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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-, in literature"

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Kędziora, Ewa. „Archaeology of the present. Israeli art after the Al-Aqsa Intifada“. Ikonotheka, Nr. 30 (28.05.2021): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2657-6015ik.30.9.

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The Al-Aqsa Intifada was the second Palestinian uprising that took place in 2000–2005. The dramatic record of the Intifada expressing itself in waves of recurring terror attacks and the construction of the separation wall on the border between Israel and Palestine overturned the Israeli-Palestinian relationship and triggered international public opinion. The article aims to determine how those events influenced the art scene. The study performs an overview of activities and artistic phenomena which occurred from 2000 through 2015 and problematized the events of the Second Intifada in various ways. The author focuses on individual works of art by both Israeli and international artists as well as art events and exhibitions of the leading kind. The analysis shows the extensive impacts of the Intifada on the artistic environment of that time and leads the author to the conclusion of the Intifada’s prevailing role in shaping politically engaged Israeli art at the beginning of 21 century. The dramatic events came up in creating a new aesthetic of the conflict, resulted in expanding a cultural boycott of Israel as well as challenged the position of politically engaged artists of Israel.
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Qaraya, Bashir Abul. „Al-Aqsa Mosque and The Third Palestinian Intifada“. GATR Global Journal of Business and Social Science Review (GJBSSR) Vol.5(3) Jul-Sep 2017 5, Nr. 3 (14.06.2017): 14–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.35609/gjbssr.2017.5.3(15).

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Objective - This paper highlights the threats that Al-Aqsa Mosque is exposed from the Zionist entity. It seeks to recognize the gradual Judaizing attempts that are being implemented on the factual level. In more comprehensive frameworks, the paper also addresses the Judaizing of Jerusalem science occupying the sacred city in 1967. There is no doubt that these Zionist practices have led to igniting a third Intifada. This paper examines the evolution of active power's map and their interactions, which includes: The Israeli occupation authority, Jewish religious groups, the Palestinian Authority, the Palestinian militant factions, Fatah and Hamas, The Palestinian people, the Arab regimes, and the Arab peoples. The paper is interested in analysing the Palestinian political differences and the evolution of political situations in the Arab region. The paper also addresses the impact of the Arab situations on the Israeli political behaviour and the extent to which the region is passing through an appropriate opportunity toward more Zionist violations and accelerating the Judaizing of the Holy City, which include the Islamic sanctities and the Palestinian suburbs of Jerusalem, the native people of the city. The paper also covers the developments and the new phenomena in particular, and at the forefront the rise of Palestinian Intifada's phenomenon which called: the third Intifada. Methodology/Technique - The study reviews previous literature. Findings - The paper concludes at the end of the analysis to provide a vision for the future of contemplative Al-Aqsa mosque, runs from two visions; one is pessimistic and the other is optimistic. Every approach has its private determinants, on the safe level in particular, which related to the Palestinian, Arab and Islamic reality. Novelty - Accordingly, this paper will analyse four topics: Judaizing of Jerusalem, threats of Judaizing Al-Aqsa Mosque, the rise of the Intifada's phenomenon, and the future of Al-Aqsa Mosque. Type of Paper: Review Keywords: Mosque; Aqsa Mosque; Jerusalem; Arab Israeli Conflict; Judaize; Intifada; Theoretical Models; Islamic Political Thought; Political Theory; Political Science. JEL Classification: F51, F53.
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Brunner, José, und Galia Plotkin Amrami. „Emotionalising the Israeli–Palestinian conflict: on the civil society engagements of Israeli mental health professionals in response to the Palestinian uprisings“. Emotions and Society 3, Nr. 1 (01.05.2021): 115–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/263169021x16148605412750.

