Thematische Bibliographien / And political

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Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „And political“

Autor: Grafiati

Veröffentlicht am 30. Juni 2021

Zuletzt aktualisiert am 1. Februar 2022

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "And political"

Kishore, Jugal. „Politics of COVID-19: Political Epidemiology of and Pandemics“. Epidemiology International 05, Nr. 04 (20.11.2020): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.24321/2455.7048.202025.

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Krpec, Oldřich, und Vladan Hodulák. „Political Economy of Trade Policy - Institutions, Regulation, Social and Political Context“. Politická ekonomie 60, Nr. 1 (01.02.2012): 20–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.polek.830.

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Malinova, Olga, und Juliet Johnson. „Символическая политика как предмет political science и russian studies: исследования политического использования прошлого в постстветской России“. Political Science (RU), Nr. 2 (2020): 15–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.02.01.

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Lagerspetz, Eerik. „Is Political Theory Politically Interesting?“ Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 6, Nr. 1 (01.01.2002): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.6.1.1.

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Ghosh, Peter. „Political Thought that Mattered Politically“. History of European Ideas 38, Nr. 2 (28.05.2012): 315–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01916599.2011.646635.

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Iovan, Martian. „The Political Culture; Politicial Socialization and Acculturation“. Journal of Legal Studies 16, Nr. 29 (01.06.2015): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jles-2015-0004.

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Abstract In this article, the author, after having comparatively analyzed senses and significations of the concept of politic culture, as stated by several renowned authors in the world of science, proceeds to a differentiation of general political culture from those political cultures that are integrated into the lives of contemporary political agents (subcultures, political countercultures, marginal cultures, political cultures of public policy makers etc.) which coexist on the territory of a state. Using praxeological and systemic approaches, the author discusses the place and role of contemporary ideologies in their quality as a directional and dynamogenic factor in political practices, as well as political socialization and acculturation as methods of reproducing and developing political culture in accordance with the necessities imposed by the global development of society and by its subsystems. The formation of a solid political culture, through education and communication in general, both at individual and at social level, conditions the maturation of democracy, and the launching of public policies likely to solve individual and community issues.

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Marques, Joan F. „How Politically Correct Is Political Correctness?“ Business & Society 48, Nr. 2 (08.05.2009): 257–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650307307155.

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Brown, Chris. „Thinking politically: Essays in political theory“. Contemporary Political Theory 8, Nr. 2 (Mai 2009): 240–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cpt.2008.53.

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Ha, Sangbok. „Political Modernity and the Sacred-A Preliminary Study for a New Understanding of Modern Politics-“. Journal of Humanities and Social sciences 21 9, Nr. 4 (30.08.2018): 843–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22143/hss21.9.4.59.

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Lammers, Joris, Alex Koch, Paul Conway und Mark J. Brandt. „The Political Domain Appears Simpler to the Politically Extreme Than to Political Moderates“. Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, Nr. 6 (22.11.2016): 612–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616678456.

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How does political preference affect categorization in the political domain? Eight studies demonstrate that people on both ends of the political spectrum—strong Republicans and strong Democrats—form simpler and more clustered categories of political stimuli than do moderates and neutrals. This pattern was obtained regardless of whether stimuli were politicians (Study 1), social groups (Study 2), or newspapers (Study 3). Furthermore, both strong Republicans and strong Democrats were more likely to make inferences about the world based on their clustered categorization. This was found for estimating the likelihood that geographical location determines voting (Study 4), that political preference determines personal taste (Study 5), and that social relationships determine political preference (Study 6). The effect is amplified if political ideology is salient (Study 7) and remains after controlling for differences in political sophistication (Study 8). The political domain appears simpler to the politically extreme than to political moderates.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "And political"

Cristancho, Mantilla Camilo. „Political disagreement in contentious politics“. Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/283430.

