Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „Aphrodite (Greek deity) in art“

This article engages three deities, one Greek and two Oriental, that their cults were worshipped in caves during the Hellenistic and Roman periods. The first deity is a Hellenistic terracotta figurine of Aphrodite, recovered from the prehistoric cave Me‘arat ha-Nahal (Wadi el-Maghara) at the foot of Mount Carmel. It probably represents Aphrodite Pandemos (Ἀϕροδίτη Πάνδημος) or Aphrodite en Kepois (Ἀϕροδίτη ἐν Κήποις). It may be assumed that the cave, and its proximity to the city of Dor, was modified to serve as a cultic site or shrine. The second deity is represented by a sunken relief engraved on a rough rock surface adjacent to a cluster of 18 caves, known as “The Temple Cave” complex, along Keziv Stream (Nahal Keziv) in western Galilee. The largest and main cave in this complex seems to have had a cultic function in the Roman period, that is, it constituted a cultic site for a particular divinity. The sunken relief depicts a walking male military figure, dubbed “The Man in the Wall.” Based on a comparative study and the figure’s iconographic characteristics, we may identify it with Sol Invictus Mithras, a Late Roman-period deity, manifesting cultic pagan activity in a remote and isolated area, in the very heart of nature. The third deity is Ba‘al Carmel (identified with Zeus/Jupiter) who was presumably worshipped in Elijah’s Cave on the western slope of Mt. Carmel. Ba‘al Carmel’s visual representation, the depiction of a libation vessel and the presumed figure of a priest or, alternatively, an altar within an aedicula suggest it was used in the Roman period. Notably, one of the Greek inscriptions, dated to the Roman period, explicitly addresses the cave’s sacred nature and the prohibition against its profanation.

The cult of Moirai/ Moerae, their iconography, and the popular faith concerning the goddesses of destiny in the Greek colonies on the western shore of the Pontus Euxinus make the subject of the present study. Our research is based on the study of epigraphic, literary, and archeaological (votive bas‑reliefs) documents. The cult of the Moirai is certainly certificated in Naulochos (the modern Obzor, in Bulgaria) and at Istros where two dedications to the goddesses of destiny were found out. A votive aedicula in the temple of Aphrodite at Istros proves the relations between the Moirai and the cult of Aphrodite. The association of the Moirai with Aphrodite is confirmed by the two reliefs discovered at Panticapaion and Tyras, which present a similar composition with the one on the votive relief at Istros. The funeral epitaphs found out along the western shore of the Pontus Euxinus underline the Greeks’popular creeds related to the goddesses of destiny.

The study is devoted to the origins of the cult of Venus of Eryx, whose temple was erected on the Capitol during the Hannibal War. After analyzing the sources, the author studied both the specific historical context of the establishment of a new cult, and the connection of the new deity with various hypostases of Venus, which became widespread in the territory of ancient Italy. The author associated the creation of the cult of Venus Erucina, firstly, with victories during the struggle between Rome and Carthage and, secondly, with an attempt to integrate Rome into the cultural space of the Greek world, since Venus was identified with Aphrodite. The scientific novelty of the undertaken study lies in the fact that the author, taking into account the famous senatusconsultum on bacchanalia, put forward a hypothesis about the conduct in 186-184 BC by the Porcii clan and their allies, a kind of religious reform, which made it possible, on the one hand, to preserve the Greek traditions of the veneration of Venus of Eryx, and on the other hand, to “cleanse” the cult of Venus Capitoline from foreign influences.

In this article, I trace the various ways Ancient Greek artisans used seashell-motifs, and how they interpreted these natural forms in artistic contexts. The reason for the popularity of seashells lies in their visual and haptic variety, their wealth of association, and the device of something secret hidden under the hard outer shell. I examine three possible variants of the motif’s treatment in relief and volume: the shell-container as part of a vessel, the shell as an independent container, the shell as a sculpted motif on a vessel. Of particular interest are the vases where the integration of shell and vessel is especially marked, such as plastic aryballoi, lekythoi and other types (often with the inclusion of mythological subjects, such as the birth of Aphrodite). Terracotta and metal pyxides are also considered. Alongside these, I examine the rare “marble shells”, stone vessels carved in the intricate shape of “pelican’s foot” shells.