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This article explores how Israeli mental health practitioners emotionalised the Israeli–Palestinian conflict by intervening in the public sphere. Based on a close reading of texts produced by two Israeli civil society associations of psy-professionals – Imut and Natal – we analyse and compare two languages of emotion that they developed in response to two Palestinian uprisings, the First Intifada of 1987–93 and the Al Aqsa Intifada of 2000–05. This allows us to point to differences and similarities in the ways these two associations articulated, conceptualised and represented emotions that they attributed to the Israeli-Jewish collective. Imut voiced a critical and openly political response to the outbreak of the First Intifada, while Natal adopted an ostensibly apolitical position that affirmed mainstream Israeli politics in response to the Al Aqsa Intifada. Though they differed in their politics, both Imut and Natal emotionalised the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in a dual fashion. They depicted emotions as forces (a) whose dynamics have to be understood in order to grapple with the conflict, and (b) whose detrimental effects have to be controlled through proper management. Thus, both associations portrayed emotions as an instrument for understanding the political situation and as a powerful tool to achieve social and political aims. Though both Imut and Natal emotionalised the conflict in their civil society interventions, neither of them depoliticised it. Rather, they transposed the psychological from the individual to the social level, thus embedding it in a dialectic in which the politicisation of the psychological leads to a non-reductionist emotionalisation of the political.
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Slomanson, William. „Waldman v. Palestine Liberation Organization (U.S. Ct. App. Second Circuit)“. International Legal Materials 57, Nr. 3 (Juni 2018): 490–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2018.24.

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The 2000–2005 al Aqsa Intifada spawned a horrific wave of violence in and near Jerusalem. Numerous individuals and entities were sued in U.S. courts, by both foreign and American victims, relying on a variety of liability theories and statutes. The seminal Anti-Terrorism Act (ATA) case was filed in 2007 in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York as Sokolow v. Palestine Liberation Organization. It also named the Palestinian Authority (PA) and individuals including Yasser Arafat.
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Reichmuth, Stefan. „The Second Intifada and the "Day of Wrath": Safar al-Hawālī and his anti-Semitic reading of Biblical Prophecy“. Die Welt des Islams 46, Nr. 3 (2006): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006006778942026.

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AbstractFew months after the outbreak of the al-Aqsa Intifada, Safar al-Hawālī, one of the most prominent and controversial Islamic scholars of Saudi Arabia, published his book Yawm al-gadab, "The Day of Wrath", which has enjoyed a wide readership both for its Arabic and English versions in the internet. Engaging with the current wave of Christian and Jewish apocalyptical literature, he challenges the widespread view that the biblical prophecies predict the final victory of the Israel over its neighbours. The book claims that, quite to the contrary, they can be read as indications of the violent end of that state and its allies. The article analyses Safar al-Hawālī's unusually close reading of the Bible which even transfers the biblical promises of return to the Palestinians. His fierce accusations against Israel and the U.S.A., which are orchestrated with extensive quotes from the biblical Prophets, testify to a new stage of the sacralisation of political language in the Middle East.
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Schulze, Kirsten E. „Camp David and the Al-Aqsa Intifada: An Assessment of the State of the Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, July-December 2000“. Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 24, Nr. 3 (Mai 2001): 215–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100151130298.

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Salenson, Irene. „Jerusalem and the border, evolutive aspects“. Estudios Fronterizos 6, Nr. 11 (01.01.2005): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21670/ref.2005.11.a02.

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What meaning does the term border take on referring to a city? The city of Jerusalem is an interesting case study because with it the whole polysemy of the word border shows up, on every geographical scale. Since the start of the Al- Aqsa Intifada in 2000, support for the idea of a physical barrier between Israel and the Palestinian territories has grown tremendously among Israelis. On Jerusalem´s external boundary, this barrier takes the form of an eight-metershigh- wall. The Israeli government does not admit that the barrier’s sole purpose was the prevention of terrorist incursions. A policy of ethnic separation was clearly intended, the argument being that co-existence between Israelis and Palestinians had been a failure. How did the Holy city reach this pessimistic point, considering that the idea of an international city was proposed twice in the first half of the twentieth century, when its inhabitants had already suffered a separation between 1948 and 1967, and when a peace process had been initiated in 1994? Will this barrier become the new border between Israel and Palestine, between West and East Jerusalem? Keywords: Jerusalem, frontier, separation fence, municipal territory, international city.
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Hudson, Dale. „Remaining Palestinian“. Afterimage 51, Nr. 1 (01.03.2024): 70–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aft.2024.51.1.70.

