Thematische Bibliographien / African americans – employment – history

Auswahl der wissenschaftlichen Literatur zum Thema „African americans – employment – history“

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Veröffentlicht am 25. Juli 2024

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Zeitschriftenartikel zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Ethridge, Glacia, Angel Riddick Dowden und Michael Brooks. „The Impact of Disability and Type of Crime on Employment Outcomes of African American and Latino Offenders“. Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 48, Nr. 4 (01.12.2017): 46–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.48.4.46.

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Individuals with criminal histories who struggle to gain employment may choose to turn to illegal activity or seek state and federal program assistance to support themselves and their families. African Americans and Hispanic/Latinos with disabilities and criminal histories experience barriers (i.e., disability, criminal history, and race/ethnicity) that often prevent them from obtaining or maintaining competitive integrated employment. The purpose of this article was to examine the extant literature pertinent to disability and criminal history as employment obstacles among African American and Hispanic/Latino ex-offenders. As the foundation, the article categorizes employment outcomes for these target population by disability and criminal history, discusses how state vocational rehabilitation agencies can develop a criminal history service delivery model to improve employment outcomes, presents implications for improving employment outcomes, and explores future research.

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Sneed, Rodlescia. „The Health and Well-Being of African-American Older Adults With a History of Incarceration“. Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (01.12.2020): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.1633.

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Abstract African-Americans are overrepresented in the criminal justice system. Longer prison stays and release programs for older prisoners may result in an increased number of community-dwelling older adults with a history of incarceration. In recent years, there has been a substantial increase in research on health-related outcomes for currently incarcerated older adults; however, there has been little inquiry into outcomes for formerly incarcerated African-American older adults following community re-entry. In this study, we used secondary data from the Health and Retirement Study to describe employment, economic, and health-related outcomes in this population. Twelve percent of the 2238 African-Americans in our sample had been previously incarcerated. Those who had been previously incarcerated had higher rates of lung disease, arthritis, back problems, mobility problems, and mental health issues than their counterparts. They also had higher rates of hospitalization and lower use of dental health services. Further, while they did not experience lower employment rates than those with no criminal history, those who had been incarcerated had more physically demanding jobs and reported greater economic strain. Given the disproportionate incarceration rates among African-Americans, the aging of the prison population, and the increase in community re-entry for older prisoners, research that explores factors that impact the health and well-being of formerly incarcerated individuals has broad impact. Future work should focus on addressing the needs of this vulnerable population of African-American older adults.

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Felker-Kantor, Max. „“A Pledge Is Not Self-Enforcing”:“. Pacific Historical Review 82, Nr. 1 (November 2012): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.1.63.

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This article explores African American and Mexican American struggles for equal employment in Los Angeles after 1965. It argues that activists and workers used the mechanisms set up by Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act to attack the barriers that restricted blacks and Mexican Americans to poor job prospects. It shows that implementation of fair employment law was part of a dialectic between policymakers and regulatory officials, on one hand, and grass-roots individuals and civil rights organizations, on the other. The bureaucratic mechanisms created by Title VII shaped who would benefit from the implementation of the law. Moreover, blacks and Mexican Americans mixed ethnic power and civil rights frameworks to make the bureaucratic system more capacious and race-conscious, which challenged the intentions of the original legislation.

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Wilson, Steven H. „Brownover “Other White”: Mexican Americans' Legal Arguments and Litigation Strategy in School Desegregation Lawsuits“. Law and History Review 21, Nr. 1 (2003): 145–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3595071.

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The landmark 1954 decisionBrown v. Board of Educationhas shaped trial lawyers' approaches to litigating civil rights claims and law professors' approaches to teaching the law's powers and limitations. The court-ordered desegregation of the nation's schools, moreover, inspired subsequent lawsuits by African Americans aimed variously at ending racial distinctions in housing, employment, and voting rights. Litigation to enforce theBrowndecision and similar mandates brought slow but steady progress and inspired members of various other minorities to appropriate the rhetoric, organizing methods, and legal strategy of the African American civil rights struggle.

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Katz, Michael B., Mark J. Stern und Jamie J. Fader. „The Mexican Immigration Debate“. Social Science History 31, Nr. 2 (2007): 157–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013717.