Lucian of Samosata’s descriptions of works of art are invaluable for the studying of the Classical and post-Classical Greek sculpture. The Second Sophistic author does not only give accurate and detailed descriptions about Greek sculptures and paintings, but as a real connoisseur of art he also judges them from the perspective of aesthetics. In the first main part of my paper, I will focus on the characteristics of his descriptions by analyzing the nude figure of Aphrodite of Cnidus made by Praxiteles and the ‘eclectic’ portrait of Panthea. The aim of the second part of my paper is to present the essential features of Ekphraseis of the sophist Callistratus who lived in Late Antiquity (IV–Vth century AD). It has been disputed if Callistratus’ work inspired by the rhetorical exercises has any art history values. This paper also raises the question how the tradition of both Lucian and Callistratus could influence the description of the sculpture ‘Apollo Belvedere’ included in Winckelmann's epoch-making Art History.

The Sandal-Binder Aphrodite, a witty variation on Praxiteles’ Aphrodite of Knidos, is one of the most frequently reproduced sculptural types in Greco-Roman art. Created in a variety of materials throughout the Mediterranean, extant versions of this iconography show the goddess in the act of tying (or possibly untying) her sandal. Although a large number of these works of art date between the first and fourth century CE, most studies on the Sandal-Binder have approached it primarily as an expression of Hellenistic Greek artistic trends. The present study shifts our attention away from the cultural milieu of the Sandal-Binder’s creation to that of its reception. Two well-preserved examples—one from a house in Pompeii and the other from London—attest to the process of translating or adapting this sensual image of Aphrodite to a Roman ideological framework. In both cases, it is through the language of body adornment that this transformation is achieved: while the example from Pompeii (a marble statuette adorned with gold paint) shows the goddess wearing contemporary jewelry and clothing, the diminutive silver figurine from London is part of a fashionable hairpin that points to the dissemination of imperial hairstyles in Rome’s remotest province. By calling attention to their design and function, this essay highlights the complex polysemy of Roman Sandal-Binders and the powerful messages they communicated to a diverse audience of viewers both at the heart of the empire and in the provinces.

The states on the territory of Georgia were part of the Classical antiquity ecumene. Accordingly, both Iberia and Colchis had close trade-economic and cultural relations with the Roman Empire, from where the deities popular in the empire spread to the territory of Georgia. Among them, a special place is occupied by the ancient god of victory, Nike (Ancient Greek: Νίκη). The name Nike is believed to date back to the pre- Greek period. In Greek mythology, Nike appears as a companion of Zeus and Athena. In Greek art, the deity is mainly depicted with symbols of victory – wings, a crown and a palm branch, but we also find a wingless Nike. In Roman reality, the Victoria (Latin: Victoria) corresponded to Nike. Research has shown that the deity Nike (Victoria) was one of the most widespread cults in late ancient Iberia, which is the result of political and cultural relations with the Greco-Roman world. In late antiquity, the cult of Nike (Victoria) was recorded on the territory of Georgia in the Kingdom of Kartli (Iberia) – on the territory of Greater Mtskheta, Urbnisi, Zhinvali... Since the Hellenistic period, religious syncretism was also reflected on the engraved gems found on the territory of Kartli. Athena-Tikhe-Fortuna- Demeter-Nike depicted in an oval-shaped cornelian intaglio in a fragment of an iron ring. Tomb №27 of Karniskhevi, 2nd-3rd centuries. Nike-Fortuna-Athena is depicted in an oval-shaped white, transparent glass intaglio in an iron seal. Urbnisi necropolis. Tomb №205. 1st-early 2nd century AD. Seals with the image of the deity Nike (Victoria) found in the territory of Georgia belonged to all layers of society. Gemas can be found both individually and in gold, silver and bronze rings. Intaglios with the image of the deity are made of: carnelian, glas, almadine, which are inserted into iron, bronze, silver and gold rings. It is noteworthy that the cult of Nike (Victoria) is mainly prevalent in urban centers. From the above, we can conclude that Nike (Victoria) was popular and in our opinion, mainly among the Romanized population.