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El desacuerdo es un componente central de la política en cuanto se extiende y persiste a través de todas las posturas ideológicas y los asuntos de política pública. Desafiar puntos de vista opuestos y defender posturas personales, tanto en contextos electorales como en la política contenciosa, determina en gran medida la forma en que experimentamos la política diariamente. En consecuencia, la aceptación del desacuerdo es un requisito fundamental para un aspecto normativo de cómo se concibe la democracia: la toma de decisiones que considera posiciones contrapuestas. Esta tesis se centra en una dimensión actitudinal del desacuerdo político que involucra procesos cognitivos que pueden ayudar a entender mejor a los demás y a reconocer activamente las diferencias: la toma de perspectiva. Esta tesis aborda la investigación previa sobre el desacuerdo político considerando la toma de perspectiva como un tema relevante de estudio, y de esta manera contrapone actitudes generales tales como la tolerancia y la empatía, con objetos de actitud específicos, tales como posiciones contrarias y adversarios políticos. Esta tesis propone principalmente estudiar las consecuencias potenciales del desacuerdo en circunstancias particulares y explorar las percepciones de atribución culpa en asuntos que dividen la opinión pública. El diseño de investigación se basa en el contexto de la protesta política con el fin de aprovechar los casos en los que la opinión pública está claramente dividida y donde el desacuerdo entre las posiciones es evidente. Esta tesis se compone de tres artículos. El primer artículo se centra en issue publics y sus interacciones con las organizaciones mediante el análisis del entorno informacional de asuntos específicos. Más concretamente, se evalúa la exposición de las personas al desacuerdo político en la movilización a la protesta investigando el rol de las organizaciones en la vinculación de posiciones opuestas. Se encuentra una relación positiva entre la exposición al desacuerdo y la toma de perspectiva en el contexto de la movilización en los casos de las manifestaciones por la independencia catalana y el aborto en España. El segundo artículo proporciona una medición única de la toma de perspectiva basada en una mención directa de los adversarios políticos con el fin de estudiar en qué grado se relacionan la disposición a tomar la perspectiva de los adversarios con las motivaciones para protestar y para participar en un referéndum sobre la independencia catalana. El estudio se basa en datos de una encuesta transversal en Cataluña con el fin de confirmar el potencial efecto desmovilizador de la exposición al desacuerdo político. En contraste con estudios anteriores de comportamiento electoral, el efecto potencial en este estudio depende del estatus del grupo. En particular, aunque los defensores del status quo están menos dispuestos a manifestarse o a participar en el referendo, los retadores no tienen una menor disposición cuando consideran puntos de vista opuestos al suyo. Este efecto es mediado por la identidad de grupo, lo cual confirma la importancia del contexto particular en la hipótesis de presiones cruzadas. El tercer artículo investiga el desacuerdo político mediante la identificación de los factores individuales, organizacionales y contextuales que explican las diferencias entre las atribuciones de culpa en asuntos de posición. Los datos de encuestas a manifestantes que participaron en eventos de protesta a gran escala en ocho ciudades europeas entre 2009 y 2011 revelan diferencias entre las percepciones con respecto a los adversarios políticos, en la percepción de los manifestantes sobre el desacuerdo, y sobre la manera en que estas percepciones varían de acuerdo con el asunto, con los diferentes niveles de vinculación con las organizaciones, y de acuerdo con cada contexto. La tesis avanza la investigación sobre los componentes actitudinales de la exposición, las posibles consecuencias sobre el comportamiento y las percepciones del desacuerdo político. Centrarse en las actitudes hacia el desacuerdo y hacia los adversarios políticos en el contexto de la protesta en asuntos altamente divisivos ofrece una nueva perspectiva para las preguntas centrales de la literatura sobre el desacuerdo político. Las conclusiones de la tesis también pueden ampliar nuestra comprensión de la política contenciosa y del desacuerdo cotidiano, la cual no es evidente al estudiar las dinámicas electorales. Las conclusiones sobre el rol de las organizaciones políticas también plantean implicaciones prácticas a la luz de su papel de significación del conflicto político y de mediación entre adversarios políticos. Establecer el potencial de influencia estos roles sobre las actitudes individuales es relevante no sólo para la investigación académica, sino que también puede guiar políticas que busquen promover el civismo.
Disagreement is a central component of politics, for it extends and persists across all ideological stances and all issues of policy. Challenging opposing views and defending personal perspectives, both in electoral contexts and in contentious politics, greatly determine how we experience politics daily. Consequently, negotiating disagreement is an underlying requisite for a normative aspect of how we tend to conceive democracy: considerate decision-making. This dissertation focuses on an attitudinal dimension of disagreement that involves cognitive processes that, in turn, can help people to better understand others and actively acknowledge differences: perspective taking. This dissertation addresses previous research on political disagreement by considering perspective taking as a relevant subject of study and, in doing so, shifting from general attitudes, such as tolerance and empathy, to particular attitude objects, such as opposing stances and political adversaries. This dissertation chiefly proposes to address potential attitudinal and behavioral consequences of disagreement in particular circumstances and to explore perceptions of blame attribution in highly divisive issues. Its design is grounded in the context of protest politics in order to leverage cases in which both public opinion is clearly divided and disagreement between positions is highly evident. This dissertation is composed of three papers. Paper 1 focuses on issue publics in their actual interactions with organizations by analyzing the informational environment of their specific issues. More specifically, it assesses individuals’ exposure to political disagreement in protest mobilization by questioning the role of organizations in linking opposing stances in such mobilization. As a result, it finds positive relationships between exposure to disagreement and perspective taking in the context of such mobilization, particularly in cases of demonstrations for Catalan independence and abortion in Spain. Paper 2 provides a unique measure of perspective taking built on direct mentions to political adversaries in order to gauge the extent to which mentioning adversaries relates to individuals’ motivations to demonstrate and turnout for a referendum on Catalan independence. The study draws upon data from a cross-sectional survey in Catalonia in order to confirm a demobilizing effect of exposure to political disagreement. In contrast to previous studies of voting behavior, the potential effect in this study depends upon group status. In particular, though defenders of the status quo become less resolved to demonstrate or to turn out, challengers do not when considering opposing viewpoints. This effect is mediated by group identity, which confirms the importance of the issue context in the cross-pressures hypothesis. Paper 3 investigates political disagreement by identifying individual, organizational, and contextual factors that explain differences between blame attributions in position issues. Data from protest surveys of demonstrators who participated in large-scale events in eight European cities between 2009 and 2011 reveal differences among perceptions regarding political adversaries, how demonstrators perceive disagreement, and how these perceptions vary among issues, organizational involvement, and contexts. As a result, the dissertation as a whole advances the research of attitudinal components of exposure, potential behavioral consequences, and perceptions of disagreement. Focusing on attitudes toward disagreement or political adversaries in the context of protest politics and highly divisive issues provides new insight into core questions of the literature addressing political disagreement. The dissertation’s findings can also broaden our understanding of contentious politics and everyday disagreement that might not be captured by electoral dynamics. The findings regarding the role of politically motivated organizations also pose practical implications in light of their roles in providing meaning to political conflict and mediating political adversaries. Establishing the potential influence of these roles on individual attitudes is relevant not only for academic research; it can also guide policy in order to promote civility.