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This article uses census microdata to address key issues in the Mexican immigration debate. First, we find striking parallels in the experiences of older and newer immigrant groups with substantial progress among second- and subsequent-generation immigrants from southern and eastern Europe and Mexican Americans. Second, we contradict a view of immigrant history that contends that early–twentieth–century immigrants from southern and eastern Europe found well–paying jobs in manufacturing that facilitated their ascent into the middle class. Both first and second generations remained predominantly working class until after World War II. Third, the erosion of the institutions that advanced earlier immigrant generations is harming the prospects of Mexican Americans. Fourth, the mobility experience of earlier immigrants and of Mexicans and Mexican Americans differed by gender, with a gender gap opening among Mexican Americans as women pioneered the path to white–collar and professional work. Fifth, public–sector and publicly funded employment has proved crucial to upward mobility, especially among women. The reliance on public employment, as contrasted to entrepreneurship, has been one factor setting the Mexican and African American experience apart from the economic history of most southern and eastern European groups as well as from the experiences of some other immigrant groups today.

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de Sánchez, Sieglinde Lim. „Crafting a Delta Chinese Community: Education and Acculturation in Twentieth-Century Southern Baptist Mission Schools“. History of Education Quarterly 43, Nr. 1 (2003): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2003.tb00115.x.

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During Reconstruction between one-fourth and one-third of the southern African-American work force emigrated to northern and southern urban areas. This phenomenon confirmed the fears of Delta cotton planters about the transition from slave to wage labor. Following a labor convention in Memphis, Tennessee, during the summer of 1869, one proposed alternative to the emerging employment crisis was to introduce Chinese immigrant labor, following the example of countries in the Caribbean and Latin America during the mid nineteenth century. Cotton plantation owners initially hoped that Chinese “coolie” workers would help replace the loss of African-American slave labor and that competition between the two groups would compel former slaves to resume their submissive status on plantations. This experiment proved an unmitigated failure. African Americans sought independence from white supervision and authority. And, Chinese immigrant workers proved to be more expensive and less dependable than African-American slave labor. More importantly, due to low wages and severe exploitation by planters, Chinese immigrants quickly lost interest in agricultural work.

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CAMPBELL, JAMES. „AFRICAN AMERICANS AND PAROLE IN DEPRESSION-ERA NEW YORK“. Historical Journal 54, Nr. 4 (07.11.2011): 1065–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x11000392.

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ABSTRACTIn the first half of the twentieth century, parole in the Deep South of the United States was part of a nexus of penal mechanisms providing white employers with a pliant black labour force. By contrast, in New York, which was at the forefront of innovations in parole policy, there was a surprising interracial consensus among white parole administrators and politicians, civil rights activists, and black prisoners themselves that the African American community was integral to parole administration and success. This article explores why different constituencies supported this consensus through debates on parole in the black press and via the desperate, and invariably futile, letters that prisoners wrote to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). These sources also indicate that, for black prisoners in New York, African American influence over the parole system was routinely constrained by widespread black poverty, racial segregation, and discrimination in employment.

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Broussard, Albert S. „Still Searching: A Black Family’s Quest for Equality and Recognition during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era“. Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 22, Nr. 1 (Januar 2023): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781422000536.

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AbstractHistorians have correctly interpreted the Gilded Age and Progressive Era as periods in which African Americans faced unpreceded violence, a significant decline in franchise, and the loss of many civil rights. These years however, were far more complex when viewed from the vantage point of African American families who attempted to empower themselves through education, securing employment in white-collar occupations, such as teaching, and working to advance themselves through race betterment groups, including women’s clubs and civil rights organizations. Yet some middle-class Black families like the Stewarts not only rejected white society’s widely held belief of Blacks as racially inferior and incapable of progress. They also embraced migration as a constructive strategy to advance their individual careers and to elevate the race. In an era when the majority of Black workers had minimal literacy and worked unskilled menial jobs, T. McCants Stewart and his children each graduated from college or professional school, worked in white-collar or professional jobs, and paved the way for the next generation. Yet each also understood that migration outside of the Jim Crow South, including to Africa, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the territory of Hawaii, held the key to their success. Thus, the Stewarts constructed a new vision of freedom and opportunity and believed that even despite the repressive conditions imposed upon Blacks during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era that there was room for growth and an opportunity to advance their careers. Migration, therefore, should be reconsidered as a viable strategy that some Black families adopted to find their place in American society.