This paper discusses how Roman visual culture might be useful for deciphering the ecphrastic passages of the ancient Greek novel. Whereasecphrasishas been one of the blossoming topics in the field, the examination of novelisticecphrasisalongside particular works of art is still a desideratum. As a test case I will use Xenophon of Ephesus’ecphrasisof the bed canopy depicting Ares’ and Aphrodite's embrace, in theEphesiaca,a novel that might have been written as early as AD 65. In what follows I will argue that the scene described on the canopy would have stimulated a variety of intertexts, both literary and visual, in the minds of the imperial audience: that is, Xenophon's reader would have been encouraged to recall not just Demodocus’ song of the love of Ares and Aphrodite but also the idealised Roman version of the myth, which was so frequently depicted on frescoes and mosaics in Roman villas in the first century. I then explore Xenophon's ‘interpretatio Romana’through the adaptations of the Ares and Aphrodite myth found in Plutarch and Lucian.

AbstractThere is very little direct representation of acts of creation in Greek art. This paper examines the visual potential of the extended creation narrative first related by Hesiod, focusing on the handful of episodes which are to be found in the visual arts—the births of Aphrodite and Athene, Zeus's slaying of Typhon and the Gigantomachy—while attempting to account for their selection. It also considers the remarkable lack of an authoritative account of the creation of mankind in the archaic and classical periods, and the relatively late development of Prometheus's role as man's creator, which contrasts with the much earlier establishment of traditions concerning local “first men” and the creation of the first woman, Pandora.

<p>In 1747 Frederick II of Prussia acquired a rare and highly valuable statue from antiquity and gave it the description of Antinous (the ill-fated lover of the Roman Emperor Hadrian). Although the bronze statue had always been accepted as an original from ancient Greece, the statue eventually assumed the identity of the Roman Antinous. How could Frederick II, an accomplished collector, ignore the blatant style and chronological discrepancies to interpret a Greek statue as a later Roman deity? This article will use the portraiture of Antinous to facilitate an examination of the progression of classical art interpretation and diagnose the freedom between the art historian and the dilettante. It will expose the necessary partition between the obligations of the art historian to provide technical interpretations of a work within the purview of the discipline with that of the unique interpretation made by individual viewers. This article confirms that although Frederick II lived before the transformative scholarship of Winckelmann, the freedom of interpreting a work is an abiding and intrinsic right of every individual viewer. </p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1999.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-237). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p9957572.

Orientador: Joaquim Brasil Fontes Junior
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T19:56:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pereira_VeraLuciaCrepaldi_M.pdf: 1014426 bytes, checksum: 4bf613cfdbab6c42a9ff6682500f548c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009
Resumo: O objetivo deste estudo, as deusas gregas virgens, Ártemis, Atena e Héstia, é demarcar a existência e a significação especial dessas deusas no mundo arcaico grego frente à posição ocupada por Afrodite, como representação do desejo. O sistema mítico prevê a questão do desejo articulada ao 'poder', conforme evidenciam as reflexões feitas a partir do corpus selecionado: as obras de Homero, de Hesíodo e os Hinos Homéricos referentes às deusas virgens e a Afrodite. A metodologia que orienta esta pesquisa segue uma linha antropológica comparativa, incluindo autores como Geertz e Detienne, com enfoque no uso e na significação da linguagem da produção escrita dos rapsodos gregos. O conceito de virgindade é direcionado pelo conceito de desejo e parece necessário que se considerem as propriedades e os atributos de Afrodite para definir as deusas gregas virgens, que fruem "de um outro modo de desejo e de poder". Esse aspecto nos faz refletir sobre uma sociedade patriarcal e as formas de independência feminina como instância de compromisso sócio-político, bem como sobre a manutenção de uma tradição herdada da grande mãe (Magna Mater) e das Amazonas. Uma possível indicação, a partir desses dados, é que o Cristianismo procurou dar continuidade a esse aspecto de gênero que promove a civilização e a organização da sociedade, através da figura da 'madre', como elemento de significação cultural.
Abstract: The aim of this study which focuses on the Virgin Greek goddesses, Artemis, Athene and Hestia, is to stress the existence and the special meaning of those goddesses in the archaic Greek world, compared with Aphrodite's position as a representative of 'desire'. The mythical system comprises the matter of desire linked to the meaning of "power", according to the evidence of reflections made from the corpus selected, Homer's and Hesiod's works and the Homeric Hymns referring to the virgin goddesses and Aphrodite. The methodology that orients this paper follows authors such as Geertz and Detienne, focusing on the use and meaning of the language in the written production of the Greek rapsodes. The concept of virginity is directed by the concept of desire, and it is necessary to consider Aphrodite's properties and attributes to define the virgin Greek goddesses who have another form of desire and power. That aspect brings up considerations on a patriarchal society and ways of feminine independence as a means of socialpolitical commitment, as well as on the maintenance of a tradition inherited from the Great Mother and the Amazons. One possible direction arising from the above facts is that Christianity tried to give sequence to this aspect of gender which promotes civilization and the organization of society, by way of the 'mater figure', as an element of cultural significance.
Mestrado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Mestre em Educação

