurred during the Easter break, the theatre was fortunately empty at the time. The Opera was eventually rehoused on the same site, but on 8 June 1781 the building once more went up in flames and was reduced to a pile of smouldering rubble. Again there were no victims among the spectators, since it was only when they had left after the evening's performance that the fire broke out; but many of the dancers were still changing into their outdoor clothes at the time and two of them failed to follow the example of the others and make their escape across the roof and down to the street. A total of a dozen or fifteen people perished as a result of this fire, including one elderly woman living in the Cour des Fontaines who died of shock at witnessing the fearsome spectacle.