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Palestinian filmmakers are largely dependent on foreign funding for production and on foreign festivals for publicity. Making a Palestinian film can seem as “impossible” as remaining Palestinian amid fragmenting effects of occupation/war and peace accords. Against such pressures, Palestinian filmmaker Annemarie Jacir tells stories with protagonists, who, for foreign funders, can seem like “unruly subjects” for remaining Palestinian. As a consequence, her films themselves can seem like “unruly subjects” to industry film critics. Her films like twenty impossibles (ka’inana ashrun mustaheel, 2003), Salt of This Sea (Milh Hadha al-Bahr, 2008), When I Saw You (Lamma Shoftak, 2012), and Wajib (2017) tell stories about Palestinians debating each other (rather than Israelis via US negotiators) during key moments in Palestinian history, including the Nakba (1948), the Naksa (1967), the Oslo Accords (1993), and Al-Aqsa or second Intifada (2000–05). Jacir’s protagonists refuse the limiting choices on offer. They demand to be recognized as Palestinian, as does Jacir as a Palestinian filmmaker against the efforts of Western industry critics, festivals, and funders to label her as an “Arab woman filmmaker,” often carrying colonial assumptions of “oppressed” or “exceptional” women throughout Southwest Asia (“the Middle East”). Her films do more than offer a glimpse of everyday life to “humanize” Palestinians; they are “unruly subjects” that unsettle assumptions to reframe the debates.
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Abdeen, Ziad, P. Gregg Greenough, Aruna Chandran und Radwan Qasrawi. „Assessment of the Nutritional Status of Preschool-Age Children during the Second Intifada in Palestine“. Food and Nutrition Bulletin 28, Nr. 3 (September 2007): 274–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/156482650702800303.

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Background The Palestinian economy has dramatically deteriorated at all levels since the Al-Aqsa Intifada (uprising) began in 2000, resulting in an unprecedented catastrophe to the livelihoods of the Palestinians residing in the West Bank and Gaza. It was also marked by lack of household physical and financial access to food and health care, which placed children at increased risk of malnutrition and poor health. This prompted a significant increase in food aid from 2002 until the summer of 2003. Objectives To assess the nutritional status of children 6 to 59 months of age after 1 year of food assistance. Methods In the West Bank and Gaza, a nationally representative sample of children 6 to 59 months of age was randomly selected with a validated multistage clustered design, with the Health Survey 1999 sample used as the sampling frame. The sample was stratified according to governorate, place of residence (urban, nonurban, or refugee camp), locality, and size of locality (number of households). A cross-sectional survey of nutritional status was carried out. Data were collected by interviews with the primary caregivers of the children. Measurements were made of children's weight and height or length. Food-intake data were collected by the 24-hour food-recall method with the use of a booklet of photographs of foods commonly eaten in Palestine. Results A total of 3,089 children were assessed, of whom 3.1% in the West Bank and 3.9% in the Gaza Strip were suffering from acute malnutrition; the prevalence of chronic malnutrition was 9.2% in the West Bank and 12.7% in the Gaza Strip ( p = .02). Sex, refugee status, locality, and maternal education were not significantly associated with acute malnutrition by logistic regression analysis, whereas infants 6 to 23 months of age were significantly at risk. Calorie and protein intakes were generally lower than recommended dietary allowances. Conclusions The prevalence rates of both acute and chronic malnutrition among children in the West Bank and Gaza are significantly higher than the national Palestinian averages. There is a need to establish nutritional surveillance systems to monitor the nutritional status of children in conflict areas.
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Abu Eid, Abdullah. „The Legal Status of Al-Aqsa Uprising“. An-Najah University Journal for Research - B (Humanities), Juni 2004, 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35552/0247-019-001-003.