This dissertation presents a study of the Aphrodite Anadyomene type in its cultural and physical contexts. Like many other naked Aphrodites, the Anadyomene was not posed to conceal the body, but with arms raised, naked and unashamed, exposing the goddess' body to the gaze. Depictions of the Aphrodite Anadyomene present the female body as an object to be desired. The Anadyomene offers none of the complicated games of peek-a-boo which pudica Venuses play by shielding their bodies from view. Instead, the goddess offers her body to the viewer's gaze and there is no doubt that we, as viewers, are meant to look, and that our looking should produce desire. As a type, the Anadyomene glorifies the process of the feminine toilette and adornment and as the goddess stands, naked and unashamed, she presents an achievable ideal for the female viewer.

The roots of the iconography of the Anaydyomene can be found in archaic Greek texts such as Hesiod's Theogony and Homeric Hymn from the eighth century B.C.E, as well as in paintings of women bathing on red figure vases from the fifth century B.C.E. The Anadyomene type provides a helpful case study to consider the ways that representations of Aphrodite were utilized. Consulting archaeological reports and detailed studies of display contexts make it possible to reconstruct and imagine the original settings for these kinds of works. The known findspots for representations of the Anadyomene can be grouped into four contexts: Graves, Sanctuaries, Baths and Fountains, and Houses. Small objects might have been seen, handled, and used daily that carried connotations and meanings which these ancient viewers would have brought to other more elite or public works.

Dissertation

Abstract In ancient Greek art and literature the goddess Aphrodite is praised for her beauty and her power to awaken love. As the standard of feminine comeliness, many a beautiful woman was compared to her, Helen’s daughter, for example, the “rose-lipped Hermione, a girl like the palegold goddess Aphrodite” (Odyssey 4.14-15). Yet Aphrodite’s ability to awaken desire did not depend on beauty alone. She possessed a magical amulet covered with potent symbols that made the bearer irresistible: “the passion of sex is there; and the whispered endearment that steals the heart away, even from the thoughtful” (Iliad 14.216-217).

This article briefly presents some of the author’s research on art in archaeology, focusing especially on her contributions to research on Greek and Roman sculpture and its historiography. In particular, the problems of research on copies and imitations in Roman culture, Republican portraits of the elderly, the style of Greek sculpture, and the cult statue of Aphrodite of Cnidus are discussed.

Abstract In view of the general exclusion of women as competitors, the legend of “swiftfooted, noble Atalanta” as an indomitable athlete stands out as an exceptionally problematic narrative appearing early and often in Greek literature and art. She was, in the Boeotian or central Greek version of the myth, daughter of a certain Schoeneus, who lived as a virgin huntress, despising sex but agreed to marry the suitor who defeated her in a footrace. Hippomenes (also called Meilanion) won her by the stratagem of throwing golden apples, supplied by Aphrodite, In her path to delay her as she stopped to collect them. The newlyweds make love in a sanctuary and are metamorphosed Into lions by some divinity—Zeus, Cybele, or Artemis. In the Arcadian, or southern Greek version of the story, Atalanta Is exposed as an Infant, is suckled by a bear, becomes a man-hating huntress, and Is ultimately won by Meilanion In a footrace.