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Bobo, Lawrence D. „Somewhere between Jim Crow & Post-Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide in America Today“. Daedalus 140, Nr. 2 (April 2011): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00091.

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In 1965, when Dædalus published two issues on “The Negro American,” civil rights in the United States had experienced a series of triumphs and setbacks. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 extended basic citizenship rights to African Americans, and there was hope for further positive change. Yet 1965 also saw violent confrontations in Selma, Alabama, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles that were fueled by racial tensions. Against this backdrop of progress and retreat, the contributors to the Dædalus volumes of the mid-1960s considered how socioeconomic factors affected the prosperity, well-being, and social standing of African Americans. Guest editor Lawrence D. Bobo suggests that today we inhabit a similarly unsettled place: situated somewhere between the overt discrimination of Jim Crow and the aspiration of full racial equality. In his introduction, Bobo paints a broad picture of the racial terrain in America today before turning the volume over to the contributors, who take up particular questions ranging from education and family support, to racial identity and politics, to employment and immigration.

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O'Brien, Lauren. „¡Venceremos! Harambee!: A Black & Puerto Rican Union?“ New Jersey Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 4, Nr. 1 (02.02.2018): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.14713/njs.v4i1.106.

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In November of 1969, 2,700 members of Newark’s African American and Puerto Rican community assembled at the Black and Puerto Rican Political Convention to mobilize and strategize a plan to gain socio-political power. Unified through their discrimination in housing, employment, and police brutality, Newark’s communities of color resolved that the election of the city’s first Black mayor would provide a solution to many of their problems. Accordingly, the election of Kenneth Gibson validated the communities’ unified efforts and symbolized one of the most successful multiracial coalitions in Newark’s history. Although a monumental milestone, not all Newarkers remembered the convention as a symbol of hope and unity amongst Newark’s marginalized. For many Puerto Ricans, Gibson’s victory was the impetus for a major rift between Puerto Ricans and African Americans. While the history of the Black and Puerto Rican coalition is quite rich, it is largely unexamined within dominant narratives about the 1967 Newark Rebellion. Therefore, the objective of this paper is to excavate the details of the Black and Puerto Rican coalition in order to weave together a more complete, multiracial narrative about the Newark Rebellion that both includes and necessitates the legacy of Puerto Ricans within the long history of Newark community activism.

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Dissertationen zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Miller, Paul T. „THE INTERPLAY OF HOUSING, EMPLOYMENT AND CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE EXPERIENCE OF SAN FRANCISCO'S AFRICAN AMERICAN COMMUNITY, 1945-1975“. Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/4654.

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African American Studies
Ph.D.;
The war industries associated with World War II brought unparalleled employment opportunities for African Americans in California's port cities. Nowhere was this more evident than in San Francisco, a city whose African American population grew by over 650% between 1940 and 1945. With this population increase also came an increase in racial discrimination directed at African Americans, primarily in the employment and housing sectors. The situation would only get worse throughout the 1950s and 1960s as manufacturing jobs moved to the East Bay where race restrictive housing policies kept African Americans from moving with them. In San Francisco, most African Americans were effectively barred from renting or buying homes in all but a few neighborhoods, neighborhoods often characterized by dilapidated structures and over-crowded conditions. Except for the well educated and lucky, employment opportunities for African Americans were open only at or near entry levels for white collar positions or in unskilled and semi-skilled blue collar positions. Despite such challenges, San Francisco's African American population nearly doubled between 1950 and 1960. This community would push hard against the doors of discrimination and find that with concerted effort they would give way. During the 1960s and 1970s, civil rights groups formed coalitions to picket and protest thereby effectively expanding job opportunities and opening the housing market for African American San Franciscans. This dissertation examines the challenges and exigencies of San Francisco's growing African American community from the end of World War II through 1975. It describes and explains obstacles and triumphs faced and achieved in areas such as housing, employment, education and civil rights. No scholarship presently available presents as detailed an examination of San Francisco's post-Industrial African American population as does this work. It is not however, meant as a comparative study among Bay Area cities but rather narrowly focused study examining San Francisco's African American population to the exclusion of other Bay Area cities with sizable African American populations such as Oakland, Berkeley or Richmond. This dissertation also adds to the body of scholarship about the intersection of race and geography as it relates to the post-Industrial African American experience.
Temple University--Theses

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Washington, Julius C. „Historic preservation, history, and the African American a discussion and framework for change /“. Thesis, Atlanta, Georgia. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 1992. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA252306.