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This research aims at showing the legal rules which govern the legal status of the Occupied Territories: the West Bank, Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. It also deals with the legal status of the civilian Palestinian Population and,. consequently, the legal status of their “intifada” of September 28, 2000. Furthermore, it deals with the right of these populations to self-defense by their uprising. It describes the legal rules and constrains on such struggle. Finally, it shows the legal effect of the Oslo Agreement of September 13, 1993 on the said legal status. يعالج هذا البحث القواعد القانونية التي تحكم الوضع القانوني للضفة الغربية وقطاع غزة والقدس الشرقية، وللسكان الفلسطينيين في هذه المناطق، كما يبين بالتالي الوضع القانوني للانتفاضة المسماة انتفاضة الأقصى التي اندلعت في 28 ايلول 2000. كما يناقش البحث حق المواطنين الفلسطينيين الخاضعين للاحتلال الإسرائيلي في الدفاع عن أنفسهم وأموالهم من خلال انتفاضة الأقصى، ويبين الضوابط القانونية لأي كفاح ضد المحتلين وحدود هذا الحق، ويبين أيضا الفارق بين الإرهاب وحركات التحرر الوطني. وفي الختام يبين البحث آثار اتفاقية اوسلو المعقودة في واشنطن في 13/9/1993، وملاحقها وتوابعها على الأوضاع القانونية المشار إليها أعلاه.
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Dissertationen zum Thema "Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-, in literature"

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Rohne, Holger-Christoph. „Opferperspektiven im interkulturellen Vergleich : eine viktimologische Studie im Kontext der Al-Aqsa-Intifada /“. Hamburg : Kovač, 2007. http://www.verlagdrkovac.de/978-3-8300-3554-1.htm.

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Tencer, Claude. „Le conflit israelo-palestinien, camp David - l'intifada Al Aqsa (2000 - 2005) : une vision du conflit sous le prisme des médias“. Paris 8, 2009. http://octaviana.fr/document/152698159#?c=0&m=0&s=0&cv=0.

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Cette étude analyse des séquences qui opposent Israéliens et Palestiniens dans leurs divergences. Une vision qui ne saurait écarter les erreurs des uns des fautes des autres dans un concept qui singularise leur conflit. La presse qu’elle soit israélienne, arabe ou internationale édifie deux légitimités opposées qui façonne l’histoire du conflit israélo-palestinien. Chaque camp est en quête des raisons pour avoir raison. Dans cette course à l’information, lorsqu’une fausse nouvelle est émise, le mal fait ne peut jamais être réparé. La presse s’est toujours passionne��e pour les conflits au Proche-Orient. Depuis la signature des accords d’Oslo (1993) la presse à fait démonstration d’un large soutien à l’effort de paix israélo-palestinien. L’échec du sommet de Camp David en juillet 2000 et l’éclatement de l’Intifada le 29 septembre 2000, véhicule une nouvelle vision du journalisme en « temps réel » favorisant des images chocs et spectaculaires, négligeant quelques fois la vérification de leurs véracité. Dans cette course à l’information, la presse commet quelques imprudences et propage des fausses informations
This dissertation analyzes events opposing Israelis and Palestinians in their conflict, in the eyes of the media. It provides a view that would not part the errors of the former from the mistakes of the latter, in a concept, which would set their conflict apart. The media, whether Israeli, Arab or international, creates two opposing legitimacies which shape the history of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Each camp claims the right to be right. In this race for information, when false information is issued, the evil done can never be undone. The press has always shown a passionate interest in the conflicts of the Middle-East. Since the signature of the Oslo agreement (1993), the press has demonstrated strong support for the effort to attain an Israeli-Palestinian peace. The failure of the Camp David Summit in July 2000 and the outbreak of the Intifada on September 29, 2000 promoted a new vision of “real-time” journalism, which favors shocking and spectacular images, very little verified. The press often acts imprudently in issuing false information
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Larzillière, Pénélope. „Lutte nationale et constructions identitaires : l'expérience des jeunes Palestiniens et Palestiniennes“. Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHES0084.