The social and cultural authority that images exercised in medieval Byzantium derived in part from their consistent observance of established traditions of representation. As a result of this tendency toward recognisable types, when an intentional departure from visual conventions was introduced, Byzantine viewers could be expected to notice the difference and wonder about the intentions behind it. This chapter explores how Graeco-Roman mythological and romance narratives offered opportunities for the engineering of amusing imagery through strategies of inversion and exaggeration. It focuses especially on how this up-ending of visual conventions served to disrupt the expected order of gender relations. The chapter shows how the programmes of middle Byzantine works of classicising art used humour initially to destabilize – but ultimately to reaffirm -- social norms surrounding female sexuality.

The author explores the images of Aphrodite—statuary in marble and bronze, oil lamp discus iconography—originating from the Polish excavations at the site of the ancient town at Marina el-Alamein on the Mediterranean coast of Egypt, tracing the religious syncretism (in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt, Aphrodite was linked with the Egyptian goddess Isis), concerning also other Greek gods, that obviously pervaded the affluent community living there. The marble head of Aphrodite and the lamp with a scene of Aphrodite with two Erotes were found in House 19 and they are dated, respectively, to the late Hellenistic/early Roman period and the second half of the 1st-2nd century AD. A bronze statuette of Aphrodite pudica came from a disturbed but apparently ritual context and is dated, like the lamp, to the second half of the 1st-2nd century AD. The evidence collected in the article shows that the goddess, depicted in different forms inspired by Hellenistic and even earlier, Classical, art, made of different materials and with apparently different purposes in mind, was very popular with the inhabitants of this small town on the Egyptian coast. The finds from Marina el-Alamein are an interesting example of syncretism developing in the Roman period.

Abstract One of the most comprehensive visual representations of the Ilioupersis to survive from antiquity is found on a small Graeco-Roman relief plaque now in the Capitoline Museum, one of a group of such plaques known collectively as the Tabulae Iliacae (Cat. no. 1*-Fig. 1). Theodoros, as the artist identifies himself in an inscription, allotted approximately one-half of the tablet’s figured surface to the capture of Troy, represented in the form of a walled city, viewed from a nearby elevated perspective. The walls outline a roughly square area, within which the artist has distributed several familiar components of the myth among three horizontal registers, each demarcated by a significant architectural element. The trapezoidal precinct of Athena, framed by a three-sided colonnade embracing the goddess’s temple within, forms the uppermost of the three registers. Here stands the wooden horse, and directly in front of the temple Aias attacks the Trojan princess Kassandra. The middle register is defined by the royal palace and two flanking temples. In the courtyard of the palace King Priamsits in supplication at the altar of Zeus, under attack from Neoptolemos, and to the right of the palace Menelaos recovers his wife Helen at the temple of Aphrodite. The lower register of the city consists of an open area dominated by the massive Skaian gates.