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Cohen, Joshua. „Money, Politics, and Political Equality“. MIT Press, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/5446.

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Crago, Tom. „The politics of political mistakes /“. Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arc8848.pdf.

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Steward, Aaron L. „Political warfare and contentious politics“. Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45947.

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This thesis examines if increased Department of Defense (DOD) involvement in political warfare (PW) is justified through a qualitative, comparative analysis of U.S. PW actions conducted by the Department of State, Central Intelligence Agency, and DOD in two Cold War cases: Italy from 1943–1948 and Chile from 1961–1973. Concepts of strategy and social movement models of Doug McAdam, Charles Tilly, and Sidney Tarrow are applied to historical PW actions, both overt and covert. The case-study analysis clarifies each agency’s conduct of PW and develops analytical tools to classify PW actions by approach and impact within the political setting. Data was collected from archives, declassified government documents, and expert analyses. Results indicate that, compared to other U.S. agencies, the DOD had a limited direct role in PW in the cases studied, but was an important enabler. In applying models of social movement theory to historical analysis, this thesis identifies and develops the contentious politics mobilization model’s potential use in planning and evaluating PW strategies.

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Marchart, Oliver. „Politics and the political : an inquiry into post-foundational political thought“. Thesis, University of Essex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.272571.

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Sir, Aslan Yavuz. „Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan“. Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.