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Parce qu'il est indispensable à la mise en sens d'un quotidien répressif, le nationalisme palestinien constitue une référence centrale et obligée des constructions identitaires des jeunes Palestiniens. De fait, les constructions de sens de ces jeunes se trouvent donc présenter deux pôles : le pôle de la sphère privée et le pôle de la construction nationale. Lors de la première intifada où la lutte était associée à l'espoir de la création d'un Etat, les deux registres pouvaient s'articuler. Mais cette perspective a été profondément bouleversée au fur et à mesure de la montée du scepticisme vis-à-vis des possibilités de réussite de l'objectif national. Associé à l'échec et à la mort, à court et moyen terme, cet objectif ne peut plus s'articuler avec le temps de l'histoire de vie d'un jeune, mais il ne peut non plus être supprimé. Cette situation conduit les jeunes Palestiniens à vivre dans une tension extrême, entre leurs aspirations à se construire et leur soutien à la cause nationale
The elaboration of the entity " Palestinian youth " was marked, in the last decade, by a historical event: the first Intifada. Driving force of the uprising, the young Palestinians, on this occasion, gave birth to a specific identity, distinct from the previous generation's one. This has been expressed through the social construction of a new heroic figure, the chebab, which replaced the former fedaï. Around this figure, resting on the historical experience of the first intifada emerges then what we may call a generational group. Let us note how circulation is taking place between the social construction of a figure of youth and the construction of identity from young people themselves in a context where is created a specific space of socialisation
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Lamarche, Karine. „De l'autre côté du mur : ethnographie des engagements de militants israéliens contre l'occupation pendant la seconde Intifada (2000-2010)“. Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011EHES0075.

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Cette thèse s'intéresse aux Israéliens engagés contre l'occupation, par leur pays, des territoires palestiniens. Son cadre temporel est la seconde Intifada, et plus largement la décennie 2000-2010. Elle interroge le processus d'entrée et de maintien dans une carrière militante qui peut être appréhendée comme une carrière déviante en raison des réactions extrêmement négatives provoquées, en Israël, par la coopération entre Juifs et Palestiniens, dans un contexte de fort repli nationaliste et sécuritaire. À partir d'observations participantes menées pendant plusieurs mois au cours d'activités organisées dans les territoires occupés (manifestations, actions de désobéissance civile, actions directes non-violentes, etc. ), d'une soixantaine d'entretiens biographiques avec des Israéliens engagés et d'une quinzaine d'entretiens informatifs, cette thèse s'attache ainsi à cerner les processus se situant en amont et en aval d'un engagement pour une cause jugée antipatriotique et radicale. Elle montre comment le passage de l'autre côté est devenu, dans le contexte des années 2000, à la fois la source et le produit d'un détachement des militants israéliens vis-à-vis de leur société et de ses institutions, en particulier l'armée, et d'un rapprochement des Palestiniens
This dissertation deals with Israelis committed against the occupation of the Palestinian territories by their country during the second Intifada, and more widely, during the 2000-2010 decade. It examines the process of entering and maintaining an activist career in a strongly nationalist and security-oriented societal context, such careers being seen as deviant due to the extremely negative reactions elicited, in Israel, by cooperation between Jews and Palestinians. Working with observations made over a period of months alongside activities organized in the occupied territories (demonstrations, civil disobedience and non-violent direct actions, etc. ) and interviews with Israeli activists, this dissertation seeks to understand the process leading up to and following a commitment to a cause seen as unpatriotic and radical. It shows how crossing to the other side has become, in the context of the second Intifada, both the source and the result of the Israeli activists' detachment from their society and from its institutions, particularly the army
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Chang, Kuang-Kuo. „U.S. press coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict : an integrative theoretical model of influence of news treatment of news sources /“. 2003. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3092123.

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Bücher zum Thema "Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-, in literature"

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Qāshā, Suhayl. al- Niqqāfah wa-al-ḥajar: Shʻir. Bayrūt: Dār al-Malāk, 2001.