В работе рассматривается погребение № 19/2015 некрополя Виноградный 7 на Таманском полуострове, датируемое на основании анализа погребального инвентаря не позднее первых десятилетий 1 в. до н. э. Специально рассматривается найденный в районе грудной клетки погребенной женщины в возрасте 45–50 лет серебряный медальон. В центре бляхи вытиснен в высоком рельефе бюст богини в калафе и покрывале с прижатой к груди правой рукой и вет кой с листом – в левой. По окружности – выполненные в более низком рельефе 10 знаков зодиака. Ближайшая параллель публикуемому медальону, хранившаяся до Великой Отечественной войны в Керченском музее, известна лишь по архивной фотографии. Медальоны с изображением бюста богини с прижатой к груди рукой относятся к типу, получившему распространение на Боспоре еще во 2 в. до н. э. Изображения бюста бо гини с листом в руке встречаются на брошах из Прикубанья и Юго-Западного Крыма 1–2 вв. н. э. Ближайшей параллелью оформлению бордюра медальона является украшение края серебряного фалара из окрестностей ст. Курчанской, на котором в центре представлено изображение скачущей на козле Афродиты и стоящего перед ней Герме са. С точки зрения крепления (двойная пронизь, припаянная на обороте для продевания шнура ожерелья), бляха находит аналогии на золотых медальонах с изображением бюста Афродиты и Эрота из Артюховского кургана. Знаки, изображенные по окружности вокруг бюста богини, являются знаками зодиака, среди которых легко узнаются изображения Рака, Близнецов, Девы, Рыб, Стрельца и Скорпиона. Обращает на себя внимание тот факт, что изображено не 12, а 10 знаков (отсутствуют знаки Водолея и Весов) и их расположение не соответствует принятому порядку знаков зодиака. Особого внимания в этой связи заслуживает терракотовый диск из Бриндизи, рассматриваемый как самое раннее изображение знаков зодиака в Южной Италии и Греции. Публикуемый медальон и диск из Бриндизи сближает не только то, что на них представлено не 12 знаков, а меньше, но и отсутствие знака Весов, близость оформления некоторых из них и тот факт, что отдельные знаки занимают не 30, а 60 градусов окружности, а также и то, что знаки расположены не в обычной последовательности. Серебряные медальоны, найденные на Боспоре, представляют одни из древнейших, если не древнейшие в античном искусстве изображения знаков зодиака. Вероятнее всего изображение их в виде ленты вокруг бюста богини в калафе с листом в руке, подчеркивает небесную ипостась богини, которую, скорее всего, следует рассматривать как Афродиту Уранию. Необходимо ли рассматривать необычное количество знаков и их порядок как отображение индивидуального гороскопа – вопрос, требующий дальнейшего исследования, хотя тот факт, что аналогичный порядок присутствует на двух известных нам медальонах, как будто бы, должен свидетельствовать против такой атрибуции. Изучение погребального инвентаря данного погребения подтверждает предлагаемую интерпретацию изображения именно как Афродиту Уранию. Анализ инвентаря погребения с учетом месторасположения данного погребального сооружения вну три некрополя позволяет поставить вопрос о выделении отдельного участка жителей поселения, объединенных родственными связями и/или религиозными воззрениями, связанными с почитанием Афродиты Урании. The paper is devoted to burial no. 19/2015 of Vinogradnyi 7 necropolis in the Taman peninsula. Its contents allow to attribute it to the time not later than the first decades of the 1st century BC. A special attention attracts a silver medallion, which was found upon the body of a woman aged 45–50. In the center of the plaque there is a bust of a goddess in calathus. Her veil is pressed to the chest with her right hand, in her left she holds a branch with a leaf, embossed in a high relief. Along the border 10 signs of the Zodiac are arranged executed in a lower relief. The closest parallel to the medallion is a piece in the Kerch Museum, which disappeared during the World War II. Only its photograph is available. The medallions depicting the bust of the goddess, her hand pressed to her chest belong to the well-known type popular the Bosporan kingdom as early as the 2nd century BC. Images of the goddess holding a leaf are found on brooches from the Kuban region and South-Western Crimea of the 1st–2nd centuries AD. The closest parallel to the pattern decorating the border is a silver phalera from the vicinity of Cossack village Kurchanskaya. In the centre it has the image of Aphrodite galloping on a goat and of Hermes standing in front of her. The medallion under discussion has a double loop soldered to the rear. This construction feature finds parallels on gold medallions with busts of Aphrodite and Eros from the Artyukhov burial mound. The signs arranged around the bust of the goddess are the signs of the Zodiac, among them symbols of Cancer, Gemini, Virgo, Pisces, Sagittarius and Scorpio are easily recognizable. Noteworthy, that there are 10, not 12 signs. Their arrangement does not correspond to the usual order of the signs of the Zodiac. The terracotta disc from Brindisi, regarded as the earliest depiction of the Zodiac signs in South Italy and Greece, deserves special attention in this regard. The medallion from the Taman peninsula and the disc from Brindisi have much in common. Both not only display less than 12 signs, both do not contain the Libra sign, some of the signs occupy not 30, but 60 degrees of the circumference, the signs are arranged not in the usual sequence. Silver medallions found in the Cimmerian Bosporos represent one of the oldest, if not the oldest, images of the signs of the Zodiac in ancient Greek art. Most likely, being arranged around the bust of the goddess in calathus with a leaf in her hand, they express the heavenly hypostasis of the goddess, most likely Aphrodite Urania. Whether the unusual number of signs and their order was a reflection of someone’s individual horoscope is problematic. The fact that we know at least two images of this kind, testifies against such attribution. The analysis of the burial inventory, taking into account the location of this burial within the necropolis, suggests that it was a separate area owed by some local family, and that the religious beliefs of those people were associated with Aphrodite Urania.