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The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.

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Childs, Sarah. „Women's political representation in contemporary British politics“. Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.

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The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.

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Esposito, Thomas G. „Political integration of Hezbollah into Lebanese politics“. Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501151.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Hafez, Mohammed ; Boylouny, Anne Marie. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, political integration, social movement theory, Lebanese Shia, Shiite Muslims, Imam Sayyid Musa Al-Sadr, PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization), radicalization, Arab-Israeli War, Al Nakba, Six Day War, IDF (Israeli Defense Forces), Cairo Agreement, Islamic fundamentalism, social movement theory. Author(s) subject terms: Hezbollah, Hizbullah, Lebanon, Political Integration, Social Movement Theory. Includes bibliographical references (p. 55-61). Also available in print.

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Loudes, C. M. H. „Increasing women's political representation : law into politics“. Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.

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Baderin, Alice. „Political theory, public opinion and real politics“. Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7fa3ccbe-1a70-4d6f-95ce-54146da83af1.

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If we are interested in questions about how we ought to organize our political lives, what kind of weight, if any, should we give to evidence about what people actually think? The thesis explores this question about the role of public opinion in normative political theory. First, I disentangle a number of distinct justifications for taking account of public opinion. Specifically, the thesis evaluates four views of the status of public opinion: as an epistemic resource; a feasibility constraint; a means of democratizing political theory; or constitutive of moral and political ideals. I defend the epistemic argument, outlining two forms in which popular attitudes represent a valuable epistemic resource. The thesis criticizes the feasibility and democratic accounts of the role of public opinion as these are presented in the existing literature, but suggests more convincing ways of reconstructing these arguments. Finally, I reject the view that public opinion constitutes the ideal of justice, arguing that such an account is subject to a fundamental tension. As well as clarifying the status of popular attitudes, the thesis addresses the methodological difficulties that arise when we seek to bring public opinion to bear on ideas from political theory, whose meaning and status in everyday political thought and discourse is often limited or uncertain. I outline two approaches to integrating normative theory with the investigation of popular attitudes that mitigate the methodological problems that often confront such projects. The second major aim is to situate the question of the role of public opinion in the context of wider debates about the aims and methods of contemporary political theory. In particular, I address recent demands for greater ‘realism’ in political theory, distinguishing two main strands of realist critique and drawing out their contrasting implications for the role of public opinion.

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Bücher zum Thema "And political"

Walzer, Michael. Thinking politically: Essays in political theory. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007.

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Stanley, Hoffmann, Hrsg. Political thought and political thinkers. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.

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Mshvenieradze, V. V. Political reality and political consciousness. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1985.

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Perry, Peter John. Political corruption and political geography. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1996.

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Meydani, Assaf. Political Transformations and Political Entrepreneurs. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230103979.

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Perry, Peter John. Political corruption and political geography. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 1997.

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Perry, Stephen. Political authority and political obligation. [Toronto]: Faculty of Law, University of Toronto, 2007.

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Comparative politics: Political economy, political culture, and political interdependence. Itasca, Ill: F.E. Peacock Publishers, 1997.

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Palmer, Monte. Comparative politics: Political economy, political culture, and political interdependence. 2. Aufl. Itasca, Ill: F.E. Peacock Publishers, 2001.

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Palmer, Monte. Comparative politics: Political economy, political culture, and political interdependence. 3. Aufl. Belmont, CA: Thomson Higher Education, 2006.

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Buchteile zum Thema "And political"

Greetham, Bryan. „Politics: Political Theories“. In Philosophy, 384–401. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-72563-2_27.

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Giurlando, Philip. „Political Betrayal, Political Agency, and International Politics“. In Identity in a Changing World, 559–74. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38270-4_24.

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Christoffersen, Henrik, Michelle Beyeler, Reiner Eichenberger, Peter Nannestad und Martin Paldam. „Political Institutions and Politics“. In The Good Society, 139–65. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-37238-4_6.

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Ekstrand, Thomas. „Political Theology, Theological Politics“. In Encyclopedia of Sciences and Religions, 1782–85. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-8265-8_1190.

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Newey, Glen. „Political Philosophy and Politics“. In After Politics, 15–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977873_2.