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Ḥumayyid, Nūr al-Dīn. Li-man tuqraʻ al-ajrās yā Quds --?!: Dirāsah ḥawla madīnat al-Quds maʻa sharḥ wa-tafsīr baʻd al-qarārāt al-duwalīyah dhāta al-shaʾn thumma al-intifāḍah. Bayrūt: Muʾassasat al-Manārah, 2004.

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Roane, Carey, Hrsg. The new Intifada: Resisting Israel's apartheid. London: Verso, 2001.

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translator, Kellner Tom, Hrsg. Merḥavim u-gevulot be-tsel ha-Intifadah: Ḳeriah etit be-sifrut ha-ʻIvrit, 1987-2007 = Borders, territories and ethics. Yerushalayim: Magnes, 2021.

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Muḥammad Iyād Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn ʻAkārī. Labayka yā Aqṣá. Bayrūt: al-Maktabah al-Islāmī, 2001.

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Ibrāhīm, Baysam Mansī. Aṭmāʻ al-Ṣihyūnīyah al-ʻālamīyah fī Filasṭīn al-ʻArabīyah. ʻAmmān: B.M. Ibrāhīm, 2003.

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ʻAlqam, Nabīl. Intifāḍat al-Aqṣá: Bayna al-ʻaql al-ʻudwānī wa-al-ʻaql al-muqāwim. Rām Allāh: Markaz Filasṭīn lil-Dirāsāt wa-al-Nashr, 2002.

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Quraʻī, Aḥmad Yūsuf. Intifāḍat al-Aqṣá: Durūs al-ʻām al-awwal : difāʻan ʻan al-ḥuqūq al-mashrūʻah lil-shaʻb al-Filasṭīnī. al-Qāhirah: Markaz al-Qāhirah li-Dirāsāt Ḥuqūq al-Insān, 2002.

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Quraʻī, Aḥmad Yūsuf. Intifāḍat al-Aqṣá: Durūs al-ʻām al-awwal : difāʻan ʻan al-ḥuqūq al-mashrūʻah lil-shaʻb al-Filasṭīnī. al-Qāhirah: Markaz al-Qāhirah li-Dirāsāt Ḥuqūq al-Insān, 2002.

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Barbīr, Fārūq. Filasṭīn: Al-Intifāḍah al-majīdah. Bayrūt: Majallat Tārīkh al-ʻArab wa-al-ʻĀlam, 2002.

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Buchteile zum Thema "Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-, in literature"

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„The Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000–“. In Israel's Wars. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/noe0415287159.ch7.

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„THE AL-AQSA INTIFADA: 2000–“. In Israel's Wars, 222–55. Routledge, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203361801-13.

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„The al-Aqsa Intifada, September 2000“. In In Pursuit of Peace in Israel and Palestine, 129–35. Vanderbilt University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv16757dk.19.

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„9. The Return of Militaristic Nationalism: The 2000–2005 Al-Aqsa Intifada“. In War over Peace, 194–218. University of California Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/9780520973053-011.

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Ben-Ami, Shlomo. „Moments of Grace on the Precipice’s Edge“. In Prophets without Honor, 115–20. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190060473.003.0018.

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Paradoxically, the dramatic improvement in Israel’s international standing, as it was reflected in the UN Millennium General Assembly of late September 2000, brought us closer to an all-out war. An Israel that was courted and hailed in international fora, while the Palestinians were being put in the dock as peace refuseniks, was a reversal of roles that Arafat could not stomach. He lost his temper and looked desperately for ways to recover the right order of things in which he, the icon of an ever immaculate national cause, stood at the center. Barak, always oscillating between believing in direct negotiations and, in moments of despair, asking for an American definitive peace offer, made his peace with Arafat and sent us to yet one more futile round of talks in Washington. We landed back in Israel right into the Al-Aqsa Intifada . . .
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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-, in literature"

1

Hurley, Matthew M. On the Fly: Israeli Airpower against the Al-Aqsa Intifada, 2000-2005. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, Juni 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada609149.

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