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Thesis (Master of City Planning) Georgia Institute of Technology, March 1991.
"March 6, 1992." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 8, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 124-126). Also available in print.

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Cosby, Bruce. „Technological politics and the political history of African-Americans“. DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1995. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/AAI9543185.

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This dissertation is a critical study of technopolitical issues in the history of African American people. Langdon Winner's theory of technopolitics was used to facilitate the analysis of large scale technologies and their compatibility with various political ends. I contextualized the central technopolitical issues within the major epochs of African American political history: the Atlantic slave trade, the African artisans of antebellum America, and the American Industrial Age. Throughout this study I have sought to correct negative stereotypes and to show how "technological gauges" were employed to belittle people of African descent. This research also has shown that the mainstream notion that Africans had no part in the history of technology is false. This study identifies and analyses specific technologies that played a major role in the political affairs of Africans and African Americans. Those technologies included nautical devices, fort construction, and automatic guns in Africa, and hoes, plows, tractors, cotton gins, and the mechanical cotton pickers in America. The findings of this study suggested that African Americans have been disengaged and victimized by western technologies. This dissertation proposes how to overcome the oppressive uses of technology.

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Vaughn, Curtis L. „Freedom Is Not Enough| African Americans in Antebellum Fairfax County“. Thesis, George Mason University, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3671770.

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Prior to the Civil War, the lives of free African Americans in Fairfax County, Virginia were both ordinary and extraordinary. Using the land as the underpinning of their existence, they approached life using methods that were common to the general population around them. Fairfax was a place that was undergoing a major transition from a plantation society to a culture dominated by self-reliant people operating small farms. Free African Americans who were able to gain access to land were a part of this process allowing them to discard the mantle of dependency associated with slavery. Nevertheless, as much as ex-slaves and their progeny attempted to live in the mainstream of this rural society, they faced laws and stereotypes that the county's white population did not have to confront. African Americans' ability to overcome race-based obstacles was dependent upon using their labor for their own benefit rather than for the comfort and profit of a former master or white employer.

When free African Americans were able to have access to the labor of their entire family, they were more likely to become self-reliant, but the vestiges of the slave system often stymied independence particularly for free women. Antebellum Fairfax had many families who had both slave and free members and some families who had both white and African American members. These divisions in families more often adversely impacted free African American women who could not rely on the labor of an enslaved husband or the lasting attention of a white male. Moreover, families who remained intact were more likely to be able to care for children and dependent aging members, while free African American females who headed households often saw their progeny subjected to forced apprenticeships in order for the family to survive.

Although the land provided the economic basis for the survival of free African Americans, the county's location along the border with Maryland and the District of Columbia also played a role in the lives of the county's free African American population. Virginia and its neighbors remained slave jurisdictions until the Civil War, but each government wished to stop the expansion of slavery within its borders. Each jurisdiction legislated against movement of new slaves into their territory and attempted to limit the movement of freed slaves into their jurisdictions. Still, in a compact border region restricting such movement was difficult. African Americans used the differences of laws initially to petition for freedom. As they gained access to the court system, free African Americans expanded their use of the judiciary by bringing their grievances before the courts which sided with the African American plaintiffs with surprising regularity. Although freed slaves and their offspring had few citizenship rights, they were able to use movement across borders and the ability to gain a hearing for their grievances to achieve increasing autonomy from their white neighbors.

No one story from the archives of the Fairfax County Courthouse completely defines the experience of free African Americans prior to the Civil War, but collectively they chronicle the lives of people who were an integral part of changing Fairfax County during the period. After freedom, many African Americans left Fairfax either voluntarily or through coercion. For those who stayed, their lives were so inter-connected both socially and economically with their white neighbors that any history of the county cannot ignore their role in the evolution of Fairfax.

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Chapi, Aicha. „Towards a reading of Toni Morrison's fiction : African-American history, the arts and contemporary theory /“. Thesis, Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1995. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19671441.

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Grimm, Kevin E. „Symbol of Modernity: Ghana, African Americans, and the Eisenhower Administration“. Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1334240469.