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Yi-chong, Xu, und Patrick Weller. „Governance: Political, not Politics“. In Inside the World Bank, 175–92. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230100084_8.

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Drake, Helen. „Politics and Political Culture“. In Contemporary France, 64–92. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36688-6_4.

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Kloss, Günther. „Political System and Politics“. In West Germany, 12–73. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-20663-6_2.

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McCabe, Darren. „Making Organisational Politics Political“. In Changing Change Management, 152–73. New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. | Series: Routledge studies in organizational change & development ; 22: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429029981-9.

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Norris, Pippa. „Political Communications and Democratic Politics“. In Political Communications Transformed, 163–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333977286_10.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "And political"

Jain, Suchita, Vanya Sharma und Rishabh Kaushal. „PoliticAlly: Finding political friends on twitter“. In 2015 IEEE International Conference on Advanced Networks and Telecommuncations Systems (ANTS). IEEE, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ants.2015.7413659.

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Zuborova, Viera. „BUZZWORDS ON LOCAL POLICY? POLITICAL COMMUNICATION AND POLITICAL DISCOURSES OF NATIONAL POLITICS.“ In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.004.

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Sihidi, Iradhad, Laeli Khanifah und Achmad Romadhan. „The Politics of Gender in Indonesia’s Political Parties“. In Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Sustainable Innovation 2019 – Humanity, Education and Social Sciences (IcoSIHESS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosihess-19.2019.62.

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Damanik, Ahmad Taufan. „General Election: Between Money Politics and Political Identity“. In 1st International Conference on Social and Political Development (ICOSOP 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosop-16.2017.60.

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Chaerowati, Dede Lilis, Nova Yuliati und Mochamad Rochim. „Empowering Women in Politics through Women's Political Organization“. In Proceedings of the Social and Humaniora Research Symposium (SoRes 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sores-18.2019.46.

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Kutlu, Asuman. „THE INTERNET AND POLITICS: TRANSFORMATION OF POLITICAL COMMUNICATION“. In International Conference on Research in Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/icrhs.2018.12.04.

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Han-fei, Xue, Ye Guang-yu und Lan Hai-lin. „Political Resources, Political Strategies and Dynamic Capabilities: Roles of Political Strategies and Political Resources in Dynamic Capabilities“. In 2007 International Conference on Management Science and Engineering. IEEE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmse.2007.4421949.

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Susiatiningsih, Hermini. „Political Ethics Versus Political Pragmatism: Political Voting Behaviour in Semarang Local Election“. In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.76.

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Adami, Nojan, und Mark Mueckenheim. „Political Bazaar“. In 107th ACSA Annual Meeting. ACSA Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.107.15.

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Doris-Down, Abraham, Husayn Versee und Eric Gilbert. „Political blend“. In the 6th International Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2482991.2483002.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "And political"

Caselli, Francesco, und Andrea Tesei. Resource Windfalls, Political Regimes, and Political Stability. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, November 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17601.

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Mulligan, Casey, und Kevin Tsui. Political Competitiveness. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Oktober 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w12653.

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Dal Bó, Ernesto, Pedro Dal Bó und Jason Snyder. Political Dynasties. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Mai 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w13122.

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Edwards, Sebastian, und Guido Tabellini. Political Instability, Political Weakness and Inflation: An Empirical Analysis. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Mai 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w3721.

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Shreve, Johanna. Anti-LGB Hate Crimes: Political Threat or Political Legitimization? Portland State University Library, Januar 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.6349.

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Anwar, Shamena, Patrick Bayer und Randi Hjalmarsson. Politics in the Courtroom: Political Ideology and Jury Decision Making. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Mai 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w21145.

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Anderson, James, und Maurizio Zanardi. Political Pressure Deflection. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, April 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w10439.

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Aghion, Philippe, Alberto Alesina und Francesco Trebbi. Endogenous Political Institutions. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Juni 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w9006.

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Anderson, James, und Thomas Prusa. Political Market Structure. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Juli 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8371.

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Bekaert, Geert, Campbell Harvey, Christian Lundblad und Stephan Siegel. Political Risk Spreads. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, Januar 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w19786.

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