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Kendall, Clayton Maxwell. „International Activism of African Americans in the Interwar Period“. ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2016. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/564.

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African Americans have a rich history of activism, but their involvement in affecting change during the interwar period is often overlooked in favor of post-Civil War and post-World War II coverage. African Americans also have a rich history of reaching out to the international community when it comes to that activism. This examination looks to illuminate the effect of the connections African Americans made with the rest of the world and how that shaped their worldview and their activism on the international stage. Through the use of newspapers and first-hand accounts, it becomes clear how African American figures and world incidents shaped what the African American community in the United States took interest in. In Paris, however, musicians explored a world free from Jim Crow, and the Pan-African Congresses created and encouraged a sense of unity among members of the black race around the globe. When violence threatened Ethiopians through the form of an Italian invasion, African Americans chose to speak out, and when they saw the chance at revenge against fascists they joined the Spanish Republic in their fight against Francisco Franco. In the interwar period African Americans took to heart the idea of black unity and chose to act in the interest of the black race on the international stage. Their ideas and beliefs changed over the course of the two decades between the World Wars, eventually turning thoughts into actions and lashing out against any injustice that befell any member of the black race.

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Pinkham, Caitlin E. „The integration of African Americans in the Civilian Conservation Corps in Massachusetts“. Thesis, University of Massachusetts Boston, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10010722.

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The Civilian Conservation Corps employed young white and black men between the ages of eighteen and twenty-five. In 1935 Robert Fechner, the Director of the Civilian Conservation Corps, ordered the segregation of Corps camps across the country. Massachusetts’ camps remained integrated due in large part to low funding and a small African American population. The experiences of Massachusetts’ African American population present a new general narrative of the Civilian Conservation Corps. The Federal government imposed a three percent African American quota, ensuring that African Americans participated in Massachusetts as the Civilian Conservation Corps expanded. This quota represents a Federal acknowledgement of the racism African Americans faced and an attempt to implement affirmative action against these hardships.

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Maris-Wolf, Edward Downing. „Between Slavery and Freedom: African Americans in the Great Dismal Swamp 1763-1863“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626358.

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Hoak, Michael Shane. „The Men in Green: African Americans and the Civilian Conservation Corps, 1933-1942“. W&M ScholarWorks, 2002. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626375.

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Bücher zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Foner, Philip Sheldon. Organized labor and the black worker, 1619-1981. Chicago, Illinois: Haymarket Books, 2017.

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To 'joy my freedom: Southern Black women's lives and labors after the Civil War. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1997.

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Jones, Jacqueline. Labor of love, labor of sorrow: Black women, work and the family, from slavery to the present. New York, NY: Basic Books, 2009.

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Out of the crucible: Black steelworkers in western Pennsylvania, 1875-1980. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986.

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G, Nieman Donald, Hrsg. African Americans and non-agricultural labor in the South, 1865-1900. New York: Garland Pub., 1994.

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Johnson, Whittington Bernard. The promising years, 1750-1830: The emergence of Black labor and business. New York: Garland Pub., 1993.

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Trotter, Joe William. Black Milwaukee: The making of an industrial proletariat, 1915-45. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1985.

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Trotter, Joe William. Black Milwaukee: The making of an industrial proletariat, 1915-45. 2. Aufl. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007.

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Ridgle, Lawrence. Oral history interview with Lawrence Ridgle, June 9, 1999: Interview K-0144, Southern Oral History Program Collection (#4007). [Chapel Hill, N.C.]: University Library, UNC-Chapel Hill, 2008.

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Herbert, Hill. Black labor and the American legal system: Race, work, and the law. Madison, Wis: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985.

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Buchteile zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Davis, Rosie Phillips, und Connie M. Ward. „Career counseling with African Americans.“ In Career psychology: Models, concepts, and counseling for meaningful employment., 299–320. Washington: American Psychological Association, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0000339-015.

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Noel, A. Cazenave. „Violence-Centered Racial Control Systems and Mechanisms In U.S. History“. In Killing African Americans, 80–121. New York : Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2018. | Series: New critical viewpoints on society series: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429507045-3.

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Coleman, Robin R. Means. „African Americans and Broadcasting“. In A Companion to the History of American Broadcasting, 389–412. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118646151.ch18.

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Collins, Sharon M. „Occupational Mobility Among African-Americans: Assimilation or Resegregation“. In Handbook of Employment Discrimination Research, 189–200. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-09467-0_9.

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Robbins, Janice I., und Carol L. Tieso. „How Might Equality be Achieved for African Americans?“ In Engaging with History in the Classroom, 49–65. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003234937-5.

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Loue, Sana. „African Americans: History and Experience as the “Other”“. In SpringerBriefs in Social Work, 1–13. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9002-9_1.

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Al-Kuwari, Shaikha H. „History and Culture of Muslims in America“. In Arab Americans in the United States, 25–42. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-7417-7_3.

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AbstractThis chapter offers a comprehensive review of the history of Muslims in America. The chapter will be divided into three sections. The first section reviews the history of Muslims in America, including African American Muslims, Arab American Muslims, and South Asian American Muslims, and their immigration history, as well as Islamic movements and the groups’ relationships. The second section of the chapter will discuss the significance of mosques in the lives of American Muslim immigrants. This section will include ethnographic observations related to the experience of visiting mosques and the dynamic political and religious roles of mosques in Dearborn, MI. The third section of the chapter addresses the culture and identity of American Muslim immigrants as they relate to family and marriage, gender roles, and identity formation.

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Polikoff, Alexander, Elizabeth Lassar und john a. powell. „Introduction“. In A Brief History of the Subordination of African Americans in the U.S., 1–2. New York : Routledge Taylor & Francis, 2020. | Series: Routledge advances in American history; vol 15: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367823511-1.

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Polikoff, Alexander, Elizabeth Lassar und john a. powell. „The Lack of Lift-Up“. In A Brief History of the Subordination of African Americans in the U.S., 3–5. New York : Routledge Taylor & Francis, 2020. | Series: Routledge advances in American history; vol 15: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367823511-2.

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Polikoff, Alexander, Elizabeth Lassar und john a. powell. „Cause and Effect“. In A Brief History of the Subordination of African Americans in the U.S., 6–92. New York : Routledge Taylor & Francis, 2020. | Series: Routledge advances in American history; vol 15: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780367823511-3.

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Konferenzberichte zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Gitiaux, Xavier, und Huzefa Rangwala. „mdfa: Multi-Differential Fairness Auditor for Black Box Classifiers“. In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/814.

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Machine learning algorithms are increasingly involved in sensitive decision-making processes with adversarial implications on individuals. This paper presents a new tool, mdfa that identifies the characteristics of the victims of a classifier's discrimination. We measure discrimination as a violation of multi-differential fairness. Multi-differential fairness is a guarantee that a black box classifier's outcomes do not leak information on the sensitive attributes of a small group of individuals. We reduce the problem of identifying worst-case violations to matching distributions and predicting where sensitive attributes and classifier's outcomes coincide. We apply mdfa to a recidivism risk assessment classifier widely used in the United States and demonstrate that for individuals with little criminal history, identified African-Americans are three-times more likely to be considered at high risk of violent recidivism than similar non-African-Americans.

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SMITH, JENNIFER. „Placemaking through Storytelling: Remembering Sacred Spaces“. In 2021 AIA/ACSA Intersections Research Conference. ACSA Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.aia.inter.21.15.

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In an Alabama town there is a bottom-up movement to communicate under-represented, African-American history through a series of “sacred sites” in the landscape. This under- represented history includes: former slaves engaged in early city development, Black land owners, redlining practices, and racial injustice. History education presently does not have the capacity to fully discuss these truths, and there is a movement to make them apparent in our cities. Rosenwald Schools, lynching sites, cemeteries, and formerly segregated schools are considered sacred due to their significance in the African- American and simply, American experience. In The Power of Place Dolores Hayden argues that we are fascinated with the past when touring historic sites but miss opportunities to translate this to our neighborhoods imbued with place- making potential. She states, “If Americans were to find their own social history preserved in the public landscapes of their own neighborhoods and cities, then connection to the past might be different” (Hayden, 46). This connection to place and history exists for local African-American families and has potential to engage a collective city. While some histories are painful, all should be evident for united progress. As stated by a Community Remembrance Project member, “There can be no reconciliation and healing without remembering the past” (2021).

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Prazma, Charlene, Hao Li, Robert Y. Suruki, Wayne H. Anderson und Hector G. Ortega. „Subgroup Analysis As A Method For Biomarker Identification: Association Of CHI3L1 In A Subset Of African Americans With Prior History Of Exacerbation“. In American Thoracic Society 2011 International Conference, May 13-18, 2011 • Denver Colorado. American Thoracic Society, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1164/ajrccm-conference.2011.183.1_meetingabstracts.a6377.

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Purrington, Kristen S., Julie J. Ruterbusch, Mark Manning, Michael S. Simon, Jennifer Beebe-Dimmer und Ann G. Schwartz. „Abstract C042: Family history of cancer among African Americans with breast, prostate, lung, and colorectal cancers in the Detroit Research on Cancer Survivors cohort“. In Abstracts: Twelfth AACR Conference on the Science of Cancer Health Disparities in Racial/Ethnic Minorities and the Medically Underserved; September 20-23, 2019; San Francisco, CA. American Association for Cancer Research, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7755.disp19-c042.

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Macken, Jared. „The Ordinary within the Extraordinary: The Ideology and Architectural Form of Boley, an “All-Black Town” in the Prairie“. In 111th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.111.63.

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In 1908, Booker T. Washington stepped off the Fort Smith and Western Railway train into the town of Boley, Oklahoma. Washington found a bustling main street home to over 2,500 African American citizens. He described this collective of individuals as unified around a common goal, “with the definite intention of getting a home and building up a community where they can, as they say, be ‘free.’” The main street was the physical manifestation of this idea, the center of the community. It was comprised of ordinary banks, store front shops, theaters, and social clubs, all of which connected to form a dynamic cosmopolitan street— an architectural collective form. Each building aligned with its neighbor creating a single linear street, a space where the culture of the town thrived. This public space became a symbol of the extraordinary lives and ideology of its citizens, who produced an intentional utopia in the middle of the prairie. Boley is one of more than fifty “All-Black Towns” that developed in “Indian Territory” before Oklahoma became a state. Despite their prominence, these towns’ potential and influence was suppressed when the territory became a state in 1907. State development was driven by lawmaker’s ambition to control the sovereign land of Native Americans and impose control over towns like Boley by enacting Jim Crow Laws legalizing segregation. This agenda manifests itself in the form and ideology of the state’s colonial towns. However, the story of the state’s history does not reflect the narrative of colonization. Instead, it is dominated by tales of sturdy “pioneers” realizing their role within the myth of manifest destiny. In contrast, Boley’s history is an alternative to this myth, a symbol of a radical ideology of freedom, and a form that reinforces this idea. Boley’s narrative begins to debunk the myth of manifest destiny and contrast with other colonial town forms. This paper explores the relationship between the architectural form of Boley’s main street and the town’s cultural significance, linking the founding community’s ideology to architectural spaces that transformed the ordinary street into a dynamic social space. The paper compares Boley’s unified linear main street, which emphasized its citizens and their freedom, with another town typology built around the same time: Perry’s centralized courthouse square that emphasized the seat of power that was colonizing Cherokee Nation land. Analysis of these slightly varied architectural forms and ideologies reorients the historical narrative of the state. As a result, these suppressed urban stories, in particular that of Boley’s, are able to make new contributions to architectural discourse on the city and also change the dominant narratives of American Expansion.

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Berichte der Organisationen zum Thema "African americans – employment – history"

Lazonick, William, Philip Moss und Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, Mai 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss und Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, Februar 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.

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Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.

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An Innovative Scheme Brings Housing to Colombian Public Employees and Pensioners. Inter-American Development Bank, Januar 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006284.

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Almost 90 percent of adult Colombians have never had access to credit from a formal financial institution. Public employees like police officers, teachers, soldiers, and clerks encounter difficulties when accessing bank credit despite their formal employment. With low salaries, they struggle to make ends meet and face the same problems accessing credit as others living at the base of the pyramid: insufficient credit history, no collateral, and the perception that lending to them is too risky.Bayport Colombia S.A.S. is a non-bank financial intermediary that specializes in loans repayable via payroll deduction for base of the pyramid (BOP) employees in rural areas of Colombia. Founded in 2007 as FiMSA S.A.S., the firm became a subsidiary in 2011 of Bayport Management Limited, a South-African company with a presence in eight countries in Africa and 15 years of experience in areas with low levels of financial inclusion.

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